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Biaggi’s Other Opium Den

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Noise

"As 2008 election emerges, may question how the National Ballot Fusion Act of 2006 will come into play"
-New York Times

"Wesley Clark to run for Democratic, Republican nominations under National Ballot Fusion Act"
-Washington Post

"High ranking officials in Democratic Party, including DNC chairman Bill Bradbury brought to Congressional Corruption Committee"
-The Oregonian

"Former Presidents John McCain, George H.W. Bush endorse Wesley Clark before Iowa caucuses"
-New York Times

"Steve Forbes and Bill Bradley form pro-Flat Tax, anti-Clark candidacy"
-Forbes Magazine

"Representative Ron Paul (R-TX) and Governor Mike Gravel (AW-AK) hold meeting after early Clark wins in Republican, Democratic primaries"
-Los Angeles Times

"OPPOSITION PARTY FORMED BY PAUL, GRAVEL"
-New York Post

"Although we members of the opposition may not agree on much, our shared alliance comes out of support for criminal justice reform, opposition to the wars in Iraq and Iran, and a call to end the unlawful and unconstitutional Wesley Clark regime"
-Opposition National Convention Statement

"Mayors nominated at Green National Convention as Gonzalez and Anderson proclaim 'happy, healthy future'"
-Green Times

"The story of the downballot today is truly a collection of esoteric candidates. As Americans, angry at the Clark administration and angry at the Richardson scandal begin to abandon the two major parties, new candidates begin to emerge. Most notable of which are John Hagelin, a Natural Law candidate (backed by the district's Democratic, Green, and Libertarian Parties), who's leading the polls in Iowa's 2nd Congressional district, controlled by Republican Jim Leach. Along with Hagelin are Socialist Walt Brown, running a spirited campaign in Oregon's 4th Congressional District (which is being vacated by Peter DeFazio), and "LaRouchite Independent" Janice Hart in Illinois's 3rd Congressional District.
-Washington Post

"Wesley Clark wins enough delegates for majority at Democratic, Republican conventions."
-New York Times

"If these people are radicalized and they don’t support the United States and they are disloyal to the United States as a matter of principle, fine. It’s their right and it’s our right and obligation to segregate them from the normal community for the duration of the conflict."
-Wesley Clark [1]

"I don't have labels. I believe in human beings, I believe in a strong national security, I believe in maximizing freedom... I can give you a whole list of things i'm for, but I believe in solving problems. I guess, more than anything else, I'm a pragmatist with strong beliefs in people."
-Wesley Clark [1]

"The time has passed in America when this nation can be the nation of compassion and let the executive branch run foreign policy. It won't work. We have to be the nation that can stand toe to toe with every country on national security, as well as the nation of compassion."
-Wesley Clark [1]

"Principle is okay up to a certain point, but principle doesn't do any good if you lose."
-Wesley Clark [2]

"The important thing here to understand is that the people that are at Guantanamo are bad people. I mean, these are terrorists for the most part."
-Wesley Clark [2]

"And the only way there's going to be followers, is if the leader is doing things that have merit, that are persuasive to others. Why else would someone follow somebody if they didn't think the individual was doing something worthwhile, going in the right direction?"
-Wesley Clark [3]

"I'd shrink government in a minute, if I could shrink GM, Bank of America, and all these immoral corporations that operate by an undemocratic code, with no soul and no conscience."
-Mike Gravel [4]

"There's nothing wrong with being an anarchist."
-Mike Gravel [4]

"Capitalism should not be condemned, since we haven’t had capitalism."
-Ron Paul [1]

"But no, I just don't think with the scientific evidence now -- I think I read an article yesterday on the death penalty, and 68 percent of the time they make mistakes. And it’s so racist, too. I think more than half the people getting the death penalty are poor blacks. This is the one place, the one remnant of racism in our country is in the court system, enforcing the drug laws and enforcing the death penalty. I don’t even know, but I wonder how many of those, how many have been executed? Over 200, I wonder how many were minorities? You know, if you're rich, you usually don't meet the death penalty."
-Ron Paul [1]

"I cannot recall either Gore in 2000 or Schwarzkopf in 2004 campaigning on any positive or exciting ideas that might excite the almost-poor workers, whose votes they took for granted ... In contrast, George Wallace has been sounding like William Jennings Bryan or Jerry Brown as he attacked concentrated wealth and racial discrimination in his speeches..."
-Quote from Pat Buchanan's Liberal Hypocrisy Once Again




