- Pronouns
- He/Him
Well it’s either a Brexit-Tory Minority Government or a Lib Dem-Lab Minority Government.
Both of which sound recipes for chaos.
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Airesien's Test Thread
- Thread starter Airesien
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Both of which sound recipes for chaos.
My gut says Lib Dem minority with Labour and SNP confidence and supply until a second EU referendum has been held but then would the SNP push for a second indy ref as well? Hmm...
- Location
- Sheffield
- Pronouns
- she/her
The question I have is how willing Labour is to swallow it's pride and allow the Liberal Democrats to enter office, really
I mean given how badly this election went for them I'm minded to think they would rather get the EU question sorted before they stepped into another election!The question I have is how willing Labour is to swallow it's pride and allow the Liberal Democrats to enter office, really
- Pronouns
- He/Him
Syncretic Values!George Galloway (Brexit) wins the Peterborough by-election
- Location
- Derbyshire
I'm guessing the other 10 Scottish are:
Lib Dem: Orkney and Shetland, Fife North East, East Dunbartonshire, Edinburgh West, Caithness, Sutherland and Easter Ross, probably Ross, Skye and Lochaber.
Conservative: Berwickshire, Roxbugh and Selkirk, Banff and Buchan, Dumfriesshire, Clydesdale and Tweedale
Labour: Edinburgh South.
Although I suppose you could exchange Ross Skye and Lochaber for a Conservative hold in Dumfries and Galloway.
- Pronouns
- it/its (you'll get used to the third person thing)
*cries*
Tony Blair's first term as Prime Minister had gone as smoothly as could have been hoped. By the spring of 2001, Downing Street was satisfied with how the last four years had gone. Peace had been brokered in Northern Ireland, the economy was still ticking along nicely, devolution had been delivered to Scotland and to Wales and, most importantly, the party had survived four years without major scandal and had a double-digit lead in the polls. Only briefly during the fuel protests did the party ever lose their polling lead, a temporary aberration that was soon corrected.
In contrast, the Conservatives appeared more divided than ever. Ken Clarke's leadership of the party had consisted mainly of internal battles over the party's position on Europe, aggressive anonymous briefings from shadow ministers to hostile journalists and consistent rumours of leadership challenges. It was a wonder to some how Clarke had managed to still remain in post by 2001, given the ill-feeling he generated amongst much of the Conservative Party. His first Shadow Chancellor, the Eurosceptic John Redwood, had resigned from the frontbench after barely eighteen months in post in protest of the leadership's tactic support for the government's so-called 'European integration agenda', whilst his successor William Hague in turn overshadowed his leader with assured performances at the despatch box and Thatcherite economic policy that the party could rally round. Clarke nonetheless remained more popular with the general public than he did in his own party and, whilst the party struggled to come close to Labour in the opinion polls, Clarke's personal ratings at least gave something for party headquarters to be cheerful about.
Thus was the backdrop to the 2001 election, penned in for 7th June after Blair opted to call time on his first ministry a year early. The question was, from the very beginning, how large Labour's majority would be, as opposed to a question of whether they would get it or not. The campaign itself failed to capture the attention of the public or the media, with the exception of an incident between John Prescott and a pro-hunting protestor, who found himself on the end of a Prescott punch after he threw an egg at the Deputy Prime Minister. The Labour manifesto was far less revolutionary than its 1997 iteration, whilst the Tory manifesto sought to focus on bread and butter issues - tax, immigration and crime. Notably, it tried to avoid the European issue altogether, failing to mention Europe or the EU even once. That didn't stop shadow ministers from going rogue on the issue, with Shadow Education Secretary Ann Widdecombe and Shadow Health Secretary Liam Fox both indicating that they would be pushing for Britons to have a "real say" on any future European treaty, interventions that incensed Clarke and delighted backbench Thatcherites. Lady Thatcher herself even involved herself in the debate, publicly criticising Clarke for failing to oppose the Euro.
Finding themselves increasingly squeezed were the Liberal Democrats, who had failed to make much of an impact on anything since the election of the drab Simon Hughes in August 1999, replacing the far more popular Paddy Ashdown. Lib Dems longed for Ashdown's personality and strong party management, although Hughes continued his tradition of wooden Commons performances. Initially planning for an offensive campaign, the party soon realised that it would need to be defending the mix of Celtic, northern urban and southern rural seats it had sensationally won four years previous.
The polls remained steady throughout the campaign, with Labour swinging between the mid and low forties, the Tories usually a margin of about ten points behind them, whilst the Lib Dems remained statically beneath the twenty percent mark.
