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Ave Império: What if Brazil reformed in 1889?

NotDavidSoslan

Active member
In August 1889, the Brazilian General Assembly passed several reforms, which historians credit with preventing a republican coup d'etat and the overthrow of the monarchy.

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Afonso Celso, the President of the Council of Ministers who proposed the reforms in spite of Emperor Pedro II, who had no hopes of saving his system, not supporting them.

Among the reforms were the:

• Increase of provincial autonomy;
• Expansion of voting rights and electoral districts;
• Direct election of municipal administrators and provincial presidents and vice presidents;
• Reduction of the prerogatives of the Council of State;
• And the reduction of Senate terms from lifelong to eight-year ones.

Over the following months, the General Assembly also legalized civil marriage and birth and death certificates, estabilished new taxes, and allowed freedom of religion, although Catholicism remained official. However, the conservative landowners prevented the Liberal Party's new agricultural law from passing, and improvements to education and the creation of a civil code would only happen under the premiership of Rui Barbosa.

On the other hand, the reform package substantially reduced support for a republic, especially among landowners, with the coffee planters of the Paraíba Valley supporting the imperial government and estabilishing a mutually beneficial patronage relationship with it that lasted until Getúlio Vargas, from the Riograndense Republican Party, became Prime Minister.

Brazilian politics in the late 19th century

Between 1889 and 1899, the following Presidents of the Council of Ministers held the office:

39. Afonso Celso de Assis Figueiredo (Liberal, 1889–1891)
40. Prudente de Morais (Liberal, 1891–1893)
41. Rui Barbosa (Liberal, 1893–1895)
42. Campos Sales (Liberal, 1895–1897)
43. Rodrigues Alves (Liberal, 1897–1899)

All of those prime ministers (and all Brazilian ones for that matter, until Lauro Sodré in 1909) were from the Liberal Party, as the fading into obscurity of the Republican movement allowed the Luzias to estabilish themselves as the defenders of federalism and the Paulista oligarchy, with the Saquaremas (Conservative Party) realigning as the party of the declining North and centralized government.

Afonso Celso, Viscount of Ouro Preto, had sought to estabilish a large, private central bank akin to those in European countries in order to regulate finance. This plan was rejected by the Saquarema majority, as the Brazilian financial market was a "feud" of a few banking families.

Under the tenure of Rui Barbosa, several important reforms were done, such as the creation of a civil code and official separation of church and state. There wouldn't be any land reform until the 1930s, due to the influence the landed oligarchy had in the legislative branch.

On 15 January 1895, longtime Emperor Pedro II died at the age of 69, after 65 years of reign and 55 in power, being succeeded by his grandson Pedro de Alcântara, a 24 year-old and the first member of the House of Bragança to survive the "curse" that always killed the firstborn sons of the Portuguese and Brazilian royal families. Pedro III was a liberal, and cooperated with Parliament in passing reforms to reduce his power, but his primary interest was in facilitating credit for bankers, industrialists and planters.

Voter fraud continued unabated during the 1890s, and in 1894, a parliamentary comission was estabilished to search for a solution. It concluded an Electoral Court was needed to regulate elections, but it was only estabilished under the term of Lauro Sodré, an act historians attribute to his goal of restoring Saquarema dominance.

The Northeastern planters which had dominated Brazilian politics since colonization slowly faded into the background, with only gerrymandering and cronyism keeping this elite influent until it was swept away in the 1930s.

In 1901, the Moderating Branch, which allowed the Emperor to interfere in the other branches of government, was finally abolished, marking the moment the "new" oligarchies captured the state for good.

Brazilian politics and economy in the early 20th century

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Rui Barbosa, an important Brazilian politician of the period.

Between 1901 and 1920, all ministerial cabinets other than Lauro Sodré (1909–1911), were dominated by the Luzias, who had leaders such as Rui Barbosa, Nilo Peçanha, Rodrigues Alves and Delfim Moreira. Barbosa served as Prime Minister between 1903 and 1905, 1911 and 1913, and 1915 and 1917. In 1919, the ease of credit led to a boom and bust cycle following WWI, and an economic depression which resulted in Conservative (Saquarema) dominance until the Great Depression.