2021-11-12-10-26-en.wikipedia.org.png

"Now I can go back to being ruthless again."
-Wesley Clark [5]

"Reverse 48ers? American-Germans become key constituency in 2009 German election."
-New York Times

[1] OTL or mostly OTL quote
[2] Apologies to Dick Cheney
[3] Apologies to Donald Rumsfeld
[4] Apologies to Jerry Brown
[5] Apologies to Robert Kennedy
 
hot merzbow takes for hot merzbow twinks
i’ve listened to 22ish hours of merzbow in like 3 days so imma rattle off some hot merzbow takes rq because i feel like expressing the deep emotions that exist within me right now.

-as a general rule any merzbow album people bring up when they say “i don’t like merzbow but…” is going to be extremely mid
-pulse demon, popular due to its lack of texture, slickness, and cool cover, is one of the worst merzbow albums
-merzxiu is still garbage
-magnesia nova is at worst top 5 merzbow and likely top 3
-merzbow’s musique concrete releases are almost always very rudimentary, and feel like OG schaefer releases but noisier (not really a compliment)
-noisembryo is a cool album but overrated by merz fans
-cloud cock OO grand should be counted as a debut album. other than pulse demon it’s the perfect “baby’s first harsh noise album”
-they took the two best songs off venereology on spotify
-the venereology remastered version is fucking ass
-ecobondage is a mid mizutani era release and the only real mizutani era release you should listen to is life performance


1930 9/10
 
i’ve listened to 22ish hours of merzbow in like 3 days so imma rattle off some hot merzbow takes rq because i feel like expressing the deep emotions that exist within me right now.

-as a general rule any merzbow album people bring up when they say “i don’t like merzbow but…” is going to be extremely mid
-pulse demon, popular due to its lack of texture, slickness, and cool cover, is one of the worst merzbow albums
-merzxiu is still garbage
-magnesia nova is at worst top 5 merzbow and likely top 3
-merzbow’s musique concrete releases are almost always very rudimentary, and feel like OG schaefer releases but noisier (not really a compliment)
-noisembryo is a cool album but overrated by merz fans
-cloud cock OO grand should be counted as a debut album. other than pulse demon it’s the perfect “baby’s first harsh noise album”
-they took the two best songs off venereology on spotify
-the venereology remastered version is fucking ass
-ecobondage is a mid mizutani era release and the only real mizutani era release you should listen to is life performance


1930 9/10
what the fuck is merzbow anyway
 
As a newcomer on your very fabulous site, I’ve noticed the lack of a full wikibox thread that could just be a place to post whatever boxes people find enjoyable or would like to post for wider community to see. If an attempt has already been made, I’m sorry, and I’ll post there.

Anyways, here’s some nice Nixony wikiboxes + write ups I posted at the OldPlace (tm)
tl extended almost three years later


1988 Presidential Election (292 Electoral Votes Needed to Win):
genusmap (67).png
Former President Richard Nixon (I-CA)/Governor Jon Grunseth (I-MN): 402 Electoral Votes

President Al Haig (R-FL)/Vice President Gary Richardson (R-OK): 153 Electoral Votes
Governor Patsy Mink (O-HI)/Senator Lloyd B. Omdahl (O-ND): 27 Electoral Votes





 
Absaroka is one of the more relatively new states, splitting off from Montana, Sioux, and Colorado during the Long Decade (1934-1944) as a result of widespread opposition to Huey Long's progressive policies and the Commonwealth Coalition's control of all three states at the same time. Along with this there was hope within the new states' populations at gaining substantial economic benefit from the creation of Mount Rushmore. Many consider Absaroka's split to be part of the "conservative split", as it coincided with the statehood of Vineyard from Massachusetts around the same time. Both states creations were assisted by the passage of the Admission Act during the "Liberty Age" of the 1920s, when the United States congress was less interested in controlling state policies and more focused on growing decentralization. Although sometimes conflated with Acadia, which also achieved statehood around the same time, Acadia's statehood is largely seen as a countermeasure to Absaroka and Vineyard's statehood.

