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gentleman biaggi said:
Alabama was until very recently, the traditional southern state. Dominated by Democrats with a brief intermission during reconstruction, the state saw a large black exodus and became known at the forefront of segregation. While there was a small planter-class minority in the People's Party, the separation of Knight during reconstruction largely led to the collapse of any hope for a People's Party majority. During the Long Decade they begrudgingly joined with the Commonwealth Coalition to support their fellow Southerner, but their representatives largely stopped short at anything other than what could be described as "socialism for whites". As such, the state was controlled by whites largely motivated by racial divisions, most of whom leaned conservative (often against their own interests), most famous of which was named Bull Connor, who took a stand for segregation as it became less and less popular nationwide, and who is often described as "fascistic" by northern liberals. However, even the biggest defenders of hate had to fall at a certain point, and segregation collapsed in Alabama in the 1960s. Despite Democratic fears of black voters overrunning their voter rolls, like they did in neighboring Natchez (which voted in Republicans and then the Black Citizens Movement after segregation), the lack of a truly massive black population in Alabama prevented this from happening. Instead, the state continued to be dominated by Democrats, and Connor even remained in power until the 1970s, despite national attention on his regime.

However, while Democrats, mostly at the hands of corrupt elections and rigged outcomes, have long held the balance of power in Alabama, the late 1970s and 1980s experienced a truly competitive era of elections in Alabama. In 1975, after 17 straight years of Bull Connor at the helm of Alabama state politics, the state population overthrew him, electing an unwieldly coalition of Republicans from the suburbs, the Black Citizens Movement from black areas, Labor and the remains of the People's Party from the Appalachian and agrarian areas in the state, and the tiny Independent Democratic Party forged an alliance together that became known as the "Opposition Coalition". The coalition elected John Buchanan, a Republican pastor from Birmingham, as their leader, and Buchanan's alliance warred with Democrats, entering and exiting governments as conservative Democrat Fob James took power within the Democratic Party. However, the coalition soon fell into infighting, as various different groups vied for power, and even by the mid-1990s Liberal Revolution, the Democratic Party had returned to its natural position of dominance. Fob James, who ended up retiring as the longest-serving Democratic leader in 2004 ruled through the state with an iron fist, and his successor, Roy Moore, wasn't much better.

When looking at the newest opposition figure in Alabama, one must look at two things. The first was the result of the 2015 legislative election. 2015 was the Democrats best result since the 1960s, as they swept almost every party out of power, with the exception of the Black Citizens Movement. The party's far-ranging coalition, fed race-baiting politics and pork throughout the campaign was so dominant it reached into Appalachia and suburbia, killing any hopes for an opposition candidacy fighting back. The second thing one must look at is the success of the University of Alabama's incredible football program. As the Democrats swept their opponents in December of 2015, the University of Alabama Crimson Tide were well on their way to a third straight claimed national championship season, finishing 13-0 and defeating the Southwestern Conference's representative in Arkansas in the Dixie Bowl on New Year's Day to clinch their title. However, only a decade before the team had largely been known as a colossal failure throughout the 1990s and early 2000s, until the hire of South Carolina Gamecocks coach Robby Wells. Wells won five national championships and completely turned the college around. As such, it shocked Alabamians when Wells, fresh off of a 11-2 season, announced his retirement in 2018, at the young age of 50. Wells was expected to turn around and enter the Southern Football League as a coach, but instead shocked Alabamians again when he announced he was not only going to be competing in the next legislative election, but starting his own party. Wells had long been known as a political man, and his new party, Wells for Alabama, soon gained massive popularity. Wells attacked a "broken system" in Alabama, and hoped to bring together a coalition similar to the Opposition Coalition with his strange fusion of ideologies. Shockingly, Wells' party swept the 2019 elections, largely thanks to massive margins in Birmingham, Tuscaloosa, and their suburbs and formed a government with the support of the Black Citizens Movement.

While Wells' victory is largely seen as a victory for the opposition in Alabama, his governing coalition is largely seen as in "disarray", as its largely made up of people who agreed with Wells on only a few issues, or even some of his close friends, along with the "difficult" BCM. Wells, while popular, has struggled to lead his government effectively, and many speculate he may be returning to coaching, albeit up north this time. If he did, he would likely leave Alabama to what it traditionally is, a Democratic dominated state.


Parties

Government:
Wells for Alabama - Wells for Alabama, a party founded by Robby Wells, often described as the greatest head coach in Alabama football history, is largely made up of a variety of political ideologies, often contradicting each other, that largely unite due to opposition to the Democrats. The party's base is largely in urban and suburban areas, although they also swept the votes of long-Republican held Cullman County, a rural county dominated by German-Americans, and have done substantially well in rural areas. Wells himself is attempting the noble goals of full employment and balancing the budget at the same time, but the party is often described as "unserious" and often relies on moderate Democratic votes to stay in power. Meanwhile, many social progressives attack the party as "no different" from the Democrats, largely due to Wells' strong socially conservative ideals that dominate the party.

Black Citizens Movement - The BCM of Alabama, quite similarly to the BCM of its surrounding states, dominates the black vote, particularly in rural areas. However, as Alabama is only 25% black, the Alabama BCM has much less strength than in other states, which has led to the Alabama Democratic Party's dominance. Instead the BCM largely hopes to gain power through coalitions, and their coalition with WfA has helped them bring more support to the states' black community.

Opposition:
Democratic - The party of Dixie, the Alabama Democratic Party traditionally controls the vast majority of the white vote, and in recent years has destroyed the Labor and Republican parties in the state. Race-baiting, pork, and often unfair election practices dominate the party, and Roy Moore, their floor leader, still controls the party (and much of the state) despite some setbacks. In the few years where the Democrats have been out of power, fears of paramilitary tactics, once a hallmark of the state Democrats during the 1960s and 1970s, returned. However, Wells' "Security Promise" has largely prevented such incidents from happening. Instead, Democrats have rebounded in the polls, and look to be victorious in the next election, especially with Wells soliciting offers from the dominant football college of his home state, Furman.

Republican - The last vestige of opposition to the Democrats, the Republicans were wiped out of their suburban and Cullman County-based seats in 2019 by Wells, losing their final seats in the legislature. As of right now they sit with the Labor Party, which was similarly wiped out, polling under 3%, and with fears that they'll lose official party status when the next election comes around.

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Thanks I hate it
 
Alaska is a very strange state, both politically and culturally. Although many states often recognize more than one language as an "official language" in their state, Alaska has the honor of housing over twenty. The state was originally colonized by Russia, and was held onto until the 1890s, when it was lost during the Russo-Japanese War. Although there had been attempts to purchase the state by the United States for decades, it was largely drawn out, and instead purchased in 1907, largely due to the large American population that subsisted there during the Gold Rush and due to a Russian need to pay off war debts. However, while a large American presence existed in the newly-purchased territory, so did a massive Russian and Alaskan Native population, both of which had substantial roots in the territory. New American explorers were greeted by not just harsh winter and hard to access territory, but also collections of unfriendly Russian Orthodox citizens, too stubborn to return home. It was also during this time that a large Japanese population began flowing into the area. The Japanese, expecting a "chunk" of the territory after war, sent travelers to the area, many of whom brought substantial family along with them. Fears of a conflict between the United States and Japan led American president Grover Cleveland to sell a chunk of the new land to Japan, angering the Russians. From the 1900s to the 1930s, this is what Alaska remained, a territory divided by the 160 degrees west meridian. Sparsely populated by an increasingly conservative and angry Russian and Alaskan Native population pushed out by the Japanese, and a few English settlers. However, when the Russian Revolution hit, members of the Green and White Army, both of whom were backed by president Woodrow Wilson, were allowed to settle in the territory, just so long as they didn't disturb the Japanese while crossing the border. The movement grew the Russian population even more in the state, and lasting until the 1930s it had a supermajority of speakers in the territory.