Although the Liberals initially rigged elections in order to stay in power, and ensured government was dominated by the coffee planters from São Paulo and Minas Gerais, there was little corruption other than voter fraud, as Pedro III, like his father, had a list of politicians accused of corruption, who were never again allowed to hold public office; in spite of the Moderating Branch's abolition, the Emperor could still dissolve Parliament and schedule new elections, and the Luzia administrations oversaw the expansion of the railway network, wide access to credit for industrialists (outside of financial panics), greater investment in primary education, and the maintenance of low taxes. Also, the Electoral Court founded in 1909 by Sodré made fraud a thing of the past outside of the Sertão.

By 1920, railways crisscrossed virtually all of Southern Brazil, significantly easing transportation, although only the middle class could afford train tickets, and this amount of railroads led to environmental issues. Telegraph lines reached the remote Amazon Rainforest, especially with the short-liver rubber boom, and the ease of credit, coupled with foreign immigration, meant industrialisation progressed rapidly. Also by 1920, Brazil was considered to be a Great Power, participating in the Versailles Conference and becoming a founding member of the League of Nations.

In 1902, the Brazilian Socialist Party was founded in São Paulo, spreading to all Southern provinces by 1911; it was actually a coalition of regional parties whose strong showing in 1911, almost exclusively driven by the immigrant vote, led to Rui Barbosa passing a law authorizing the deportation of immigrants suspected of "subversive" activity, and the beginning of strike-breaking and union-busting activities by the Public Forces of various provinces.

In 1917, there was a general strike in São Paulo, which was Barbosa's cabinet sought a mediated solution for, only for the unions to refuse it; his cabinet soon broke the strike.
 
Brazilian politics and economy during the Roaring Twenties

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Epitácio Pessoa, the Conservative Prime Minister from 1920 to 1923, ran a fiscally conservative and federalist administration, while working with industrialists such as Francesco Matarazzo in the fight against the labour movement, as strikes were repeatedly broken and unions arrested and deported. But his successor, Artur Bernardes, had a significantly more nationalist and centralizing agenda, which included greater workers' rights and social welfare, in order to reduce the appeal of socialism and communism in Brazil. To this effect, Bernardes and his cabinet implemented a nine-hour workday, reparations for workers injured in the job, and the creation of a large central bank similar to the ones in European nations; he also took a loan from the Baring Brothers in order to open the National Steel Company in Volta Redonda, Rio de Janeiro, and made the 1st of May a national holiday.

The economy of Brazil, including industry, registered a remarkable and consistent growth during the decade, while the living standards of the population of major cities improved, and a large rural exodus began, with *nordestinos* taking advantage of the reduced train fares to flock to cities such as São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro and Juiz de Fora, which became Minas Gerais' capital in 1899. The Saquarema governments also took the fight against illiteracy as a banner, even making elementary school attendance mandatory in 1927, and started oil surveys, especially in Bahia.

Brazilian nationalism grew massively during the decade, with virtually every major artist participating in the Modern Art Week of 1922, and important works of art being made, such as the book Macunaíma and Tarsila do Amaral's paintings. Pedro III continued his father's work in supporting those artists, using government institutions to promote Brazilian culture.

The Great Depression, in 1929, struck Brazil particularly hard, as its financial system had wide links to that of the United States and Europe. The Communist Party of Brazil, led by Apolônio de Carvalho, and the Brazilian Integralist Party, which had Plínio Salgado as its "national chief", grew considerably, but it was the Brazilian Socialist Party, under João Mangabeira, which won the 1930 snap election by campaigning on further workers' rights, economic nationalism, and land reform. Mangabeira would remain Prime Minister until 1945, substantially transforming Brazil into what it is today.
 
Brazilian foreign and military policy between 1889 and 1920

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Part of the Ouro Preto cabinet's domestic reforms was to strenghten the Brazilian Army at the expense of the Imperial Navy, then the sixth-strongest in the world.

From 1889 onwards, the imperial government followed a policy of strenghtening the ground force at the expense of the Brazilian Navy; military officers were increasingly appointed to the Ministry of War, and started getting promoted due to merit instead of class, while adopting newer technology such as machine guns and bolt-action rifles; this substantially reduced opposition to the monarchy among the Army.

This changed after 1900, when the beginning of a naval arms race in South America led the Liberal administrations to embark on a buildup of the Navy, ordering three battleships and two submarines from the United Kingdom in 1907, and abolishing corporal punishment that same year. By 1915, seaplanes were being flown from Navy ships, marking the beginning of naval aviation in Brazil.