The election result was essentially a repeat of 1997, with even the most optimistic Labour strategists delighted with the very marginal fifteen seat loss the party made at the end of the night. The Conservatives saw a small uptick in terms of vote share and seats but found themselves eight percentage points and two hundred and seventeen seats behind Labour, with the result being recorded as their second worst in over a century. The Liberal Democrats had a disappointing night, slipping back four seats and seeing their vote share drop too, despite hopes that some would use the party as a protest vote to give the two main parties a bloody nose. Having presided over relatively serene political, economic and social conditions, the feeling of prosperity in the United Kingdom had been maintained into the new millennium, and Labour would have a free hand to assert its ideals in the subsequent parliament. Despite the victory, voter apathy was a major issue, as turnout fell to sixty-one percent, over ten percentage points down on 1997. All three main parties saw their total number of votes fall, with some suggesting this sharp fall in turnout and interest was a sign of the general acceptance of the status quo and the likelihood of Labour's majority remaining unassailable.
Clarke had set himself a private target of making a net gain of thirty seats, something he narrowly missed out on. Whilst pragmatists in the party suggested he had done better than could be expected against a popular incumbent government and a Prime Minister that seemed to defy political gravity, Clarke's unpopularity amongst the party grassroots made it almost certain he would have been swiftly seen to by the men in grey suits if he didn't leave of his own accord. As it was, Clarke announced his resignation the afternoon after the election, a development that was celebrated by many in his party. Though he tried to remain in post, arguing that a recovering Tory Party made gains difficult and that he had done as well as could be expected when facing an apathetic electorate, Simon Hughes eventually decided to move on too in early 2002 after facing open revolt in his parliamentary party and opinion polls that suggested the party was falling to levels of support not seen since the dark days of the 1970s. He was replaced by Charles Kennedy, who many liberals believed should have been elected over Hughes the first time around.
In contrast, the Conservatives appeared more divided than ever. Ken Clarke's leadership of the party had consisted mainly of internal battles over the party's position on Europe, aggressive anonymous briefings from shadow ministers to hostile journalists and consistent rumours of leadership challenges. It was a wonder to some how Clarke had managed to still remain in post by 2001, given the ill-feeling he generated amongst much of the Conservative Party. His first Shadow Chancellor, the Eurosceptic John Redwood, had resigned from the frontbench after barely eighteen months in post in protest of the leadership's tactic support for the government's so-called 'European integration agenda', whilst his successor William Hague in turn overshadowed his leader with assured performances at the despatch box and Thatcherite economic policy that the party could rally round. Clarke nonetheless remained more popular with the general public than he did in his own party and, whilst the party struggled to come close to Labour in the opinion polls, Clarke's personal ratings at least gave something for party headquarters to be cheerful about.
Thus was the backdrop to the 2001 election, penned in for 7th June after Blair opted to call time on his first ministry a year early. The question was, from the very beginning, how large Labour's majority would be, as opposed to a question of whether they would get it or not. The campaign itself failed to capture the attention of the public or the media, with the exception of an incident between John Prescott and a pro-hunting protestor, who found himself on the end of a Prescott punch after he threw an egg at the Deputy Prime Minister. The Labour manifesto was far less revolutionary than its 1997 iteration, whilst the Tory manifesto sought to focus on bread and butter issues - tax, immigration and crime. Notably, it tried to avoid the European issue altogether, failing to mention Europe or the EU even once. That didn't stop shadow ministers from going rogue on the issue, with Shadow Education Secretary Ann Widdecombe and Shadow Health Secretary Liam Fox both indicating that they would be pushing for Britons to have a "real say" on any future European treaty, interventions that incensed Clarke and delighted backbench Thatcherites. Lady Thatcher herself even involved herself in the debate, publicly criticising Clarke for failing to oppose the Euro.
Finding themselves increasingly squeezed were the Liberal Democrats, who had failed to make much of an impact on anything since the election of the drab Simon Hughes in August 1999, replacing the far more popular Paddy Ashdown. Lib Dems longed for Ashdown's personality and strong party management, although Hughes continued his tradition of wooden Commons performances. Initially planning for an offensive campaign, the party soon realised that it would need to be defending the mix of Celtic, northern urban and southern rural seats it had sensationally won four years previous.
The polls remained steady throughout the campaign, with Labour swinging between the mid and low forties, the Tories usually a margin of about ten points behind them, whilst the Lib Dems remained statically beneath the twenty percent mark.