Of course, when the Second Great War occurred during the Long Decade, the Americans and Japanese were once again at each others throats. While far-away Alaska had long been seen as a "foreign" land by many mainland Americans, the stories of ex-White and ex-Green army soldiers defending the American border from the Japanese was a major propaganda coup, and after American victory, the slice of Alaska once given to Japan was given back to the United States. Huey Long's successor, Robert E. Quinn, was now forced to make a decision. Many questioned whether or not the territory, which many now saw as incredibly valuable against the Soviet Union, should be "sewn together" or "kept apart". While Quinn, who was much more anti-Communist than his predecessor, feared ethnic conflict, he saw the Japanese-Alaskans and Russian-Alaskans as united by a similar anti-Communist sentiment, and decided to "sow together" the territory. An increase in American military bases saw Alaska's English-speaking population rise, and the state became seen as less and less foreign by the American people. When a more conservative government entered power in the 1950s, Alaskan statehood became a key priority, as the Alaskan people were largely seen as anti-Communist and conservative. However, it was Commonwealth Coalition ally Anthony "Tony" Diamond who proposed what would become known as the "Unity Pledge" in Alaska. Diamond, an English speaking mainlander who had gained support from many ethnic groups in the state, proposed the so-called "Language Board" style of governance. Under the D'Hondt method, each "linguistic group" (split into Russian, English, Japanese, and 'Alaskan Native') would get their own portion of the seats, and a government would be formed through this. This proposal mostly soothed the Japanese population in the state (who would likely be outnumbered by Russian interests) and the English national government (who feared a Russian dominated state). Among Russian-Alaskans the proposal was met with some skepticism, but largely supported by the political class, who themselves feared the results of mainland American and Japanese immigration on their interests. Among Alaskan Natives, the "umbrella term" for all of their various languages was incredibly controversial, but as with much of American history their interests were ignored. Smaller controversies over less popular languages (particularly German and Tagalog) were handwaved away.

In Alaska’s first ever state election, Tony Diamond led a strange unity coalition that was substantially to the left of the state, and was as such defeated soon afterwards. Instead what occurred was a variation of conservative governments led by the Russian Orthodox братство (Brotherhood) Party, the Japanese Riberaru (Liberal) Party, the mainland Democratic Party, and a variety of minor Native Alaskan parties. This coalition was led by two men who “alternated” power as premier for two decades. The first was Russian far right leader Constantine Kromiadi. Kromiadi was an ex-White Army member who was known for his extreme anti Communist views and being quietly aligned with the Nazis in the Second Great War. Kromiadi was originally hesitant to join with the Japanese Liberals, who he had resentment towards as a longtime Russian and Orthodox nationalist. However, shared anti-Communist and far-right political sentiments allowed the groups to ally with one another. Meanwhile, the Liberals were led by Allen Ohata, a Japanese soldier in Japanese America who ended up being appointed as a high ranking leader during the “transitional period” of Western Alaska’s existence. Ohata’s ties to both the Japanese-Alaskan soldiers who fought the United States and the US Government made him a premier politician in the new state. While Kromiadi was a fascist in the White Russian breed, Ohata was ironically a much more American style fascist, valuing unity above all else and approaching the politic of the new state as a battle against “radicals”. The two’s leadership of the state saw little challenge from opposition factors, although there were attempts to outflank the Brotherhood and Liberal parries from the right, due to ethnic differences, most opposition was crushed under a brutal machine.

That was, of course, until the late 1970s. The Brotherhood-Liberal-Democratic-Various alliance had softened and its leaders were aging. However, the state had failed to produce any true opposition to the machine, so dominance was expected to last for several more decades under newer leadership. Instead, two new men, the English-speaking Joe Vogler and Alaskan Native Don Wright would rise to the forefront of state politic. Both men became leaders of the Alaskan Independence Party, and in 1977, along with lesser-known Russian and Japanese allies Vladimir Yaroslavovich and Gomi Morie (1), the group traveled the state promoting an “All-Board” ticket that saw a massive amount of popularity. Economic and political anxiety, along with massive support from Alaskan Natives, led to the Alaskan Independence Party nearly being able to form a government. As such, the politics of the state changed. No longer was the state divided by a left or right spectrum, it was now divided by the issue of independence. With this came the era of “Fusion Politics” as two new broad alliances were formed between independence activists and unity activists. The Alaskan Independence movement was largely just the Independence party itself, but it was soon joined by the far right национальный фронт (National Front), which wanted to make Alaska its own Orthodox Fascist nation, and the Alaskan Native Federation, which was in the “New Left” tradition of the 1980s. Meanwhile, the unionists have a far-reaching coalition, ranging from the near-anarchist remnants of the Green Army in the зеленый (directly translated as Green but denoted as Green-Agrarian by English speaking observers in order to separate them from the Young Greens) to the extremely far right Brotherhood Party. While many moderate observers predicted that such a coalition would cause the governing forces to moderate, it largely hasn’t. Alaska remains a state dominated by various far right sects, and despite the heavy military culture in the state, there is a “ban” on Catholic mainlanders serving in the state due to the heavy influence of far right Russian Orthodox figures. However, the state has not just been governed by the unity coalition. In 1984, the Alaskan Independence alliance scraped together a bare majority (largely thanks to dictatorial margins in the Native Alaskan Language Board) , allowing them to hold an Alaskan Independence Referendum in 1985, the first of its kind in the United States. However, the referendum failed, and the party would not return to power until 2007, where they tried again and yet again failed. The Alaskan Independence alliance hasn’t returned to power since, but maintains a substantial presence in the state even as both of its major leaders have passed away.

Today, Alaska is much more divided than it ever was in the pre-Independence movement era. Divisions based on geographic location and ethnicity dominate the state as it continues to question its own existence. Oil and military influence keeps the state as a crown jewel of the United States. While independence or the lack thereof is the main political question, others have dominated the state in recent years. Under the much more Native-friendly Alaskan Independence rule in 2007, the state allowed the creation of Indian casinos, which has brought in millions for the states Native population. Not only this, but oil revenues and what to do with them, particularly in the era of the Alaskan Oil Fund has led to conflict as well. Still, the state is mainly focused on one issue, and it seems like it will until the end of time.


Parties:

Unity Coalition/Government:
Organized by language board, party name provided in home language along with Romanized home language and then English in smaller text. All parties referred to by English translation.