In the field of democracy, Brazil sought mediated solutions to conflicts, with the Baron of Rio Branco, a frequent Minister of Foreign Affairs, demarcating most of Brazil's borders with its neighbors between 1892 and 1908; in 1902, Brazil sent troops into Acre, crushing a republican revolution there and soon annexing the remote territory.

In 1904, the Pirara question was arbitrated in favor of Britain, due to Victor Emmanuel III's racism towards non-Italian Brazilians. During that time, Brazilian economic and political influence over Uruguay, Paraguay, Colombia and Peru saw a remarkable increase through foreign investment, cultural soft power, and arbitration (successful or not) of international, as well as some domestic, disputes.

By the time World War I broke out, the Brazilian and German Empires had developed strong relations in the economic, military and cultural spheres. Brazil exported coffee and rubber to Germany and, in turn, imported manufactured products, including weapons; many in the Conservative Party, especially Alberto Torres, were admirers of Germany, especially the rationality and efficiency of its industry.

Brazil refused to break diplomatic relations with Germany until January 1916, after the Lusitania incident, and formally declared war on the country in March 1917. Brazil planned to send an expeditionary force numbering 15,000 men to the Western Front (the Calógeras Plan), but it had not been fully mobilized by the time Germany surrendered.

The strong role played by the Brazilian Navy in the South Atlantic, as well as Brazil's economic and geopolitical growth (it held wide political influence over smaller South American nations), led Brazil to attend the Versailles Peace Conference in 1919, and while a demand for an end to racial discrimination was rejected by the Great Powers, Brazil became a founding member of the League of Nations, albeit not a part of its leading council. Thus, the Empire had been consolidated as a great power in the world scene.
 
Mangabeira, an MP for the Liberal Party, did not run for reelection in 1927, joining the PSB later that year and becoming its first leader born in Brazil.

The PSB's 1930 platform called for the nationalisation of metallurgy, railroads and electricity, land reform, reducing the workday to eight hours while massively expanding workers' rights, and the legal recognition of unions. Those ideas were heavily appealing to the middle class during the Depression.

The Communist Party of Brazil elected MPs for the first time, six in total, including party leader Minervino de Oliveira, a black factory worker who represented "Little Africa" in Rio de Janeiro.

The Conservatives, or Saquaremas, finished outside the top two for the first time since their founding in 1838, losing absolutely all seats outside of the North, while the Liberals lost 15 seats to the Socialists and Republicans but fared better off compared to the Conservatives.

The Republican Party (PR), representing the positivist and nationalist politics of Rio Grande do Sul, won the majority of seats in that province and Santa Catarina, by campaigning on industrialization, economic modernization and corporatism. It also elected MPs in Minas Gerais and São Paulo.

The Brazilian Imperial Patrianovist Action, a far-right party supporting a traditionalist "Second Empire", and the splinter Socialist Party of Brazil did not win any seats.
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Mangabeira's Election Reform Act also extended the length of General Assembly sessions to four years, and starting with the 93rd session, five years.

The Socialist Party's landslide victory allowed it to successfully implement its most controversial proposal, land reform, which had been a political proposal since Brazil's independence in the 1820s, but never implemented, instead of just workers' rights and legal protection for unions.

The Socialist Labour Party of Brazil (PSPB) won four seats and 4.6% of the vote, by winning over left-wing intellectuals dissatisfied with PSB's moderation after Mangabeira became party leader.

The Liberal Party suffered losses, as its role as the main republican-leaning, progressive party was effectively stolen by the Socialists, but the Conservatives made small gains.

The Socialist Party's landslide victory allowed it to successfully implement its most controversial proposal, land reform, which had been a political proposal since Brazil's independence in the 1820s, but never implemented, instead of just workers' rights and legal protection for unions.

The Socialist Labour Party of Brazil (PSPB) won four seats and 4.6% of the vote, by winning over left-wing intellectuals dissatisfied with PSB's moderation after Mangabeira became party leader.

The Liberal Party suffered losses, as its role as the main republican-leaning, progressive party was effectively stolen by the Socialists, but the Conservatives made small gains.
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There was little to no use of armor and aviation during the Chaco War, especially as the João Mangabeira administration followed pacifism and refused to allow foreign weapons to pass through Brazil's territory.