The election result was essentially a repeat of 1997, with even the most optimistic Labour strategists delighted with the very marginal fifteen seat loss the party made at the end of the night. The Conservatives saw a small uptick in terms of vote share and seats but found themselves eight percentage points and two hundred and seventeen seats behind Labour, with the result being recorded as their second worst in over a century. The Liberal Democrats had a disappointing night, slipping back four seats and seeing their vote share drop too, despite hopes that some would use the party as a protest vote to give the two main parties a bloody nose. Having presided over relatively serene political, economic and social conditions, the feeling of prosperity in the United Kingdom had been maintained into the new millennium, and Labour would have a free hand to assert its ideals in the subsequent parliament. Despite the victory, voter apathy was a major issue, as turnout fell to sixty-one percent, over ten percentage points down on 1997. All three main parties saw their total number of votes fall, with some suggesting this sharp fall in turnout and interest was a sign of the general acceptance of the status quo and the likelihood of Labour's majority remaining unassailable.
Clarke had set himself a private target of making a net gain of thirty seats, something he narrowly missed out on. Whilst pragmatists in the party suggested he had done better than could be expected against a popular incumbent government and a Prime Minister that seemed to defy political gravity, Clarke's unpopularity amongst the party grassroots made it almost certain he would have been swiftly seen to by the men in grey suits if he didn't leave of his own accord. As it was, Clarke announced his resignation the afternoon after the election, a development that was celebrated by many in his party. Though he tried to remain in post, arguing that a recovering Tory Party made gains difficult and that he had done as well as could be expected when facing an apathetic electorate, Simon Hughes eventually decided to move on too in early 2002 after facing open revolt in his parliamentary party and opinion polls that suggested the party was falling to levels of support not seen since the dark days of the 1970s. He was replaced by Charles Kennedy, who many liberals believed should have been elected over Hughes the first time around.
- Location
- Sheffield
- Pronouns
- she/her
Blairpunk, Blairpunk?
Following a second landslide Conservative defeat in a row, Ken Clarke stood down as leader. Whilst he had had some 'successes' (winning the 1999 European election and making solid gains in local elections were probably the most prominent ones supporters could refer to), the general consensus in Tory circles was that his leadership had been an unhappy one and one that had seen rifts in the party grow even deeper. The leadership contest to find his replacement began almost immediately, with outsider and John Major's former Europe Minister David Davis announcing his candidacy just two days after polling day. The field quickly grew, with Davis joined by Clarke's Shadow Education Secretary Ann Widdecombe, the Thatcherite Maastricht rebel Iain Duncan Smith, the 'darling' of the Tory right Michael Portillo and Clarke's Shadow Chancellor William Hague, widely regarded as the favourite. Notably, the contest was devoid of the presence of any 'wets', with most Tory moderates feeling that a candidate that better reflected the mood of the party grassroots and the parliamentary party would stand a better chance of offering a united opposition to New Labour.
It became clear early on that the contest was really only between Hague, Portillo and IDS, with Widdecombe dropping out in the first round of voting with the support of just nine other colleagues. Davis, who won nineteen votes, saw the writing on the wall and withdrew ahead of the second ballot. Despite finding himself fourteen votes away from Portillo in the first round IDS made up ground by successfully courting Davis and Widdecombe supporters, promising a tough line on Europe and arguing the need for the party to stick to its principles. He was also boosted by the personal endorsement of Margaret Thatcher, who urged MPs to back his candidacy. Thus in the second ballot he found himself just one vote from triggering a run-off against Portillo.
In the third and final ballot, it was clear momentum was with Hague, who pledged that a Tory Party under his leadership would stand resolutely against any further European integration and protect British values. He did offer an olive branch to wavering moderates, promising to make the Conservatives fit for the new century by giving party members a voice in who was elected leader and in how party policy was decided. Portillo meanwhile ran on a somewhat socially liberal manifesto, calling for the party to reform and reach out to groups not normally associated with the party and for the greater involvement of women, ethnic minorities and homosexuals. It was a sharp contrast to the picture he painted of himself prior to his ejection from Parliament in 1997.
In the end, Hague won the final ballot by a large margin. He stuck to his pledge to include a broad church in the Shadow Cabinet, inviting Thatcherite backbenchers like IDS in from the cold, with the MP for Chingford and Woodford Green becoming Shadow Home Secretary, whilst Michael Howard returned to frontbench politics as Shadow Chancellor.