Russian:
братство Bratstvo, Brotherhood - The dominant party of the Russian Language Board since its inception, the Brotherhood Party is one of the most far right parties in the country, housing an extreme right wing form of Russian Orthodoxy that pushes it to the right on almost all major issues. Although the days of escaping from the Soviet Union appear to be largely over, don't tell these voters that! Large drives in support of Russian emigres (despite their dislike of "certain" Russian emigres (read: Jews)) from the Soviet Union still occur all over the state. Meanwhile, their continued leadership of the Unity Coalition has led the state to maintain its xenophobic stance, as, outside of "pure" Russian and Japanese immigrants, little immigration to the state occurs. While they are pretty much hard right on everything, the Brotherhood Party's want to be "left alone" by the federal government as it were, led them to the creation of the Alaskan Oil Fund, a rare left wing economic policy in a state with little others.

Зелено-Аграрный Zeleno-Agraranyy, Green-Agrarian - The opposition within the Russian-Alaskan community, the Green-Agrarian Party was once the remnants of the Green Army, and once had considerable strength in the state before its statehood, leading to conflicts between former members of the Green and White Armies. However, the Second Great War and the united effort against the Japanese and then against the Communists broke down much of the left wing spirit in the Russian community. The communes the Green-Agrarians thrived in were burned, their communities flooded with soldiers, and their policies ignored. Today they are little more than Alaska's wing of the People's Party, and are about as inefficient as the other statewide branches (outside of Knight and Sioux). They are generally very unhappy allies of the Unity Coalition, but see it as the "only possible outcome".

English:
Democratic - Alaska's English-speaking population ended up being populated at first by mostly conservative Democrats, as a large amount of southern military recruits in the 1950s and 1960s spread to the state. When those recruits retired and moved into Fairbanks and Anchorage, they brought their conservative values with them, and as such, the Democratic Party dominated the English language board for decades. While they dominated the cities and the western portion of the state, they also dominated the interior due to conflicts between the mainlanders and Native Alaskans, which allowed similar racial views to the ones permeated in the south being permeated in the state. However, growing political opposition has broke the monopoly the Democrats once had, but they still hold extreme amounts of power in the cities.

Veterans - A mainstay in any non-mainlander state with a high military population, the Veterans Party of Alaska, founded in the 1980s, is no exception. As a new, more liberal military flooded Alaska, its members became less and less associated with the Democrats, and as such the Veteran Party grew in massive numbers. Today they dominate the western portion of the state, where most military men are stationed due to continuing conflicts with the Soviets, along with the suburbs, where a more moderate military class has retired to. However, Democrats have largely locked them out of the cities and more agrarian areas, leading to a heavy split in the English language board. The Veterans Party has come up on top in the Board several times, leading to a more "moderate" English policy, but as of 2020 they are in second place.

Independent Progressive-Labor - The party of perseverance. Despite a high public sector population, Alaska has failed to build a "union culture", and as such, its original Labor Party was banned for being taken over by Communists. Despite several attempts to revive the now-PLP in Alaska, the lack of left wing support in the English-speaking population led to no real Labor Party being formed. That was of course until 1995, when the new Independent Progressive-Labor Party, a pretty centrist wing of the national party, took over the state's left wing itch, and hasn't looked back. They hold power within oil workers in the state, and have surprisingly been a major cause for the Unity Coalition's slow move to the center.

Republicans - Once the main opposition to the Democrats, the Veterans Party has wiped them out in what many have described as "Republicanization", in which the centrist Republicans are largely replaced en masse by a more appealing Republican opponent. Due to the battles in suburbs between Veterans and Independence, the Republicans are now seen as "wasted votes", and have little appeal, with zero seats in the state legislature.

Japanese:
リベラル Riberaru, Liberal - The Liberal Party of Alaska is often joked about on the mainland, as they are anything BUT liberal. Instead, they are a far-right party comprised of Japanese-Alaskans who are often less than ashamed about their Japanese imperial roots. Despite similar xenophobia to the Brotherhood Party, they are largely willing collationers, but want total control over the state. They hold immense strength all over the map within the Japanese language board, particularly on the western edges of the island.

フリーダム Furīdamu, Freedom - The main opposition to the Liberals within the Japanese Language Board, the Freedom Party is really more of a hodge-podge collection of center-left political goals. As the Japanese Language Board becomes even more right wing, with the Restoration Party gaining uncomfortable amounts of power, they continue to be squished out, and mostly win amongst centrist suburbanites who are uncomfortable with all other options.

Alaskan Native
i am not translating all of these languages. i am sorry.

Conservative - The Alaskan Native Language Board is dominated by independence members, and as such, the Conservative Party, the only true Alaskan Native Party advocating for Unity, the Conservative Party, is mostly regarded as a joke. They barely reached the threshold in 2020, and are generally hated.

Alaskan Independence Coalition/Most of the Opposition

Alaskan Independence - The party itself. Although it aligns with several smaller parties, the Alaskan Independence Party dominates its coalition, as its "four leaders" strategy has generally worked for them. They win the most in the Native Language Board, where they face only minor opposition (and sucked in the Alaskan Native Federation), while they win the least in the Japanese Language Board, largely due to the strength of the Restoration Party. They are a big tent, with various different interests working with them together in order to build a coalition hopefully strong enough to provide independence. Time will tell if they are successful, but they continue to push the issue, allowing them to stay in the headlines.

Tlingit Ḵwáans Alliance - Although many parties have tried to represent their own specific Native culture, the TKA has largely been the most successful, largely due to their high population in the southern "panhandle region". They are largely allowed large victories in said regions by the Alaskan Independence Party, and are considered strong allies to the party.

национальный фронт Natsional'nyy front, National Front - The National Front is an attempt from the Alaskan Independence Party to be even more far right than the Brotherhood Party, as they are backed by a group hoping to turn Alaska into an Orthodox ethostate. How they plan to do this is anyone's guess, and many have described them as "controlled opposition" in order to win voters.


Remaining Opposition:
復元 Fukugen, Restoration - The Restoration Party sits alone in the Alaska State Legislature, as it exists largely in between two paths. It doesn't want to become independent, and it doesn't want to remain a state. Instead the Restoration Party wants to "restore" not just Alaska west of the 160th west meridian, but the entire state to Japanese rule. Interestingly it doesn't receive support from Western Alaska, but instead more Eastern areas, which are described as "xenophobic" towards even Russian rule. Still, it is mostly kept out of power, and its demands are ignored.​


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gentleman biaggi said:
Alaska is a very strange state, both politically and culturally. Although many states often recognize more than one language as an "official language" in their state, Alaska has the honor of housing over twenty. The state was originally colonized by Russia, and was held onto until the 1890s, when it was lost during the Russo-Japanese War. Although there had been attempts to purchase the state by the United States for decades, it was largely drawn out, and instead purchased in 1907, largely due to the large American population that subsisted there during the Gold Rush and due to a Russian need to pay off war debts. However, while a large American presence existed in the newly-purchased territory, so did a massive Russian and Alaskan Native population, both of which had substantial roots in the territory. New American explorers were greeted by not just harsh winter and hard to access territory, but also collections of unfriendly Russian Orthodox citizens, too stubborn to return home. It was also during this time that a large Japanese population began flowing into the area. The Japanese, expecting a "chunk" of the territory after war, sent travelers to the area, many of whom brought substantial family along with them. Fears of a conflict between the United States and Japan led American president Grover Cleveland to sell a chunk of the new land to Japan, angering the Russians. From the 1900s to the 1930s, this is what Alaska remained, a territory divided by the 160 degrees west meridian. Sparsely populated by an increasingly conservative and angry Russian and Alaskan Native population pushed out by the Japanese, and a few English settlers. However, when the Russian Revolution hit, members of the Green and White Army, both of whom were backed by president Woodrow Wilson, were allowed to settle in the territory, just so long as they didn't disturb the Japanese while crossing the border. The movement grew the Russian population even more in the state, and lasting until the 1930s it had a supermajority of speakers in the territory.