As such, Absaroka is a generally very conservative state. Although originally dominated by the Republican Party, the so-called "Farmers Rebellion" of the late 1940s that brought with it the rise of the more conservative social credit-dominated Populist Party. Not only that, but the rise in anti-Catholic sentiment after Robert E. Quinn's ascension to the presidency in 1944 allowed the Prohibition Party, which many regarded as dead after 1933, to experience a revival as "dry towns" popped up centered around opposing "papist drunkenness". From the early 1950s to the mid 1970s, Absaroka was dominated by either the Populist Party (who shifted the Absaroka state legislature from a bicameral to a unicameral system and "strengthened" it in comparison to the governor) or a Populist-Prohibition coalition as Republicans went from near-single party status to a constant second place finisher both in the legislature and in the governor's mansion. The Populist-Prohibition coalition led Absaroka to be regarded as one of the most hateful states in the Union, as hatred towards Jews, Catholics, and the few African-Americans in the state led to massively discriminatory policies being exerted by the state. However, following Populist "Grand Chairman" William Henry Harrison III's resignation as Speaker and leader of the Populist Party in order to take on a role as Ambassador to the United Kingdom in 1975, the party began its decline. The young, moderate, and at one point popular mayor of Sheridan Peter Simpson easily defeated his more radical opponents at the party's convention. Simpson had long been regarded as Harrison's heir apparent, and his win was expected. However, unlike Harrison, who had near-dictatorial control over the Populists and over the state, Simpson seemed less forceful, and generally less hateful. Soon, the right wing of the party, feeling that Simpson was too moderate, split off, forming the far-right Absaroka Party. The Absaroka Party's split led to the Populists being handed their first election loss in Absaroka in their state chapter's history, but rushed to form a government with the now-ascendent Republicans.

The coalition lasted only four months, when Simpson, hoping to rise to the anti-corruption standards of the Republicans, whipped together a collection of Populists and assorted left-wingers (who had been elected due to four-way splits in many constituencies), to pass the Anti-Pork Act, which shaved down the system of appointments and public projects that had kept Populists in power for decades. Two groups, the Native Americans of the state who, despite the Populists general policies of hate, voted for them due to heavy government-backed economic investments in their communities, and the "Old Guard" of the Populist Party pretty much overthrew Simpson, especially after the foundation of the Native American League as a splitoff. The collapse of the Republican-Populist coalition shortly after caused the election of a Absaroka-Prohibition coalition in the legislature, and since the election, often referred to as the "Revolution of '79", both the Absaroka and Prohibition Parties have remained in power since.

Today, Absaroka is still one of the more conservative states in the union, as its discriminatory policies have remained, and many have even described it as a "sundown state". Along with this, the Absaroka Party and its allies have remained in power utilizing many of the same tactics the old Populist machine once did, as the so-called "county unit electoral system" (instituted in 1994), in which counties elect representatives at-large, is largely seen as an attempt to maintain Absaroka power.


Parties:

Government:

Absaroka Party -
The Absaroka Party, although it has moderated since entering power, remains a far-right vehicle that largely exists due to a massive machine backing their efforts. However, within the party various right wing ideologies fight and compete for power, with politicians ranging from right-Longists to paleolibertarians making up the party as they hope to maintain their control over the state. Not only do they control much of the politics of the state, but due to the minor media market within Absaroka, they have a near-monopoly on radio and TV stations, which only add to their voter base.

Prohibition Party - Once considered dead, the grassroots right wing of Absaroka, based on heavy hatred of Catholics and a rise in alcoholism (particularly in the coal counties) led to the rise of the Prohibition Party. Although drug and alcohol prohibition are long gone as issues in the state, anti-papist campaigning and the Prohibition Party's growing backing of coal miners as the "coal party" have risen them from minor allies of the Populist and Absaroka parties to near-equals, as their demands are now seen as equally important to the state at-large. While the Absaroka Party is generally very libertarian economically in comparison to the more moderate and even left-wing Prohibition party on economics, the two parties generally base their coalition on shared interest with the promotion of coal, Protestant religious values, and social conservatism.

Native American League - Although Native Americans in the northern portions of the United States are largely left wing, in particular in neighboring Sioux, Natives in Absaroka, who were largely considered major parts of the Populist machine, are instead considered much more right wing, and the Native American League, which finds its base largely in the Crow Indian reservation in the North, reflects these values. Support for the Absaroka Party when needed has provided the Native American League with enough power to sustain itself, and, despite recent conflicts over coal revenue with the Prohibition Party, it remains a strong ally of the government.

Opposition:

Republican Party -
Republicans once dominated Absaroka, but ever since the 1979 Legislative and 1980 Gubernatorial elections, the party has remained in opposition, with most of their support existing in the cities and on the southern edges of the state, where the Denver news market largely creates a more moderate political base than the largely Absaroka party-influenced media within "middle Absaroka".