It became clear early on that the contest was really only between Hague, Portillo and IDS, with Widdecombe dropping out in the first round of voting with the support of just nine other colleagues. Davis, who won nineteen votes, saw the writing on the wall and withdrew ahead of the second ballot. Despite finding himself fourteen votes away from Portillo in the first round IDS made up ground by successfully courting Davis and Widdecombe supporters, promising a tough line on Europe and arguing the need for the party to stick to its principles. He was also boosted by the personal endorsement of Margaret Thatcher, who urged MPs to back his candidacy. Thus in the second ballot he found himself just one vote from triggering a run-off against Portillo.
In the third and final ballot, it was clear momentum was with Hague, who pledged that a Tory Party under his leadership would stand resolutely against any further European integration and protect British values. He did offer an olive branch to wavering moderates, promising to make the Conservatives fit for the new century by giving party members a voice in who was elected leader and in how party policy was decided. Portillo meanwhile ran on a somewhat socially liberal manifesto, calling for the party to reform and reach out to groups not normally associated with the party and for the greater involvement of women, ethnic minorities and homosexuals. It was a sharp contrast to the picture he painted of himself prior to his ejection from Parliament in 1997.
In the end, Hague won the final ballot by a large margin. He stuck to his pledge to include a broad church in the Shadow Cabinet, inviting Thatcherite backbenchers like IDS in from the cold, with the MP for Chingford and Woodford Green becoming Shadow Home Secretary, whilst Michael Howard returned to frontbench politics as Shadow Chancellor.
Although the Labour government had initially said that British entry into the Euro would depend on its 'five economic tests', in Number Ten and indeed by the wider media this was widely seen as a way of preventing the Prime Minister from achieving his aim of further integrating the UK into the European Union. Indeed, whispers and rumours throughout 2000 and 2001 - only being halted temporarily during the general election - suggested that the government would instead put the question to the British public in a referendum, as had already happened in Denmark and was later planned in Sweden.
After a second easy victory at the 2001 election and confirmation that Blair wouldn't end up as a one-term PM as had been feared, he was keen to make a defining mark on the country. Part of this was ensuring that Britain was an enthusiastic participant in the European Union, rather than just a reluctant tag-a-long and to Blair it was essential Britain was part of the Eurozone, able to influence and have its say on the EU's economic policy, rather than be guided by it. As such Downing Street proceeded to push for giving the electorate a real say on the single currency, regardless of what the five economic tests suggested. Though the Treasury and Gordon Brown were initially furious that they were being pushed into an unwanted referendum that incurred on their sphere of influence, Brown's advisers, most notably Ed Balls, instead suggested that the referendum was unlikely to lead to the result Blair wanted and could even be used to push forward his departure, if the right result was achieved. As such, Brown announced at the despatch box in 2002 that the government would be setting aside its five economic tests for joining the single currency and instead schedule a yes/no referendum for the spring of 2003.
The spring of 2003 would prove to be pivotal for Blair. In March Parliament officially endorsed military action in Iraq, a decision that still haunts Blair's legacy to this day. At the same time campaigning was gearing up for the Euro referendum, with parties and politicians falling clearly on one side of the debate or the other. The Tories were almost all resolutely in favour of a 'no' vote, with William Hague taking up a leading role in the official 'Save Our Sterling' campaign. Only Ken Clarke and a handful of the wettest Tories, such as former Deputy PM Michael Heseltine, went against the official party position. The Liberal Democrats were generally in favour of the single currency, although they mostly kept quiet during the campaign, opting to try and remain out of the fray and not alienate their voters in the South East and South West, who were generally believed to be opposed to a 'yes' vote. The Labour Party found itself divided and was officially 'neutral' with cabinet ministers able to campaign for either a yes or no vote. The Prime Minister threw himself into the referendum, becoming the face of the 'Yes for Britain' campaign, and whilst initially it was thought to boost the chances of an unlikely yes vote coming to pass, it soon became clear Blair's support was more of a hindrance than a help, given his falling popularity in the wake of Iraq. A number of key cabinet ministers, including his Foreign Secretary Jack Straw, opted to support the 'no' campaign, though none of the big beasts in Labour would campaign ferociously against the Euro, concerned that it would appear that the government was split down the middle. The 'Labour for Sterling' campaign therefore found itself without much star power. Brown himself came out in support of joining the single currency, though his support was notably muted. Come referendum day, he had only made one speech during the whole campaign.