Of course, when the Second Great War occurred during the Long Decade, the Americans and Japanese were once again at each others throats. While far-away Alaska had long been seen as a "foreign" land by many mainland Americans, the stories of ex-White and ex-Green army soldiers defending the American border from the Japanese was a major propaganda coup, and after American victory, the slice of Alaska once given to Japan was given back to the United States. Huey Long's successor, Robert E. Quinn, was now forced to make a decision. Many questioned whether or not the territory, which many now saw as incredibly valuable against the Soviet Union, should be "sewn together" or "kept apart". While Quinn, who was much more anti-Communist than his predecessor, feared ethnic conflict, he saw the Japanese-Alaskans and Russian-Alaskans as united by a similar anti-Communist sentiment, and decided to "sow together" the territory. An increase in American military bases saw Alaska's English-speaking population rise, and the state became seen as less and less foreign by the American people. When a more conservative government entered power in the 1950s, Alaskan statehood became a key priority, as the Alaskan people were largely seen as anti-Communist and conservative. However, it was Commonwealth Coalition ally Anthony "Tony" Diamond who proposed what would become known as the "Unity Pledge" in Alaska. Diamond, an English speaking mainlander who had gained support from many ethnic groups in the state, proposed the so-called "Language Board" style of governance. Under the D'Hondt method, each "linguistic group" (split into Russian, English, Japanese, and 'Alaskan Native') would get their own portion of the seats, and a government would be formed through this. This proposal mostly soothed the Japanese population in the state (who would likely be outnumbered by Russian interests) and the English national government (who feared a Russian dominated state). Among Russian-Alaskans the proposal was met with some skepticism, but largely supported by the political class, who themselves feared the results of mainland American and Japanese immigration on their interests. Among Alaskan Natives, the "umbrella term" for all of their various languages was incredibly controversial, but as with much of American history their interests were ignored. Smaller controversies over less popular languages (particularly German and Tagalog) were handwaved away.

In Alaska’s first ever state election, Tony Diamond led a strange unity coalition that was substantially to the left of the state, and was as such defeated soon afterwards. Instead what occurred was a variation of conservative governments led by the Russian Orthodox братство (Brotherhood) Party, the Japanese Riberaru (Liberal) Party, the mainland Democratic Party, and a variety of minor Native Alaskan parties. This coalition was led by two men who “alternated” power as premier for two decades. The first was Russian far right leader Constantine Kromiadi. Kromiadi was an ex-White Army member who was known for his extreme anti Communist views and being quietly aligned with the Nazis in the Second Great War. Kromiadi was originally hesitant to join with the Japanese Liberals, who he had resentment towards as a longtime Russian and Orthodox nationalist. However, shared anti-Communist and far-right political sentiments allowed the groups to ally with one another. Meanwhile, the Liberals were led by Allen Ohata, a Japanese soldier in Japanese America who ended up being appointed as a high ranking leader during the “transitional period” of Western Alaska’s existence. Ohata’s ties to both the Japanese-Alaskan soldiers who fought the United States and the US Government made him a premier politician in the new state. While Kromiadi was a fascist in the White Russian breed, Ohata was ironically a much more American style fascist, valuing unity above all else and approaching the politic of the new state as a battle against “radicals”. The two’s leadership of the state saw little challenge from opposition factors, although there were attempts to outflank the Brotherhood and Liberal parries from the right, due to ethnic differences, most opposition was crushed under a brutal machine.

That was, of course, until the late 1970s. The Brotherhood-Liberal-Democratic-Various alliance had softened and its leaders were aging. However, the state had failed to produce any true opposition to the machine, so dominance was expected to last for several more decades under newer leadership. Instead, two new men, the English-speaking Joe Vogler and Alaskan Native Don Wright would rise to the forefront of state politic. Both men became leaders of the Alaskan Independence Party, and in 1977, along with lesser-known Russian and Japanese allies Vladimir Yaroslavovich and Gomi Morie (1), the group traveled the state promoting an “All-Board” ticket that saw a massive amount of popularity. Economic and political anxiety, along with massive support from Alaskan Natives, led to the Alaskan Independence Party nearly being able to form a government. As such, the politics of the state changed. No longer was the state divided by a left or right spectrum, it was now divided by the issue of independence. With this came the era of “Fusion Politics” as two new broad alliances were formed between independence activists and unity activists. The Alaskan Independence movement was largely just the Independence party itself, but it was soon joined by the far right национальный фронт (National Front), which wanted to make Alaska its own Orthodox Fascist nation, and the Alaskan Native Federation, which was in the “New Left” tradition of the 1980s. Meanwhile, the unionists have a far-reaching coalition, ranging from the near-anarchist remnants of the Green Army in the зеленый (directly translated as Green but denoted as Green-Agrarian by English speaking observers in order to separate them from the Young Greens) to the extremely far right Brotherhood Party. While many moderate observers predicted that such a coalition would cause the governing forces to moderate, it largely hasn’t. Alaska remains a state dominated by various far right sects, and despite the heavy military culture in the state, there is a “ban” on Catholic mainlanders serving in the state due to the heavy influence of far right Russian Orthodox figures. However, the state has not just been governed by the unity coalition. In 1984, the Alaskan Independence alliance scraped together a bare majority (largely thanks to dictatorial margins in the Native Alaskan Language Board) , allowing them to hold an Alaskan Independence Referendum in 1985, the first of its kind in the United States. However, the referendum failed, and the party would not return to power until 2007, where they tried again and yet again failed. The Alaskan Independence alliance hasn’t returned to power since, but maintains a substantial presence in the state even as both of its major leaders have passed away.

Today, Alaska is much more divided than it ever was in the pre-Independence movement era. Divisions based on geographic location and ethnicity dominate the state as it continues to question its own existence. Oil and military influence keeps the state as a crown jewel of the United States. While independence or the lack thereof is the main political question, others have dominated the state in recent years. Under the much more Native-friendly Alaskan Independence rule in 2007, the state allowed the creation of Indian casinos, which has brought in millions for the states Native population. Not only this, but oil revenues and what to do with them, particularly in the era of the Alaskan Oil Fund has led to conflict as well. Still, the state is mainly focused on one issue, and it seems like it will until the end of time.


Parties:

Unity Coalition/Government:
Organized by language board, party name provided in home language along with Romanized home language and then English in smaller text. All parties referred to by English translation.