Populist Party - Once the strongest party in the state, the Populists now exist largely as a Social Credit advocacy group that campaigns mostly on anti-semitism and a still-existing "Old Guard" that hopes that one day the party will return to power. However, the Absaroka Populist Party's "controversial views" cause it to be seen as a pariah in the national organization, with many considering kicking it out of the organization. The Populists have been members of legislative government since 1979, but their power is often very lacking, and they fail to get many of their measures across.

Liberty Party - Formed by activist George Abourezk in the 1970s, the Liberty Party is the only real left-wing party in Absaroka, and it has very little prominence in the state. The county unit rule has kept them out of almost all power, but they can often finish in a close second or control many minor local offices across Absaroka.



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doing a slight change to this project, going to make all races in regional D'Hondt as they are easier to map. say wilson gets his dream and makes a parliamentary system and as such. the absaroka post is mostly canon, with some obvious differences.
________________________________________________________________________________
Acadia, the northernmost state in the continental United States is also the only answer to the trivia question "what state seceded from another state twice". 6 of the states 7 counties once belonged to Maine, a state that itself was cut out of another one (Masschuttess) during the 1820s. Similarly, Acadia was cut out of Maine (and New Hampshire), and also similarly, it was done so due to political reasons. During the "Long Decade", two states, Absaroka and Vineyard were themselves cut out of states, largely due to conservatives hoping to "game" the D'Hondt system and create conservative states (both states have indeed become strongholds for parties in opposition to Long's so-called "Commonwealth Coalition"), as such, Long and his advisors began looking for a state they themselves could carve out and utilize for Commonwealth Coalition purposes. As they looked to the North, they saw the Upper Northeast, an area largely opposed to the Commonwealth Coalition's policies, and saw an enclave that supported them. During the 1920s-1930s, the Quebec and New Brunswick economies collapsed, even harder than the United States', and as such, thousands of French-Canadians fled to upper Maine and New Hampshire, soon establishing their own independent culture, building language schools and Catholic churches. This created a divide between the northern and southern portion of both states, as the northern portion was often very left-wing, while the southern was very right-wing and as such, friction ensued. Following the election of the KKK-backed Owen Brewster and his coalition in 1938, who threatened to destroy all French-language schools, the Northern counties of Maine, furious at Brewster, filed for secession and were able to leave the state, and (at the time named Coos) Abenaki County, New Hampshire, joined as well, largely thanks to Huey Long's influence.

From secession in 1939 to the 1980s, Acadia was dominated by the Parti Francophile, with English speaking parties collapsing on each other for second place. This led to Acadia being one of the most left-wing states in the union, and, next to Michigan, the most unionized. However, during the 1980s, the so-called "Free Trade Era" began, as the federal government, done with the era of big government, wanted to remove many of the tariffs kept in place that often helped American workers. As such, the largely-logging based economy of Acadia began to be threatened, and the workers who supplied the Parti Francophile with its base for decades turned against Free Trade. However, a small base of liberals, largely more recent immigrants from Quebec during the "Quebec Troubles", who were less religious, more urban, more bourgeoise, and more connected to Quebec, and who largely saw free trade (particularly with Quebec), as a net positive. This group split off, creating the Parti Francophile-Libéral, while the original Parti Francophile, led by longtime Majority Leader Mike Gravel, changed its name to the Parti Francophile-Syndicat, largely in order to promote its backing from unions. However, in 1995, in the midst of the "Liberal Revolution", the Parti Francophile-Libéral, led by bilingual party leader Suzanne Boucher[1], managed a shock defeat of the Parti Francophile-Syndicat, largely due to major corruption scandals within Acadia's unions. Boucher managed an unholy alliance between the Parti Francophile-Libéral, the states' longtime tiny Republican Party, some "Independent Parti Francophiles", who ran as independents due to union corruption, and a newcomer, the Young Greens (or Jeunes Verts), a party for more left-wing Acadians who opposed logging and were also the first ever bilingual party in the states history.

Boucher's coalition was only in power for three years, but during this time it was described as very effective and nationally praised. Boucher was able to pass greater environmental protections (including a ban on nuclear power in the state), an anti-corruption committee in the legislature, and most notably an electoral reform law guaranteeing all Native Reservations in the state 1 seat each in the legislature. However, while it was effective and even popular at times, the attempted passage of a statewide free trade agreement with Quebec killed the party, and as soon as the Young Greens failed to get logging restrictions passed, the coalition collapsed, and Acadia was soon once again won by the new-look Parti Francophile-Syndicat, this time led by another Mike, Mike Michaud, who is still Premier to this day.