On referendum day, 'no' won by a large margin, with only a handful of council areas supporting a 'yes' vote. The scale of the defeat was embarrassing for Blair, who was no longer seen as the perennial winner that so many thought he was. Whilst he announced in front of Downing Street that he was personally disappointed that nearly two-thirds of the country voted against his preferred outcome, he declared he would honour the result of the referendum and ensure that Britain kept itself out of the Eurozone. The following summer was Blair's most difficult of his premiership so far and opinion polls regularly gave William Hague's party a lead in the high single digits.
After a second easy victory at the 2001 election and confirmation that Blair wouldn't end up as a one-term PM as had been feared, he was keen to make a defining mark on the country. Part of this was ensuring that Britain was an enthusiastic participant in the European Union, rather than just a reluctant tag-a-long and to Blair it was essential Britain was part of the Eurozone, able to influence and have its say on the EU's economic policy, rather than be guided by it. As such Downing Street proceeded to push for giving the electorate a real say on the single currency, regardless of what the five economic tests suggested. Though the Treasury and Gordon Brown were initially furious that they were being pushed into an unwanted referendum that incurred on their sphere of influence, Brown's advisers, most notably Ed Balls, instead suggested that the referendum was unlikely to lead to the result Blair wanted and could even be used to push forward his departure, if the right result was achieved. As such, Brown announced at the despatch box in 2002 that the government would be setting aside its five economic tests for joining the single currency and instead schedule a yes/no referendum for the spring of 2003.
The spring of 2003 would prove to be pivotal for Blair. In March Parliament officially endorsed military action in Iraq, a decision that still haunts Blair's legacy to this day. At the same time campaigning was gearing up for the Euro referendum, with parties and politicians falling clearly on one side of the debate or the other. The Tories were almost all resolutely in favour of a 'no' vote, with William Hague taking up a leading role in the official 'Save Our Sterling' campaign. Only Ken Clarke and a handful of the wettest Tories, such as former Deputy PM Michael Heseltine, went against the official party position. The Liberal Democrats were generally in favour of the single currency, although they mostly kept quiet during the campaign, opting to try and remain out of the fray and not alienate their voters in the South East and South West, who were generally believed to be opposed to a 'yes' vote. The Labour Party found itself divided and was officially 'neutral' with cabinet ministers able to campaign for either a yes or no vote. The Prime Minister threw himself into the referendum, becoming the face of the 'Yes for Britain' campaign, and whilst initially it was thought to boost the chances of an unlikely yes vote coming to pass, it soon became clear Blair's support was more of a hindrance than a help, given his falling popularity in the wake of Iraq. A number of key cabinet ministers, including his Foreign Secretary Jack Straw, opted to support the 'no' campaign, though none of the big beasts in Labour would campaign ferociously against the Euro, concerned that it would appear that the government was split down the middle. The 'Labour for Sterling' campaign therefore found itself without much star power. Brown himself came out in support of joining the single currency, though his support was notably muted. Come referendum day, he had only made one speech during the whole campaign.
On referendum day, 'no' won by a large margin, with only a handful of council areas supporting a 'yes' vote. The scale of the defeat was embarrassing for Blair, who was no longer seen as the perennial winner that so many thought he was. Whilst he announced in front of Downing Street that he was personally disappointed that nearly two-thirds of the country voted against his preferred outcome, he declared he would honour the result of the referendum and ensure that Britain kept itself out of the Eurozone. The following summer was Blair's most difficult of his premiership so far and opinion polls regularly gave William Hague's party a lead in the high single digits.
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The 2019 United Kingdom general election was held on 12 December 2019 to elect all 650 members of the House of Commons, including 18 seats in Northern Ireland. Just over 62 percent of the 1.29 million people in Northern Ireland turned out to vote, a fall of 3.5 percentage points from the last general election.
Despite a significant shift in votes compared to 2017, the make-up of Northern Ireland's delegation to Westminster remained somewhat stable. As has been the case in every Westminster election, the Conservatives once again won a plurality of Northern Irish seats, although they saw their vote share fall beneath 40 percent. Sinn Féin also saw their vote share decrease, however they recorded their best ever return of seats to a Westminster election, holding on to all their 2017 seats and picking up Belfast North from the Conservatives. The Liberal Democrats undoubtedly had the best result of the night, seeing their vote share more than double as progressive unionists and disaffected nationalists flocked to the party. The party surged in a number of seats, although an even distribution of their vote meant they failed to record more than one pickup. Stephen Farry successfully took North Down for the party, a seat vacated by Independent Unionist Lady Sylvia Hermon, but the party narrowly missed out on taking Belfast East by just 1,000 votes and slashed Tory majorities considerably in East Antrim, Lagan Valley and Strangford.