Russian:
братство Bratstvo, Brotherhood - The dominant party of the Russian Language Board since its inception, the Brotherhood Party is one of the most far right parties in the country, housing an extreme right wing form of Russian Orthodoxy that pushes it to the right on almost all major issues. Although the days of escaping from the Soviet Union appear to be largely over, don't tell these voters that! Large drives in support of Russian emigres (despite their dislike of "certain" Russian emigres (read: Jews)) from the Soviet Union still occur all over the state. Meanwhile, their continued leadership of the Unity Coalition has led the state to maintain its xenophobic stance, as, outside of "pure" Russian and Japanese immigrants, little immigration to the state occurs. While they are pretty much hard right on everything, the Brotherhood Party's want to be "left alone" by the federal government as it were, led them to the creation of the Alaskan Oil Fund, a rare left wing economic policy in a state with little others.

Зелено-Аграрный Zeleno-Agraranyy, Green-Agrarian - The opposition within the Russian-Alaskan community, the Green-Agrarian Party was once the remnants of the Green Army, and once had considerable strength in the state before its statehood, leading to conflicts between former members of the Green and White Armies. However, the Second Great War and the united effort against the Japanese and then against the Communists broke down much of the left wing spirit in the Russian community. The communes the Green-Agrarians thrived in were burned, their communities flooded with soldiers, and their policies ignored. Today they are little more than Alaska's wing of the People's Party, and are about as inefficient as the other statewide branches (outside of Knight and Sioux). They are generally very unhappy allies of the Unity Coalition, but see it as the "only possible outcome".

English:
Democratic - Alaska's English-speaking population ended up being populated at first by mostly conservative Democrats, as a large amount of southern military recruits in the 1950s and 1960s spread to the state. When those recruits retired and moved into Fairbanks and Anchorage, they brought their conservative values with them, and as such, the Democratic Party dominated the English language board for decades. While they dominated the cities and the western portion of the state, they also dominated the interior due to conflicts between the mainlanders and Native Alaskans, which allowed similar racial views to the ones permeated in the south being permeated in the state. However, growing political opposition has broke the monopoly the Democrats once had, but they still hold extreme amounts of power in the cities.

Veterans - A mainstay in any non-mainlander state with a high military population, the Veterans Party of Alaska, founded in the 1980s, is no exception. As a new, more liberal military flooded Alaska, its members became less and less associated with the Democrats, and as such the Veteran Party grew in massive numbers. Today they dominate the western portion of the state, where most military men are stationed due to continuing conflicts with the Soviets, along with the suburbs, where a more moderate military class has retired to. However, Democrats have largely locked them out of the cities and more agrarian areas, leading to a heavy split in the English language board. The Veterans Party has come up on top in the Board several times, leading to a more "moderate" English policy, but as of 2020 they are in second place.

Independent Progressive-Labor - The party of perseverance. Despite a high public sector population, Alaska has failed to build a "union culture", and as such, its original Labor Party was banned for being taken over by Communists. Despite several attempts to revive the now-PLP in Alaska, the lack of left wing support in the English-speaking population led to no real Labor Party being formed. That was of course until 1995, when the new Independent Progressive-Labor Party, a pretty centrist wing of the national party, took over the state's left wing itch, and hasn't looked back. They hold power within oil workers in the state, and have surprisingly been a major cause for the Unity Coalition's slow move to the center.

Republicans - Once the main opposition to the Democrats, the Veterans Party has wiped them out in what many have described as "Republicanization", in which the centrist Republicans are largely replaced en masse by a more appealing Republican opponent. Due to the battles in suburbs between Veterans and Independence, the Republicans are now seen as "wasted votes", and have little appeal, with zero seats in the state legislature.

Japanese:
リベラル Riberaru, Liberal - The Liberal Party of Alaska is often joked about on the mainland, as they are anything BUT liberal. Instead, they are a far-right party comprised of Japanese-Alaskans who are often less than ashamed about their Japanese imperial roots. Despite similar xenophobia to the Brotherhood Party, they are largely willing collationers, but want total control over the state. They hold immense strength all over the map within the Japanese language board, particularly on the western edges of the island.

フリーダム Furīdamu, Freedom - The main opposition to the Liberals within the Japanese Language Board, the Freedom Party is really more of a hodge-podge collection of center-left political goals. As the Japanese Language Board becomes even more right wing, with the Restoration Party gaining uncomfortable amounts of power, they continue to be squished out, and mostly win amongst centrist suburbanites who are uncomfortable with all other options.

Alaskan Native
i am not translating all of these languages. i am sorry.

Conservative - The Alaskan Native Language Board is dominated by independence members, and as such, the Conservative Party, the only true Alaskan Native Party advocating for Unity, the Conservative Party, is mostly regarded as a joke. They barely reached the threshold in 2020, and are generally hated.

Alaskan Independence Coalition/Most of the Opposition

Alaskan Independence - The party itself. Although it aligns with several smaller parties, the Alaskan Independence Party dominates its coalition, as its "four leaders" strategy has generally worked for them. They win the most in the Native Language Board, where they face only minor opposition (and sucked in the Alaskan Native Federation), while they win the least in the Japanese Language Board, largely due to the strength of the Restoration Party. They are a big tent, with various different interests working with them together in order to build a coalition hopefully strong enough to provide independence. Time will tell if they are successful, but they continue to push the issue, allowing them to stay in the headlines.

Tlingit Ḵwáans Alliance - Although many parties have tried to represent their own specific Native culture, the TKA has largely been the most successful, largely due to their high population in the southern "panhandle region". They are largely allowed large victories in said regions by the Alaskan Independence Party, and are considered strong allies to the party.

национальный фронт Natsional'nyy front, National Front - The National Front is an attempt from the Alaskan Independence Party to be even more far right than the Brotherhood Party, as they are backed by a group hoping to turn Alaska into an Orthodox ethostate. How they plan to do this is anyone's guess, and many have described them as "controlled opposition" in order to win voters.


Remaining Opposition:
復元 Fukugen, Restoration - The Restoration Party sits alone in the Alaska State Legislature, as it exists largely in between two paths. It doesn't want to become independent, and it doesn't want to remain a state. Instead the Restoration Party wants to "restore" not just Alaska west of the 160th west meridian, but the entire state to Japanese rule. Interestingly it doesn't receive support from Western Alaska, but instead more Eastern areas, which are described as "xenophobic" towards even Russian rule. Still, it is mostly kept out of power, and its demands are ignored.
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This is beautiful thank you
 
Unlike many other states, Arapaho is a state with a strong People's Party, largely due to historical reasons. The state was created out of northeastern Colorado and the former Nebraska panhandle in the 1890s after a conflict over irrigation laws spilled over into two states. When it was inevitably created in 1898, it was a People's Party lock, voting for Sylvester Pennoyer in 1900s by a massive margin. As the 20th century grew, it rarely strayed from People's Party dominance, and when Huey Long constructed his fabled Commonwealth Coalition, with the People's Party joining in, Arapaho followed behind him, giving large majorities to the Commonwealth Coalition and its allies. However, by the 1950s, the CC collapsed, and outside of a tight-knit collection of western states (and Knight), the People's Party fell apart nationally, especially after the unification of the Progressive and Labor parties in the 1970s. However, in the heavily rural Arapaho, they maintained a strict power structure, and never failed to lock down the state.