When the war started, Brazil refused to support either side in any way, declaring neutrality and immediately seeking to negotiate a peaceful settlement, but it was initially unsuccessful due to the determination of both sides to fight, until Paraguay made unexpected gains, and Brazil's strength and influence made Bolivia accept negotiations.

Neither Bolivia nor Paraguay were satisfied with the 50/50 split guaranteed by the treaty, and there were further border clashes in 1941.

The conservative elite went on to dominate Bolivian politics until 1948, while the Colorado Party continued to rule Paraguay until Rafael Franco was elected President the following year.

In 1930, a coup attempt by Colonel Luís Miguel Sanchez Cerro against Leguía's administration was crushed by Peruvian Army loyalists, who counted on Brazilian support. However, the failed putsch left Leguía politically powerless until his death.

By 1939, Brazil was the main arms supplier of the Uruguayan, Bolivian and Paraguayan militares, due to its disproportionate strength relative to those neighboring nations.
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Brazilian domestic politics between 1930 and 1935

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The administration of João Mangabeira introduced unemployment insurance, retirement pensions, and paid vacations, as well as other benefits, to Brazilian workers.

After the 90th session of the General Assembly took office, the Socialist and Republican parties agreed on the promotion of workers' rights, a more coherent industrial policy, and the "integration of the working class into modern society", but clashed in regards to wealth redistribution and a land reform program, with the mostly centre-right Republicans voting against the former and criticizing the latter's execution. As such, a progressive income tax, the nationalisation of unused land, and land grants and training to peasant families were only implemented after 1931, when the Socialists won a full majority of seats.

The left-wing administration also established the Rio Doce Valley Company, the National Highway Department, and the Supreme Labour Court. They sought to expand the country's electric grid, resorting to hydroelectric power due to its cheapness and the abundance of rivers and lakes in Brazil. Rivers in Minas Gerais, São Paulo, Rio Grande do Sul and Bahia saw the construction of dams, while the Ford Motor Company would eventually estabilish a factory in São Paulo, due to figuring out the low operating cost of the nearly nonexistent automobile industry.

The Conservative Party was the only one to oppose the land reform, viewing it as communist, but its rapid decline with the Great Depression made this irrelevant; on the other hand, it voted for workers' rights measures and the creation of state-owned businesses, which only faced opposition from a handful of old-school Luzias and Saquaremas.

Brazil recovered from the Great Depression earlier than France, the United Kingdom and the United States, thanks in part due to its new policy of vigorous state intervention and economic development.

Not everything was positive during this period, as, in 1932, writer Plínio Salgado founded the Brazilian Integralist Action, a far-right, clerical fascist and Brazilian nationalist party which opposed liberalism and communism, as well as the social democratic policies of the PSB administration, instead proposing a mixed distributist and corporatist system based on class collaboration, and the replacement of liberal democracy by a dictatorship modeled after Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, while maintaining the monarchy, which they strongly supported. The AIB experienced rapid growth, performing surprisingly well in local elections held in 1934 and electing 15 MPs the following year, due to its appeal to the German and Italian communities, the middle class and the Armed Forces. There were frequent clashes between the Integralists and left-wing forces, which led to Prime Minister Mangabeira passing a law banning political uniforms.

In 1935, the PSB won a second majority government, with the PCB and other left-wing parties losing a considerable share of the vote to them, while the Luzias and Saquaremas continued to fade into irrelevance.
 
The Brazilian Integralist Action won fifteen seats across São Paulo, Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catarina and Paraná, by running on an authoritarian and nationalist platform opposed to communism.

They finished slightly behind their archenemies the Communists in the popular vote, as the latter had a strong base among the poor and Afro-Brazilians, while the AIB's appeal was mostly limited to immigrant and middle-class communities. Nevertheless, the election marked the beginning of the PCB's decline.

Another change in the election was that the Republican Party, a centre-right, nationalist party mostly concentrated in Southern Brazil but also strong in the Southeast, effectively replaced the Luzias as Brazil's second-strongest party, which they remained until the 1950 general election, which was won by the Christian Democratic Party.

Mangabeira did not run for reelection as the Socialist leader in 1940, with the young Hermes Lima being elected in his place. The outbreak of World War II effectively swept away the two old parties, which had merged with newer ones by 1950.
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Brazilian foreign policy in the run-up to World War II

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In the years before the war, Brazil waged a protracted campaign against German influence in Latin America.