Labour meanwhile suffered a significant cut in their support, replicating the picture elsewhere in the UK. The party had restored their Northern Irish representation by winning Belfast South in 2017 but Claire Hanna was unseated after just two years in Parliament thanks to a large drop in her vote share, losing the seat to the Tories despite them also losing votes. Labour's Assembly leader Colum Eastwood also failed to take Foyle for Labour from Sinn Féin, despite a significant rise in his share of the vote, going against the grain of Labour results elsewhere in the province.
Nationally the Conservatives won a large majority, winning 374 seats, whilst Labour fell to their worst result since 1935. Despite a large uptick in their support, the Liberal Democrats won 12 seats, staying where they were from 2017.
Despite a significant shift in votes compared to 2017, the make-up of Northern Ireland's delegation to Westminster remained somewhat stable. As has been the case in every Westminster election, the Conservatives once again won a plurality of Northern Irish seats, although they saw their vote share fall beneath 40 percent. Sinn Féin also saw their vote share decrease, however they recorded their best ever return of seats to a Westminster election, holding on to all their 2017 seats and picking up Belfast North from the Conservatives. The Liberal Democrats undoubtedly had the best result of the night, seeing their vote share more than double as progressive unionists and disaffected nationalists flocked to the party. The party surged in a number of seats, although an even distribution of their vote meant they failed to record more than one pickup. Stephen Farry successfully took North Down for the party, a seat vacated by Independent Unionist Lady Sylvia Hermon, but the party narrowly missed out on taking Belfast East by just 1,000 votes and slashed Tory majorities considerably in East Antrim, Lagan Valley and Strangford.
Labour meanwhile suffered a significant cut in their support, replicating the picture elsewhere in the UK. The party had restored their Northern Irish representation by winning Belfast South in 2017 but Claire Hanna was unseated after just two years in Parliament thanks to a large drop in her vote share, losing the seat to the Tories despite them also losing votes. Labour's Assembly leader Colum Eastwood also failed to take Foyle for Labour from Sinn Féin, despite a significant rise in his share of the vote, going against the grain of Labour results elsewhere in the province.
Nationally the Conservatives won a large majority, winning 374 seats, whilst Labour fell to their worst result since 1935. Despite a large uptick in their support, the Liberal Democrats won 12 seats, staying where they were from 2017.
So this is based on a TL in The Other Place that basically continues the world of West Wing and fleshes it out with more characters and the politics of different countries.
I kind of wanted to do my own thing with fictional politicians. What would May 2021 look like in an alt-universe? Welcome to the Airesien-verse!
Saturday 8th May 2021
The SNP has won an overall majority in Thursday's election, with First Minister Kenneth Fraser describing the results as "unprecedented" and "historic".
With all the results in, the party won 66 seats (up 9), whilst the opposition Labour Party won 31 (down 13), the Conservatives won 21 (up 6), the Scottish Greens won 6 (up 1) and the Lib Dems won 4 (down 2). An independent MSP, Moira Ferguson, won a list seat in the Glasgow region.
Hailing the results at a victory speech in Edinburgh, Mr Fraser said the results were a "vote of confidence from the Scottish people". He pledged to govern for all Scots and to keep flying the flag of a "proud and progressive Scotland". The SNP dominated in the Central Belt, taking the majority of Labour's constituency seats from 2016, including Labour leader Martha Gordon's seat in Coatbridge and Chryston. In addition to winning 62 of the Parliament's 73 constituency seats, the party also won four list seats to take them above the 65 seats needed for a majority.
The results mean that an independence referendum is likely to take place before the end of 2024, as set out in the SNP's manifesto for government. Though Kenneth Fraser did not allude to the referendum in his victory speech, SNP Depute Leader Patrick Rodgers told the BBC that the Scottish government would now press the Westminster government to permit a vote on Scotland's future in the UK.
I kind of wanted to do my own thing with fictional politicians. What would May 2021 look like in an alt-universe? Welcome to the Airesien-verse!
* * *
SNP win 'historic' outright majority in Scottish Parliament election
Saturday 8th May 2021
The SNP has won an overall majority in Thursday's election, with First Minister Kenneth Fraser describing the results as "unprecedented" and "historic".
With all the results in, the party won 66 seats (up 9), whilst the opposition Labour Party won 31 (down 13), the Conservatives won 21 (up 6), the Scottish Greens won 6 (up 1) and the Lib Dems won 4 (down 2). An independent MSP, Moira Ferguson, won a list seat in the Glasgow region.