While the People's Party is still largely dominant, a few things have made their dominance less, well, dominant. First of all, the western part of the state is only a few miles east (and north) of Denver, which is growing rapidly, and as such much of western Arapaho contains suburbs of the growing city. Said suburbs provide a Republican presence in the state that, due to a lack of anything that would make voters Republican (suburbs, high German population, etc) has created the first real attempts of the Republican Party to gain power in the state. As such, the Arapaho Republican Party is much different than even other parties in nearby states, as it attempts to appeal to both suburban and rural voters, largely through a strange synthesis of "safety conservatism" (as described by former party chair Mike Coffman) where the party is mostly only socially conservative on issues that are perceived to effect the home, such as homosexuals and drug use instead of more far-reaching social conservatism and economic moderacy that favors high subsidies for farmers while cutting off "urban freeloaders". Meanwhile, the explosion of Hiram Scott College, partially through HSC's promotion as the premier sports college of Arapaho, as a "feeder system" of rural athletes has helped the college not only move to Division I-A, but to the Mountain States Conference, where it preforms quite well. Hiram Scott's population increase has helped a left-wing community in the college grow, and with it the Progressive Labor Party has risen out of it and Arapaho's biggest city, Scottsbluff. The Progressive Labor Party was largely ignored in the state, even during the Commonwealth Coalition era, and its recent rise has interested political analysis.

Of course, in Arapaho, the longtime opposition to the People's Party was led by the Democratic Party, which, along with most others in the region, largely takes its votes from the Mormon population and more libertarian-leaning areas. As such, they have maintained a strong influence in the state, as "wanting to be left alone" by government is a popular sentiment here. As such, Democrats have created governments in years where the People's Party has lacked its traditional strength. However, while these governments were once frequent, the splitting of the opposition's vote has caused Democrats to be in the wilderness since the end of the "Liberal Revolution" in the mid-1990s.

However, while Arapaho lies somewhere in between the west, the plains states, and the midwest, it largely lacks the other characteristics of other states. There is little coal or oil to be ripped out of the earth like in Colorado or Montana. There isn't a truly large Mormon population like in Utah or Idaho. Despite the states' name, there is little Native Americans in the region like in Dakota or Sioux. Despite heavy suburban growth, the state is still very rural, and very low education. Farming is king in Arapaho, and farmers generally back the People's Party through thick and thin. The strength of the People's Party has made the state one of the more left wing ones in the nation, at least on economic issues.

Parties:

Government:
People's - Largely dead in many states, the People's Party of Arapaho remains strong off the back off support from farmers, who see the party as the "natural party of governance". As such, the leftist ideals of the People's Party have seeped into the state at-large, creating a state with a large economic left wing, with heavy subsidies on farming and government projects scattered across the state. On social issues they remain more moderate, but a "live and let live" policy has allowed the state to be one of the more accepting of things such as gay couples, who are in fact commonplace in places like Scottsbluff. The People's Party dominance is often used to compare Arapaho to its "cousin" West Kansas, a state who's creation ironically left Kansas with a panhandle, while Arapaho robbed Nebraska of its. West Kansas is largely seen as a libertarian paradise, with the states' Democratic Party embracing its Libertarianism, creating a state where prostitution and gay couples are not out of place, while the economy is almost entirely decentralized. Arapaho is very often defined as the opposite, although it is more socially liberal than expected.

Opposition:
Democratic - The party of libertarians and Mormons in the western plains, Arapaho doesn't have much of the former so it mostly appeals to the latter. The growth in the states' libertarian movement has been largely slowed by the once prominent "back to the land" movement focusing more on West Kansas. Still, wanting to be left alone by the government never gets old in Arapaho, and Democrats here have a distinct libertarian bent. However, this mostly keeps them at second place in most constituencies, but a rise of libertarian ideals out of Hiram Scott College has allowed them to finish second there as well, allowing for hope to remain alive among the Democrats in Arapaho.

Republican - The party of the suburbs is seeing an unforeseen rise in Arapaho, as Denver's expansion and the ideology of "safety conservatism" has allowed them to push towards new heights. However, they still remain a distant third behind the People's and Democratic parties, and many within the party fear the party's growth is occurring too slowly. Suburban voters are also not as in line with the Republicans in Arapaho, as the Stalinist margins they run up in states like Nebraska aren't the same in Arapaho.

Progressive-Labor - Left wing ideals in the state's biggest city keep the PLP alive, as urban unionization is quite low, and farmers unions are all People's Party machines. The Progressive-Labor Party searches for votes outside of Scottsbluff, and those are often very hard to find.

Prohibition - As Arapaho is very Protestant and very rural, the Prohibition Party remains alive, and wins conservative rural voters unsatisfied with other parties. The Prohibition Party actually gains some lucrative success from this, but the Republicans move to the right has eaten some of their voters. However, they remain strong and with a substantial amount of seats.

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This is a very small and light update. Expect a bigger one on either football ITTL or Arizona later today. ​
 
Arizona is a state where an interesting combination of factors combine together. The state has a massive Hispanic, Native, and Mormon population, the gambling capital of the world in Las Vegas, and a rapidly growing population. As such, one would assume that the state has vibrant politics, and in fact it does. Arizona first became a state in 1912, with much of the territory that would become Baja Arizona (very original name) remaining a territory. In the early years, Arizona was dominated by the Democratic Party, largely due to the so-called "Pinto Democrats", a distinct political group in the region that were largely very conservative and white, and resided throughout the new state. These Pinto Democrats, along with a large Mormon population, allowed the party to take over quite easily. However, the Republican Party remained strong, and even won a few elections in the new state. However, it was during the era of the Commonwealth Coalition that the states' political future began to shift. Arizona, a "wild west" state, controversially legalized gambling in the 1920s, and when the mafia, looking to build casinos out West, began looking for a place, they landed on Las Vegas, Arizona, a small town with plenty of capacity for a growing gambling empire. As such, Las Vegas exploded in population, and it created a new version of politic in the state. The Arizona Democratic Party, led by Barry Goldwater, a libertarian small business owner, forged a strange coalition, with Goldwater taking support from Vegas and then fusing it with Black, Hispanic, and Native voters. The "Goldwater Coalition" lasted 20 long years, but as many recognized, it was unsteady, and faced the political realities of the time.

The death of the Goldwater Coalition was the death of Goldwater himself. During the final years of his reign, Goldwater had begun working with Native American groups to create some of the first tribal casinos, and was opposed by the mob interests of Las Vegas, who feared a loss in action. Goldwater was found dead in his house on October 17, 1978 after not meeting with his state cabinet, and his death was quickly pinned on the mob. While the mob's backed candidate, Jack Ross, was expected to toe the mob's line, he opened up heavy investigations on mob activity in the state, and broke down a substantial part of the state machine. However, while many blame the collapse of Democratic control in the state on the mob, many other factors came into play. The first was the rise of the Progressive-Labor Party. Two years before Goldwater's death, the Labor Party was joined by Cesar Chavez's Farm Workers Alliance, a party that dominated Hispanic voters in the Southwest. Their unification with the Labor Party, and then the Progressive Party's unification with the Labor Party, caused the first "united front" against the Goldwater Coalition to be formed. Along with this, the PLP went after black voters, thus breaking down the Goldwater Coalition, which had been one of the few Democratic governments to win the backing of black voters, even more. Meanwhile, the Democrats had burned their bridges with their traditional southwestern allies, the Mormons, by supporting casinos, and as such the Arizona Republican Party saw a large backing from the group, which was led by Evan Mecham.