Today Suzanne Boucher is more well-known for her time as Ambassador to France during the 2006-7 French crisis than any work in Acadia, and the Parti Francophile-Libéral has failed to win over the state. The Parti Francophile-Syndicat retains its power due to its connections to the French Catholic working class, which simply dominates state politic. As always, Acadia remains one of the most unionized states, and as union membership has actually grown in the state (officially outpacing Michigan in 2015 by percentage due to the collapse of unions nationwide) there seems to be no end in sight for the Parti Francophile-Syndicat's power.


Parties:

Government:

Parti Francophile-Syndicat -
The most dominant party in Acadia, due to its belief that the original Parti Francophile was simply the first version of the PF-S, they have only been out of power for three years since the creation of Acadia. Mike Michaud, the populist leader of the party holds it together with an iron fist, and nationally the PF-S is connected to the Progressive Labor Party. However, unlike much of the Progressive Labor Party, which has a largely urbanized base, the PF-S remains largely socially conservative, promoting "Catholic Labor" as their ideology, having a generally xenophobic reaction to immigrants from anywhere except French Canada, and opposing things such as abortion, gun control, environmental protections, and gay rights.

Democratic Party - Although the PF-S has enough seats to easily retain its majority, the party continues its tradition of coalitioning with at least one English-speaking party out of a sense of "state unity". The Acadia Democrats, who largely forged their alliance with the PF-S due to shared xenophobic opposition to Free Trade, are ironically more left-wing in Acadia than nationwide, as they abandon the "Cleavelandite" economics of the national party to align with the PF-S, while maintaining their national social conservatism. Democrats in Acadia largely win votes via English-speaking union members, particularly in Southern portions of the state, and are just as religious as the PF-S.

Opposition:
Parti Francophile-Libéral -
The party for the urban, irreligious, Quebec-connected French, the Parti Francophile-Libéral exists largely as opposition, with their control mostly existing within cities via mayoralties or city council dominance. On a statewide level, their power has been shaken, and they have little hope of winning elections in such a unionized state. Still, they're willing to compete, and as such they cause some competitive elections when the PF-S splits.

Young Greens - As the state's premier bilingual party, the Young Greens look poised to supplant the PF-L in seat count any day now. The Young Greens, while gaining support from urban voters opposed to logging and, after 2013, nuclear energy, see their most support in Maine's Indian reservations, as they, with the help of extremely strong candidates, sweep most elections. Still, their positions against the power structures of Acadia make them a party with little hope of being anything other than a strong second.

Republican Party - The party of no one, the Republicans win over the mythical voter too English to vote for the PF-S or PF-L, too bourgeoise to vote for the Democrats, and too uncaring to vote for the Young Greens. Their support exists in a few southern suburbs and... that's about it. They as a party have little hope, and largely do not exist in the state.

Socialist Labor - While the Republicans are surprisingly weak in Acadia, Socialist Labor, Acadia's second bilingual party, has surprising strength, winning over union voters of all stripes who dislike logging or nuclear power not just because of environmentalism, but because of their bosses. While they are minor, there is hope that they'll outpace the Republicans, who simply lack the same level of institutional support the Socialist Labor Party does. However, they barely retained their two seats in 2021, so perhaps this is a bit optimistic.


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[1] Fake person, but basically Susan Collins

Also, I forgot to denote that the grey-bordered chunks are native reservations on the map. However, context clues should key you in on that.
 
Located east of the Cascade Mountains, Adams is a state known for many things, in particular its strong logging, tourism, and trucking industries. However, on a political level, the state is often recognized in a much more unfriendly manner. The area is largely comprised of extremely white, extremely rural areas, and is as such a deeply conservative state. It originally opposed the Commonwealth Coalition, voting hard against it when it was led by the Catholic Al Smith. However, as Huey Long took control of the coalition and more importantly unionization increased in the state, it began to swing to the Commonwealth Coalition and then fully towards the Labor Party. It became so pro-Labor due to its trucking industry that Jimmy Hoffa, the head of the Teamsters Union called it "the second home of the Teamsters". Even then however, the state had a large conservative underbelly, as supporters of the "First Religious Right", led by Billy James Hargis and Mormons in the Southeastern portion of the state began growing in strength in the late 1960s. While said group was strong, it was often split between the Christian Values and Democratic Parties, giving the Labor Party more power for a longer period than they theoretically should have.