By 1930, Brazil had great influence over other Latin American nations, being the main military partner of Paraguay, Bolivia and Uruguay and the primary trade partner of those countries plus Peru, Ecuador, Colombia, Venezuela and Costa Rica. Brazil both imported crops from these countries which were not harvested domestically, and exported some manufactured products. The Brazilian-made Mauser 1908 rifle was widely used by government forces, revolutionaires and bandits alike in South and Central America.

The first Socialist administration also began the policy of using Brazilian influence over those countries in order to benefit their population, providing contos of réis in humanitarian aid and sending teachers, doctors and craftsmen to Paraguay, Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador and Colombia, even during the Chaco War. Brazil unsuccessfully attempted to define borders between Ecuador and Peru and Peru and Colombia, but only the latter was solved.

In worldwide relations, Brazil began a realignement from its traditional dependence on Britain towards an alliance with the United States. In 1933, João Mangabeira became the first Brazilian Emperor or Prime Minister to visit the United States since Pedro II in 1876, meeting the new President, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and signing an economic agreement the following year, which had the effect of redirecting Brazilian agricultural exports towards the US.

As world tensions increased, the Socialist administration took an increased role in fighting fascism and fascist influence, supporting the Republicans during the Spanish Civil War, which saw considerable Brazilian volunteerism, and protecting the conservative governments in Bolivia and Paraguay from possible revolutionary movements. In 1937, following increased tensions with La Concordancia's Argentina, Brazil started a military buildup, estabilishing the National Motor Factory (FNM) in order to produce armored vehicles and military aircraft, and purchasing anti-tank guns from its fellow monarchy Sweden. Brazil sharply distanced itself from Germany and Italy, instead forging strong ties with the United States.

Brazil declared war on Nazi Germany on 2 July 1940, and rapidly occupied French Guyana in order to prevent Vichy France from estabilishing a foothold in South America. The Empire played a large role in the conflict, being rewarded by the United States with a permanent seat in the UN Security Council.
 
The construction of Brasília began in 1937 as a new, purpose-built capital to replace Rio de Janeiro, whose location left it at risk of being captured in case of another world war.

The idea was widely supported across the political spectrum and overwhelming by intellectuals, with the PSB government even deploying the military engineering corps to take place in the construction. All the three main political parties in the 1940 election supported building Brasília, and although the Republicans under Vargas (who focused on keeping Brazil out of war) criticized the works for inefficiency and corruption, they were still for the project, which was mostly finished by then.

In 1941, the Brazilian imperial family, Parliament and Council of Ministers moved to the new city, with a purpose-built imperial palace, the Palácio de Bragança, built in the modernist style and alongside the Palácio do Planalto, the headquarters of the legislative branch.

The former Neutral Municipality was turned into the province of Guanabara, which would be annexed to Rio de Janeiro in 1951, during the premiership of Cristiano Machado.
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The Republicans under Vargas were also in favor of auditing the construction of Brasília and a plebiscite on the form of government (obviously), but their main focus was on keeping Brazil neutral, which was the Integralists' single-issue campaign. They performed considerably better than in the previous three elections they participated in, due to their anti-war, anti-corruption message resonating outside of the Southeast.

The AIB finished third nationwide, winning the majority of seats in the province of Santa Catarina, which had experienced heavy German and Italian immigration, and ending up second in Paraná, also due to the immigrant vote.

The Liberals won 16 seats and 7.5% of the vote, while the Conservatives won 11 seats and 6.7% of the vote. The Brazilian Black Front (FNB), a party advocating for the interests of Afro-Brazilians and ranging from fascism to communism in the political spectrum, won 0.9% of the vote and elected two MPs, Arlindo Veiga dos Santos and Abdias do Nascimento.

The PCB's vote collapsed, with the Communists winning 2.6% of the vote and losing all of their seats; they would remain out of parliament until 1950.

The PSB went on to win the 1945 general election, albeit by a reduced margin.
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Brazilian participation in World War II
(The original post has 17 screenshots, so I won't send them here)
The Armada Imperial Brasileira and Força Aérea Imperial Brasileira were actively involved in the Sicilian and Italian campaigns, launching airstrikes, blockading ports controlled by Axis forces, and bombarding coastal defenses before they could attack.

Osvaldo Aranha, the foreign minister of Brazil between 1940 and 1950, played a key role in Brazil's entry into the Security Council, successfully negotiating the exclusion of France from the council; it would only be admitted in 1963, during the period of Gaullist dominance.