Hailing the results at a victory speech in Edinburgh, Mr Fraser said the results were a "vote of confidence from the Scottish people". He pledged to govern for all Scots and to keep flying the flag of a "proud and progressive Scotland". The SNP dominated in the Central Belt, taking the majority of Labour's constituency seats from 2016, including Labour leader Martha Gordon's seat in Coatbridge and Chryston. In addition to winning 62 of the Parliament's 73 constituency seats, the party also won four list seats to take them above the 65 seats needed for a majority.
The results mean that an independence referendum is likely to take place before the end of 2024, as set out in the SNP's manifesto for government. Though Kenneth Fraser did not allude to the referendum in his victory speech, SNP Depute Leader Patrick Rodgers told the BBC that the Scottish government would now press the Westminster government to permit a vote on Scotland's future in the UK.
Labour suffer losses in Senedd election
Saturday 8th May 2021
Questions hang over the future of the Welsh Government after Labour fell to its lowest ever number of seats in the Senedd.
The party won just 24 seats, a fall of five when compared to 2016. Plaid Cymru were the biggest recipients of Labour's fall, winning 16 seats (up 5), whilst the Conservatives also made a net gain (up 1 to 14 seats). UKIP, who first entered the Senedd five years ago, won 4 seats (down 1) whilst the Lib Dems won 2 seats, the same as in 2016.
First Minister Ed Ferris-Jones said the results were "bitterly disappointing", calling on the party to reconnect with the people of Wales. He did not answer reporters' questions about his own future, although it is understood that there is significant discontent on the Labour benches with the party's performance.
Plaid leader Marcus Ellis said that Wales had voted for change and called on other parties to support an anti-Labour government in the Senedd. Plaid has traditionally sat on the left of the political spectrum and previously supported Labour minorities in the devolved legislature, although Ellis has been vocal about the need for the party to target Conservative supporters as well as Labour voters.
Ellis's strategy of breaking into Labour's Welsh Valleys was a success, with the party finally taking Rhondda and Llanelli from the government. It also won Blaneau Gwent on a huge swing and took Aberconwy from the Conservatives. The Tories meanwhile took Gower, Clwyd South and Wrexham from Labour and Montgomeryshire from the Lib Dems.
Saturday 8th May 2021
Questions hang over the future of the Welsh Government after Labour fell to its lowest ever number of seats in the Senedd.
The party won just 24 seats, a fall of five when compared to 2016. Plaid Cymru were the biggest recipients of Labour's fall, winning 16 seats (up 5), whilst the Conservatives also made a net gain (up 1 to 14 seats). UKIP, who first entered the Senedd five years ago, won 4 seats (down 1) whilst the Lib Dems won 2 seats, the same as in 2016.
First Minister Ed Ferris-Jones said the results were "bitterly disappointing", calling on the party to reconnect with the people of Wales. He did not answer reporters' questions about his own future, although it is understood that there is significant discontent on the Labour benches with the party's performance.
Plaid leader Marcus Ellis said that Wales had voted for change and called on other parties to support an anti-Labour government in the Senedd. Plaid has traditionally sat on the left of the political spectrum and previously supported Labour minorities in the devolved legislature, although Ellis has been vocal about the need for the party to target Conservative supporters as well as Labour voters.
Ellis's strategy of breaking into Labour's Welsh Valleys was a success, with the party finally taking Rhondda and Llanelli from the government. It also won Blaneau Gwent on a huge swing and took Aberconwy from the Conservatives. The Tories meanwhile took Gower, Clwyd South and Wrexham from Labour and Montgomeryshire from the Lib Dems.
Judd under fire after Labour slip back in local elections
Sunday 9th May 2021
Pressure has mounted on Labour leader Warwick Judd after the party made losses in the English local elections, with results being declared over the weekend.
Judd's party has won an estimated 28% of the popular vote, whilst the Conservatives have won 35% of the vote, indicating that the seven-point gap often seen in Westminster opinion polls at present has translated to local level. Labour also lost control of key councils across the country, making a net loss of six councils to no overall control or other parties, and made a net loss of around 275 councillors to other parties.
The Conservatives gained control of five councils and made a net gain of around 300 councillors in what was a very good night for the Government. Prime Minister Stephen Idowu said that the results showed that the public supported the government's "long-term economic plan" and that it was successfully delivering for the country.