However, while Labor clutched to power, the collapse of union strength finally caught up to them, and when the Labor party replaced its longtime popular leader Al Ullman with the more left-wing, uncompromising, and east coast-based Peter Courtney, their base went to the Christian Values and Democratic parties, leading to an absolute landslide in the 1983 legislative elections, as a coalition between the Christian Values and Democratic parties gave Adams premier Liz VanLeeuwen, ironically the state's first female premier advocating against greater expansion of women's rights. However, unlike the Ozark-based Christian Values Party, which gutted the safety net in order to promote "Christian Capitalism", VanLeeuwen, a farmer and Christian populist in the mold of many others, began promoting "Christian Business Zones", which provided people with work, largely due to a fusion of private and public industries in order to work on glorified public work projects. However, said zones also came with the decimation of union labor, as Adams became a right-to-work state, and many CBZs monopolized labor in specific areas, ending union protections as CBZs refused to hire or permit unions. However, the state economy boomed, and the Christian Values-Democratic alliance won yet another term in office, destroying the Labor party as they fell into infighting. Soon, however, the coalition reaped what it sowed, as Adams became a hub for white supremacists, the Christian Identity Movement, various esoteric cults, and as such, the 1990s became an era of extreme conflict in the state. Conflict between various radical groups coincided with the collapse of the Christian Values-Democratic coalition, as Democrats, high off of the values of the 1980s deregulation and de-unionization policies with a large Mormon base, began seeing the CBZs as "socialistic", destroying the Christian Values and Democratic coalition. As such, the 1993 election became one of the most chaotic in American history, as various parties battled each other for state influence. The result was an unwieldly Democratic-Republican-Founding Values-Young Greens coalition, as Democratic rural Mormons, Republican suburban/ski town moderate conservatives, Founding Values libertarians, and members of the early-90s Young Greens "ecological conservative" wing came together led by Democrat Dennis Richardson.

The result of said coalition was further deregulation for almost every industry in the state, the ending of most Christian Business Zones, and the ending of subsidies on logging thanks to the Young Greens. However, the coalition's main goals were, outside of mass deregulation, to keep the "radicals" and Christian Values parties out of office. In 1993, the "White Mountain" movement, a collection of white supremacists led by members of the Christian Identity movement gained shocking strength. The White Mountaineers began to spread their values throughout many newly-unemployed folks in the state, causing even more popular support. Fears of what would happen if another election was held caused the coalition to stay together for the maximum four years, despite major divisions within the coalition. However, an election had to be held, and when it was in 1997, the Christian Values party came roaring back, winning a near-majority as people called for a return to CBZs and against the "Grand Coalition". They were soon joined by the remains of the Young Greens, under a pact to promote solar power, which became a long-held political joke in the United States.

However, while the Christian Values Party was wiped into office, no majority coalition is permanent, and in 2006 the Democrats returned to power. Since then, either a Christian Values-Young Greens or a Democratic-Republican coalition has held power in Adams, but both major parties have a stated pact to never align with the White Mountain movement, which still holds significant power in the state, and has caused Adams to be labeled by many as "dangerous". In the most recent election, off the back of a "Solar Boom", in which the price of solar began heavily outpacing oil, causing a boom due to Adams' heavy investment in the energy source (along with many other alternative energy sources), the Christian Values-Young Greens coalition won quite easily over their divided opposition, causing the coalition to spend its second straight term in office.


Parties:

Government:

Christian Values -
Despite being named after the party that dominates Ozark, the Adams-based Christian Values Party acts as a much more "moderate" force economically, as they seem willing to abandon pure free market capitalism for greater government investment into communities and some restrictions. However, they still remain an incredibly socially conservative force, as Adams still has harsh bans on sodomy and abortion. Their base is largely found in heavily agricultural areas, due to their populist policies assisting farmers due to higher subsidies, and they traditionally sweep the non-Mormon protestant vote

Young Greens - Much different than the national Young Greens, to the point that its largely been kicked out of the national party, the Adams Young Greens largely retain the conservative streak the party had in the 1990s, opposing abortion and also being largely fiscally conservative (with the exception of subsidies for alternative energy) their relation with the Christian Values party is one of convenience. After pissing off the opposition in the 1990s, the Christian Values Party needed a reliable ally to maintain coalitions with, while the Young Greens needed a party to utilize in order to produce their dreams of solar, wind, and hydropower farms across the state.