During their occupation of French Guyana, the Brazilians respected the civil rights and freedoms of the occupied populace, avoiding violent repression against them.

By January 1945, all South American countries had declared war on Brazil other than Argentina, which did so in February. Brazilian influence helped keep conservative oligarchies in power, at the expense of populists and revolutionary movements. Given its rivalry with Brazil, which almost led to war several times, Argentina was the South American country least dependent on Brazil, since its economy was oriented towards agricultural exports to the United Kingdom.

During WWII, Brazil developed its first indigenous tanks, machine guns and military aircraft, thus starting an indigenous military industry for good.
 
The PSB suffered losses for the second time in a row, as voters wanted to focus on wartime inflation and the cost of living instead of soft power over Latin America and nationalisation, and there was similar backlash in legislative elections in the United States and Britain.

On 28 November 1944, MP for Goiás province Domingos Vellasco was chosen as the Socialist Party leader by the party convention, facing little opposition, as incumbent Hermes Lima did not run for reelection and endorsed Vellasco, a Christian socialist, instead.

Two years previously, Getúlio Vargas had resigned as the Republican Party's leader, triggering a snap election, where Ademar de Barros defeated Vargas ally Clóvis Pestana, marking the Republicans' shift away from Rio Grande do Sul.

This was the first election where the Federal District participated; it elected five MPs to the General Assembly, with four seats being won by the PSB and one by the PR, as "candangos" credited the Socialists with the construction of Brasília.

The Christian Democratic Party contested a general election for the first time, winning 20 seats and control of Paraná's delegation to the General Assembly. They ran as a centre-right, monarchist party supportive of a social market economy and Catholic values, attracting many middle-class voters who supported the monarchy but were dissatisfied with the PSB administration.

The Luzias only won 7 seats from the Southeast and 4.5% of the vote, while the Saquaremas only won 5 seats and 3.4% of the vote; all conservative seats were located in the Northeast.

In 1947, the Conservative Party merged with the Christian Democratic Party, and the following year, the Liberal Party merged with the Republicans, whom renamed themselves the Social Democratic Party (PSD) in order to expand their appeal beyond regime change and attract monarchist voters.
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Domingos Vellasco had faced backlash for his support for neutrality in the Cold War and opposition to banning the Communist Party.

However, his economic policies, such as the expansion of childcare and extension of workers' rights to rural areas, were popular with voters. Also, in 1949, Pedro IV signed the ABC Pact, a military and political alliance between Brazil, Argentina and Chile, which was Perón's and Vellasco's initiative as part of their improvements of relations.

In 1950, the Social Democrats lost many former PR voters – most of whom supported the party due to conservatism and regionalism instead of opposition to the monarchy – to the Christian Democrats, especially in the Northeast, which was the most pro-monarchy region in Brazil. Ademar de Barros also refused to run a red-baiting campaign, hurting the PSD with the anti-communist middle class.

The PSB's campaigning focused on the strength of the Brazilian economy and the party's achievements across two decades, such as the entry of Brazil into the UN Security Council and successful land reform, which increased agricultural production. However, there was party fatigue after two decades of Socialist rule.

Cristiano Machado resigned in June 1953 due to his poor health, which caused Pedro IV to disband Parliament and schedule new elections to October of that year. They were won by the Christian Democrats, this time with a narrow majority, which enabled the PDC to govern alone. In 1955, the PDC would be returned to power with an even greater majority, due to the boom of the 1950s.
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There was significant internal opposition to Brazil's entry in the Korean War, coming from the Socialist Party and trade unions, who viewed the war as none of Brazil's business.

However, Pedro IV was the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, and given Brazil's strength in the international stage after WWII, Brazil's participation in the war was inevitable, at least under a PDC administration.

The BEB was armed with IMBEL IA1 semiautomatic rifles, Thompson submachine guns, IMBEL M36 machine guns, M114 howitzers and M8 Greyhound armored cars, and the air wing operated Gloster Meteor fighter jets (since Brazil's indigenous combat aircraft was not yet in service), C-47 Skytrain transport planes, and license-built T-36 Texan trainer aircraft.

Brazilian forces withdrew from South Korea in 1957, during the premiership of Juscelino Kubitschek.
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On 4 August 1953, Arinos, a Senator for Guanabara, defeated party founder Carvalho Pinto for the PDC leadership.