The Progressive-Labor Party saw a massive collection of victories in 1980-1981. Winning legislative elections in Fremont, Baja Arizona, New Mexico, and Lincoln, largely due to the unity of the Hispanic and White Progressive-Labor vote. This "red wave" expanded to Arizona, as the state exploded with support for the group. Raúl Héctor Castro was leader of the PLP, and a prominent Mexican immigrant who ushered in a new era of success. Business interests feared the PLP would hurt them in Las Vegas, but other than supporting a more unionized hotel/casino workforce (which was mostly fine with the mafia), the PLP mostly left the casinos alone. This would be the near-death of the state Democratic Party, as support from the Vegas elite was breaking down, and their previous coalition either left to join the PLP, or in the case of Native Americans, form their own party (the Native Alliance). As such, the PLP was in power from the early 1980s to the late 1990s, largely on the back of a strong coalition, the ability to unite a government with the Native Alliance, and Vegas's fears of a Republican victory. That was until 1998, when, with the Democrats struggling to remain relevant and the Republicans needing something to show Vegas they were "acceptable", the Democrats and Republicans united to form the Democratic-Republican Party, which, off the back of huge suburban, Mormon, and generally white turnout, swept the Progressive Labor Party out of office. Once again, the gambling industry feared the largely Mormon and suburban Democratic-Republicans would interfere with their industry, but as it turned out, most members of the party were fine with the extra tax revenue, and largely ignored Vegas.

Today, Arizona is a rarity politically, as it has a sort of "two and a half" party system. The Progressive-Labor Party and Democratic-Republican Party have switched in and out of office multiple times (although shifting demographics look good for the PLP), while the Native Alliance is largely a machine allied with the PLP. While smaller parties do exist, they fail to get the support needed to enter office, and as such are generally left out. However, the Socialist and Founding Values parties were elected to seats in 2019, but their presence is certainly lacking. The main battlegrounds of the state are its two biggest cities, Las Vegas and Phoenix, where urban minority populations and unionized workers battle it out with the wealthy, white non-unionized, and suburban voters around them. In 2019, it appears the former has won for now.

Parties:

Government:
Progressive-Labor - The party of the Southwest, the Progressive-Labor Party of Arizona is probably the most competitive of the southwestern state branches, as even Fremont has begun to have large PLP victories. As such, Arizona's PLP wing is probably the most moderate of any within the Southwest, as it generally must appeal to a wider audience. Still, the state party has much to promote in Arizona, as the state has one of the highest rates of unionization, a high minimum wage, and general left wing feeling is quite common.

Native Alliance - The other party of the Southwest, Arizona's large Native population provides the NA with a fertile base of support, and their continued independence from the PLP has helped them advocate for Native American issues, allowing the state to have one of the strongest and most united Native populations.

Opposition:
Democratic-Republican - A strange center-right coalition, the Democratic-Republican Party is a general catch-all for all the conservative groups in the Southwest. Mormons, suburbanites, most libertarians, and general weirdos are all thrown into one big pile in the hopes of defeating the Progressive Labor Party. Unlike most other conservative parties, they are successful, often winning elections with said coalition.

Socialist - If you don't support the Progressive Labor Party as you feel it is too moderate, the Socialists of Arizona are here for you. Arizona's Socialist movement has a long history, as they had a substantial population even during the First Great War. However, the formation of the Commonwealth Coalition split them (as it split most Socialist parties), and as such the party has lost much of its support. Still, it's experiencing a small revival, largely due to some left-wing dissatisfaction with both the PLP and NA when compared to other states.

'76 Movement - When the Democrats merged with the Republicans, a good portion of their kinky, Libertarian spirit was forced to disappear. As such, the '76 Movement, which many felt had died in the late-1990s, has experienced a revival in the 21st century in Arizona. Hell they even brought in former '76er premier Gary Johnson across state lines to lead them. However, with only 1 seat (from Greenlee County), they appear weakened, and are much less important than their members think.

Chemehuevi Freedom Alliance - As it turns out, uniting a diverse group like Arizona's Native American population can lead to controversy. The Chemehuevi Freedom Alliance, made up of, you guessed it, Arizona's portion of the Chemehuevi tribe, is opposed to all major parties and in particular the Native Alliance, who they see as largely unfairly representing eastern Arizonan tribes such as the Navajo, Hopi, and Apache over more western-based tribes. They regularly win Stalinist majorities among the small Chemehuevi population, but the issue is that said population is only about ~2,000 strong. As such they have no seats in the legislature, but they do have a substantial amount of municipal offices, particularly in La Paz county.


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gentleman biaggi said:
Meanwhile, the Democrats had burned their bridges with their traditional southwestern allies, the Mormons, by supporting unions, and as such the Arizona Republican Party saw a large backing from the group, which was led by Evan Mecham.
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How does the party of Goldwater end up doing that?

But nice work. Vegas' addition to Arizona fundamentally changes the state in interesting ways.
 
Nyvis said:
Oh that makes so much more sense. Mormons or Vegas, pick one, lose the other forever!
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I’m actually given to understand that Latter-Day Saints are pretty common in the Vegas casino industry - gambling is frowned upon but not actually forbidden by the Church, Clark County is about 7% LDS, and (speaking broadly) you want your casino accountants not to have addictions or compromising personal histories, which being LDS obviously doesn’t necessarily preclude but does make less likely.
 
Wolfram said:
I’m actually given to understand that Latter-Day Saints are pretty common in the Vegas casino industry - gambling is frowned upon but not actually forbidden by the Church, Clark County is about 7% LDS, and (speaking broadly) you want your casino accountants not to have addictions or compromising personal histories, which being LDS obviously doesn’t necessarily preclude but does make less likely.
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While some churchgoers may not care (and will vote depending on other factors), the church itself is likely to take a harder stance though, right?
 
Nyvis said:
While some churchgoers may not care (and will vote depending on other factors), the church itself is likely to take a harder stance though, right?
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It depends, I think, on whether the directives are coming from Salt Lake City or the local middle-class people, about as likely as not to work in the industry directly and who know how important it is to the local economy. I reckon the Church itself is likely to take a stance of “we’d rather our people not spend their tithes at the slot machines, but what the gentiles do is none of our business”. (Which is not to say that people not directly involved in the industry wouldn’t oppose it for religious and moral reasons, to be clear, just that I doubt that’s going to get any official support.)

To be clear, I am not a Latter-Day Saint or a Nevadan, so I may be mischaracterizing church policy or local politics.
 