Opposition:
Democratic -
The Democrats of Adams are quite similar to most of their western counterparts, as they are heavily Mormon, very fiscally conservative, and mostly socially moderate in order to represent their base. However, the lower Mormon population and greater dislike for socially moderate policies have kept the world's oldest party out of governance in Adams without backing from the Republicans. As such, they also see support from coal counties and voters who feel "scorned" by the Christian Values Party.

Republican - While Democrats base their support in heavily Mormon areas within the state, the Republicans see there support not just from their natural home, the suburbs, but also the ski towns and tourism towns that border the western portion of the state, as their voters appreciate the economic conservatism and social liberalism of the party.

White Mountain - Based around the Christian Identity ideology, the White Mountain Party is an open white supremacist (and sometimes nationalist) party, mostly based in the so-called "Northern Commune" counties that border Canada. While they are not allowed to be banned (largely due to CPUSA lawsuits from the 1950s), they are kept out of power by an unofficial pact between the major parties that states that any governing coalition will not include the White Mountaineers. Still, the group, led by longtime leader and former Army Colonel-turned-paramilitary leader Bo Gritz has gained so much attention that the Northern Commune is filled with white supremacists and nationalists from across the nation, as they hope to expand their movement there.

Labor - The once-dominant Labor Party (one of the few to not add "Progressive" to its name) now only dominates the trucking counties of the east, and fights for second in Republican counties that are tourism hubs. The party fails to gain any support in a state where unions have completely fallen from influence, and due to their Adams-specific positions opposing greater environmental legislation and most government projects, they are largely ignored by national politicians.

People's - Any western state would be remiss if you didn't mention the party that dominated and represented them in the Commonwealth Coalition in the 1930s. However, as in almost every other state (except the South and Sioux), the People's Party has been reduced to a minor party complaining about silver.

Founding Values - The statewide version of the '76 Movement, the Founding Values party was too once powerful, as it grew in strength during the 1980s and 1990s. However, the libertarian swing of the Democrats in the West killed them in Adams just as it did in most states, leading to a minor and pointless machine that most Democrats blame in close races existing in the ashes.

Native Rights - Adams' small Native population has its own party, but largely due to the state's native population supporting the Young Greens, it is completely irrelevant.

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Alabama was until very recently, the traditional southern state. Dominated by Democrats with a brief intermission during reconstruction, the state saw a large black exodus and became known at the forefront of segregation. While there was a small planter-class minority in the People's Party, the separation of Knight during reconstruction largely led to the collapse of any hope for a People's Party majority. During the Long Decade they begrudgingly joined with the Commonwealth Coalition to support their fellow Southerner, but their representatives largely stopped short at anything other than what could be described as "socialism for whites". As such, the state was controlled by whites largely motivated by racial divisions, most of whom leaned conservative (often against their own interests), most famous of which was named Bull Connor, who took a stand for segregation as it became less and less popular nationwide, and who is often described as "fascistic" by northern liberals. However, even the biggest defenders of hate had to fall at a certain point, and segregation collapsed in Alabama in the 1960s. Despite Democratic fears of black voters overrunning their voter rolls, like they did in neighboring Natchez (which voted in Republicans and then the Black Citizens Movement after segregation), the lack of a truly massive black population in Alabama prevented this from happening. Instead, the state continued to be dominated by Democrats, and Connor even remained in power until the 1970s, despite national attention on his regime.

However, while Democrats, mostly at the hands of corrupt elections and rigged outcomes, have long held the balance of power in Alabama, the late 1970s and 1980s experienced a truly competitive era of elections in Alabama. In 1975, after 17 straight years of Bull Connor at the helm of Alabama state politics, the state population overthrew him, electing an unwieldly coalition of Republicans from the suburbs, the Black Citizens Movement from black areas, Labor and the remains of the People's Party from the Appalachian and agrarian areas in the state, and the tiny Independent Democratic Party forged an alliance together that became known as the "Opposition Coalition". The coalition elected John Buchanan, a Republican pastor from Birmingham, as their leader, and Buchanan's alliance warred with Democrats, entering and exiting governments as conservative Democrat Fob James took power within the Democratic Party. However, the coalition soon fell into infighting, as various different groups vied for power, and even by the mid-1990s Liberal Revolution, the Democratic Party had returned to its natural position of dominance. Fob James, who ended up retiring as the longest-serving Democratic leader in 2004 ruled through the state with an iron fist, and his successor, Roy Moore, wasn't much better.