The Liberal Democrats had a mixed night, losing swathes of seats predominantly across northern England, but it remained solid in the South, retaking control of Watford and Cambridge from the Conservatives and Labour respectively. The party had an estimated vote share of about 18% and made a net loss of a handful of councillors. UKIP remained stagnant, with party leader Martin Strange admitting that the results were "less than ideal", and made a net loss of about 30 seats and recording an estimated national vote share of about 8%. The party kept control over Rochford but lost its hold in Castle Point.
The elections also saw many metro-mayors up for re-election for the first time since they were established in 2017. The Conservatives made headlines after capturing the Tees Valley and West Midlands mayoralties from Labour, a decisive blow to the opposition who had put huge amounts of resources in the last few weeks into holding their ground in these two contests. Meanwhile, the Liberal Democrats successfully took the West of England mayoralty off of the Tories after edging into the second round marginally ahead of Labour. In West Yorkshire Bradford East MP Aamir Ali made history after becoming the first Muslim metro mayor. His victory means that there will be a by-election in his seat after he announced he would not continue to sit in the Commons if he was elected.
Sunday 9th May 2021
Pressure has mounted on Labour leader Warwick Judd after the party made losses in the English local elections, with results being declared over the weekend.
Judd's party has won an estimated 28% of the popular vote, whilst the Conservatives have won 35% of the vote, indicating that the seven-point gap often seen in Westminster opinion polls at present has translated to local level. Labour also lost control of key councils across the country, making a net loss of six councils to no overall control or other parties, and made a net loss of around 275 councillors to other parties.
The Conservatives gained control of five councils and made a net gain of around 300 councillors in what was a very good night for the Government. Prime Minister Stephen Idowu said that the results showed that the public supported the government's "long-term economic plan" and that it was successfully delivering for the country.
The Liberal Democrats had a mixed night, losing swathes of seats predominantly across northern England, but it remained solid in the South, retaking control of Watford and Cambridge from the Conservatives and Labour respectively. The party had an estimated vote share of about 18% and made a net loss of a handful of councillors. UKIP remained stagnant, with party leader Martin Strange admitting that the results were "less than ideal", and made a net loss of about 30 seats and recording an estimated national vote share of about 8%. The party kept control over Rochford but lost its hold in Castle Point.
The elections also saw many metro-mayors up for re-election for the first time since they were established in 2017. The Conservatives made headlines after capturing the Tees Valley and West Midlands mayoralties from Labour, a decisive blow to the opposition who had put huge amounts of resources in the last few weeks into holding their ground in these two contests. Meanwhile, the Liberal Democrats successfully took the West of England mayoralty off of the Tories after edging into the second round marginally ahead of Labour. In West Yorkshire Bradford East MP Aamir Ali made history after becoming the first Muslim metro mayor. His victory means that there will be a by-election in his seat after he announced he would not continue to sit in the Commons if he was elected.
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2010–2016: David Cameron (Conservative)
2010 (Coalition with Liberal Democrat) def. Gordon Brown (Labour), Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrat)
2015 (Majority) def. Ed Miliband (Labour), Nicola Sturgeon (SNP), Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrat)
2016 EU referendum: leave (50.9%) def. remain (49.1%)
2016–2018: Michael Gove (Conservative)
2018 (Minority with DUP confidence and supply) def. Andy Burnham (Labour), Nicola Sturgeon (SNP), Norman Lamb (Liberal Democrat)
2018–2019: David Davis (Conservative minority)
2019–Present: Andy Burnham (Labour)
2019 (Majority) def. David Davis (Conservative), Nicola Sturgeon (SNP), Ed Davey (Liberal Democrat), Nigel Farage (Brexit)
2010 (Coalition with Liberal Democrat) def. Gordon Brown (Labour), Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrat)
2015 (Majority) def. Ed Miliband (Labour), Nicola Sturgeon (SNP), Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrat)
2016 EU referendum: leave (50.9%) def. remain (49.1%)
2016–2018: Michael Gove (Conservative)
2018 (Minority with DUP confidence and supply) def. Andy Burnham (Labour), Nicola Sturgeon (SNP), Norman Lamb (Liberal Democrat)
2018–2019: David Davis (Conservative minority)
2019–Present: Andy Burnham (Labour)
2019 (Majority) def. David Davis (Conservative), Nicola Sturgeon (SNP), Ed Davey (Liberal Democrat), Nigel Farage (Brexit)
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- Pronouns
- He/Him
Strong ‘If John Smith Had Lived’ energy to me here.