In the era of states separating and forging new ones out of their borders, it is rare to see a “state-within-a-state” like Arkansas. The state is mostly split with the northwestern reigon and southeastern reigon seperated due to culture, originating during slavery as the northwest was largely a poor place to grow cotton, and therefore a poor place for slavery, while the southeast was chock full of slavery. Indeed, the Ozark region of Arkansas has long been considered a future member of the “new states” club, or even joining with their northern neighbor, Ozark. During the “Lincoln States Era”, in which Knight, Lincoln, and the territory of Santo Domingo were created and acquired by the United States out of previous states, the Ozark region was heavily considered for statehood. However, while Knight was mostly created out of frustration with Alabama at-large for not aligning with the “Lincoln Pledge”, where much of the population of Knight was willing to sign onto a loyalty pledge to the union, the white population of Southern Alabama refused to get to the 10% threshold. The white population of Arkansas however, was much more willing to sign on, largely due to the Ozark region. Instead, the state remained united, but after the Reconstruction era ended and white planter class rule returned, the Ozark region continued to be “independent”, becoming one of the strongest regions for the People’s Party, which used both northwestern Arkansas and Knight as ways to “break into” the South. As such, when Huey Long of neighboring Louisiana forged his “Commonwealth Coalition” out of most of the Democratic, Progressive, People’s, Labor, and Socialist parties, Arkansas sent their representatives to the National Assembly without question. When the coalition collapsed in the 1950s, the People’s Party retained their strength in the region, remaining one of the few areas with a strong People’s Party affiliate.

However, when segregation ended in the 1960s, a common story occured in Arkansas. Black voters, newly enfranchised for the first time in decades, voted en masse for the Republican Party, and as such, a Republican-People’s-Socialist coalition managed to win the 1969 elections in Arkansas, helped by James “Justice Jim” Johnson splitting off and creating his State’s Rights Democratic Party (which still exists to this day). The coalition, ushered in by Socialist Orval Faubus, soon fell apart, as northern Republicans, increasingly conservative, resented the black controlled left-wing Southern parties, and Arkansas was the poster child of this, as they united with Socialists and the People’s Party, as such, the Black Citizens Movement, a response to both major parties resentment to black voters influence, was formed, and split the coalition. When Democrats were ushered back into power, they were helped to stay in their position by three things. The first was the creation of the “Regional Council”, a council of the five regions of Arkansas that ended the era of an unicameral assembly in Arkansas. Instead, a regional council would get veto power over the Legislative Assembly with a simple ⅗ vote. The move created much controversy, as the Regional Council was constructed to be permanent, and had vastly disproportionate populations. However, its creation was easily approved by the Democratic-controlled legislature, and it remains in place today. Secondly, the States Rights Democratic Party, which won 15% of the vote in 1969, collapsed to 3%, and hasn’t eclipsed that since. Thirdly, the “Ozark Movement” of Billy James Hargis, which turned the state of Ozark from a swing state to a far-right one, spread into northwestern Arkansas. The far-right movement grew as Hargis and allied churches spread across the region, and politically it destroyed the People’s Party. No longer did the people of the Ozark region see themselves as farmers fighting against the corrupt planter class, but they now saw themselves as members of God’s Army, fighting against the various beasts they believed were caused by liberalism, Hollywood, Communism, and other such evils.

While both the Republican and People’s parties lost substantial amounts of strength, they maintained power in some ancestral regions, particularly the increasingly Republican suburbs and some hills away from Hargis’s influence. However the split within the opposition guaranteed Arkansas would remain under Democratic control for decades, and it largely has. Attempts at an unwieldy Republican-People’s-Christian Values-Black Citizens coalition have occured, especially due to the increasing amount of elections ending in plurality votes. However, the extremely conservative Chrisitan Values Party has consistently refused to forge such a coalition, and as such, it has joined various Democratic-Christian Values-State’s Rights Democratic coalitions. The strength of the extreme Christian Values Party has led to a strangely moderate Democratic Party, as, unlike in other states, the Arkansas Democrats largely need to appeal more and more to suburban voters or else they will lose their power within the state. However, general animosity towards the Democratic Party from the Republican, People’s, and BCM parties prevents a more moderate coalition from being formed. As such, the Democratic Party is split between appealing to more moderate voters while being forced to coalition with the hard right of the state. Meanwhile, the Democrats within the Regional Commission, all four of whom are long term incumbents, also learn much more to the right. As such, the Republicans are strengthening, and fears of an “Opposition Coalition'' are beginning in the state.

Today Democrats are still the dominant party of Arkansas, as a smaller black and Catholic population causes them to remain within the government. However, unlike other, similar states, such as Georgia, West Florida, and (traditionally) Alabama, the Arkansas Democratic Party is propped up by a coalition, and it's a difficult one. Radical conservatives in the Christian Values and State’s Rights Democratic parties push the government to the right, and as such have created a “New Arkansas' ', one chock full of the religious right, and filled with confederate exceptionalism. This new Arkansas often reaches the national stage, as most famously denoted in sports journalist Jon Bois, through football. The Arkansas-Sequoyah football rivalry, a dominant one in the Southwest Conference as both teams often finish near the top of the national rankings, has in recent years become increasingly racially motivated, as the near-majority Native American Sequoyah University conflicts with Arkansas’ extremely white and conservative public.

Parties:
Government:
Democratic - The party of the South strikes again. As they are much less strong in Arkansas than other, very similar states, they are forced to coalition with like-minded political groups. However, enough political machinery and general devotion to the party from the populace maintains their strength in the state. Still, the party is often fighting between its moderate and conservative factions, creating unique splits in state conventions.

Christian Values - As the Ozark region of Arkansas strays ever further from its roots, the Christian Value Party grows in power. Unlike in other states, which largely have the Democratic and Christian Values parties as known rivals (Ozark, Osage, Adams, etc), the Arkansas version of the Christian Values Party is much more willing to form coalitions. However, this doesn’t necessarily mean they are more moderate. The state party instead exists largely to promote “good Christian living” within the Democratic Party, which has led to the creation of various megachurches and Christian academies in the state.

State’s Rights Democratic - A rarity confined only to the state of Arkansas, the State’s Rights Democratic Party somehow still exists. Once powerful enough to challenge the traditional Democratic machine, it now largely only exists as controlled opposition, winning over a small and scattered segregationist base.

Opposition:
Black Citizens Movement - There is a much smaller base of black voters in Arkansas, and as such, the BCM is often fighting for second place with the Republicans. Not only this, but the Black Bloc in the state is much more moderate, leading to a Black Citizens Movement often to the right of the nation on issues such as abortion. However, the party remains strong among its base, and hopes to one day lead a coalition government.

Republican - Arkansas is one of the only states south of the Mason-Dixon where Republicans even have a chance at finishing in second. A high suburban population and lower black population provides the state party with the opportunity, but they remain as empty as almost any other Southern Republican party, winning votes largely only as an opposition force. Attempts to change this have been made, but they largely just remain a party flexible enough to try to win all non-Democratic voters.

People’s - Still alive! While the Christian Values Party often takes their base of support, the People’s Party remains strong among its ancestral voters. Hopes of a true “farmers rebellion” are held by the party’s leadership, but the chances are slim.

Socialist - Another rarity in the South (and the nation at-large), the Socialists in Arkansas win votes largely due to the iron grip held on them by the popular Faubus family. Urban voters, often angry at the Republicans and BCMs for not proving ideological enough opposition to the Democrats, will often turn to the Socialists, and as such they’ve even eclipsed 8% in places such as Little Rock. Still, they are a minor party, and have little control over any affairs.


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