When looking at the newest opposition figure in Alabama, one must look at two things. The first was the result of the 2015 legislative election. 2015 was the Democrats best result since the 1960s, as they swept almost every party out of power, with the exception of the Black Citizens Movement. The party's far-ranging coalition, fed race-baiting politics and pork throughout the campaign was so dominant it reached into Appalachia and suburbia, killing any hopes for an opposition candidacy fighting back. The second thing one must look at is the success of the University of Alabama's incredible football program. As the Democrats swept their opponents in December of 2015, the University of Alabama Crimson Tide were well on their way to a third straight claimed national championship season, finishing 13-0 and defeating the Southwestern Conference's representative in Arkansas in the Dixie Bowl on New Year's Day to clinch their title. However, only a decade before the team had largely been known as a colossal failure throughout the 1990s and early 2000s, until the hire of South Carolina Gamecocks coach Robby Wells. Wells won five national championships and completely turned the college around. As such, it shocked Alabamians when Wells, fresh off of a 11-2 season, announced his retirement in 2018, at the young age of 50. Wells was expected to turn around and enter the Southern Football League as a coach, but instead shocked Alabamians again when he announced he was not only going to be competing in the next legislative election, but starting his own party. Wells had long been known as a political man, and his new party, Wells for Alabama, soon gained massive popularity. Wells attacked a "broken system" in Alabama, and hoped to bring together a coalition similar to the Opposition Coalition with his strange fusion of ideologies. Shockingly, Wells' party swept the 2019 elections, largely thanks to massive margins in Birmingham, Tuscaloosa, and their suburbs and formed a government with the support of the Black Citizens Movement.

While Wells' victory is largely seen as a victory for the opposition in Alabama, his governing coalition is largely seen as in "disarray", as its largely made up of people who agreed with Wells on only a few issues, or even some of his close friends, along with the "difficult" BCM. Wells, while popular, has struggled to lead his government effectively, and many speculate he may be returning to coaching, albeit up north this time. If he did, he would likely leave Alabama to what it traditionally is, a Democratic dominated state.


Parties

Government:
Wells for Alabama -
Wells for Alabama, a party founded by Robby Wells, often described as the greatest head coach in Alabama football history, is largely made up of a variety of political ideologies, often contradicting each other, that largely unite due to opposition to the Democrats. The party's base is largely in urban and suburban areas, although they also swept the votes of long-Republican held Cullman County, a rural county dominated by German-Americans, and have done substantially well in rural areas. Wells himself is attempting the noble goals of full employment and balancing the budget at the same time, but the party is often described as "unserious" and often relies on moderate Democratic votes to stay in power. Meanwhile, many social progressives attack the party as "no different" from the Democrats, largely due to Wells' strong socially conservative ideals that dominate the party.

Black Citizens Movement - The BCM of Alabama, quite similarly to the BCM of its surrounding states, dominates the black vote, particularly in rural areas. However, as Alabama is only 25% black, the Alabama BCM has much less strength than in other states, which has led to the Alabama Democratic Party's dominance. Instead the BCM largely hopes to gain power through coalitions, and their coalition with WfA has helped them bring more support to the states' black community.

Opposition:
Democratic -
The party of Dixie, the Alabama Democratic Party traditionally controls the vast majority of the white vote, and in recent years has destroyed the Labor and Republican parties in the state. Race-baiting, pork, and often unfair election practices dominate the party, and Roy Moore, their floor leader, still controls the party (and much of the state) despite some setbacks. In the few years where the Democrats have been out of power, fears of paramilitary tactics, once a hallmark of the state Democrats during the 1960s and 1970s, returned. However, Wells' "Security Promise" has largely prevented such incidents from happening. Instead, Democrats have rebounded in the polls, and look to be victorious in the next election, especially with Wells soliciting offers from the dominant football college of his home state, Furman.

Republican - The last vestige of opposition to the Democrats, the Republicans were wiped out of their suburban and Cullman County-based seats in 2019 by Wells, losing their final seats in the legislature. As of right now they sit with the Labor Party, which was similarly wiped out, polling under 3%, and with fears that they'll lose official party status when the next election comes around.

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