Pasqualini, also a Senator (this time from Rio Grande do Sul), had become party leader in a snap election held on 13 August 1951, after Domingos Vellasco's resignation; he defeated journalist and industrialist Orlando Dantas. MP for Minas Gerais Juscelino Kubitschek also became party leader through a special election, after Ademar de Barros resigned in order to focus on his duties as Governor of São Paulo.

The PSB's 1953 campaign focused on an independent foreign policy, including the development of nuclear weapons, and the creation of social programs to fight the poverty in Brazil's major cities. They argued the economic growth post-1950 was not benefitting the poor as it should, and that the Korean War was none of Brazil's business.

The PDC, on the other hand, focused on the strong economy, after a brief recession in 1948-1949 which hurt PSB in the 1950 election, and emphasized its role in fighting communism across Latin America; the previous year, a Cuban coup attempt by Fulgencio Batista had been crushed with Brazilian support. This campaigning and fears of communist influence among the middle class led to the PDC winning a full majority by a razor-thin margin of two seats, but the Socialists still ran a good campaign and won the low-income urban vote.

The Trotskyist Revolutionary Socialist Party (PSR) won two seats and 4.2% of the vote, while the Party of Popular Representation (PRP) won one seat and 2.8% of the vote, with their only MP being Raymundo Padilha.
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1952 Cuban presidential election – 10 May 1952.

Roberto Agramonte of the Orthodox Party was easily elected, defeating Carlos Hevia of the Authentic Party and Fulgencio Batista of the United Action coalition.

Three months before the elections, Batista attempted an unsuccessful coup against the administration of Carlos Prío Socarras, which was crushed with support from the Brazilian SNI. This destroyed support for his campaign, which became limited to upper-class planters and organized criminals, and the coup ended Batista's political career.

Fidel Castro was elected to the House of Representatives. He would be elected President in 1972, but get overthrown by the CIA-backed military.
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Arinos ran a centrist administration, unsuccessfully proposing a law against racism, and sending a trade mission to the Soviet Bloc, while refusing to restrict wages or fight the power of unions.

This caused former Saquaremas in the PDC to join the PSD, which was pushed to the right and elected MP for Minas Gerais Milton Campos as its leader, defeating another Mineiro, Juscelino Kubitschek.

At one point, the defection of three conservatives in the PDC to the PR deprived the Christian Democrats of a majority, forcing them to form a temporary minority government with the PSB, further outraging right-wingers.

The Socialist Party nominated Vitorino Freire, a little-known Senator for Pernambuco with a pragmatic and moderate voting record. Many union workers felt difficulty identifying with Vitorino, but the PSB avoided addressing the Arinos administration (due to the minority government) campaigned on reducing the cost of living, expanding government aid to the poor, and controlling slums, which helped reduce bleeding among its core base and made the party lose 15 seats instead of double that number as polls predicted.

Anyway, the postwar boom and growing foreign investment in the Brazilian economy ensured PDC won the election with a majority of 14 seats.

The conflict between centrists and right-wingers in the PDC depended during the late 1950s, leading to the Socialist Party winning the 1960 election.
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There's a lot of stuff that looks interesting here, but it moves very fast- for example, what actually prompts the General Assembly to pass reforms?
 
There's a lot of stuff that looks interesting here, but it moves very fast- for example, what actually prompts the General Assembly to pass reforms?
An assassination attempt against Pedro II.
What do you mean by "it moves very fast"?

The PSD failed to make gains among the general electorate, and lost 33 seats, as its original electorate of republican liberals abandoned it for either of the two major parties.

Brizola would remain prime minister until 1974, when the oil shock caused Pedro IV to disband Parliament and schedule new elections, which the PSD won by a landslide due to Brizola fatigue and the poor economy.

In 1961, there was almost a war with France over exports from Amapá and into French Guyana, something worsened by France being thrown out of the Security Council, which enraged General de Gaulle and French nationalists; they dominated France's politics until 1969, due to the public demanding an UNSC seat.

The following year, United States opposition to Brizola's nationalisations, and their fear of what would happen to Portuguese Africa if Brazil kept its seat, caused the John F. Kennedy administration to call for Brazil to be replaced with France, but Brazil (predictably) vetoed it. However, France was admitted as a sixth member in 1966, after two decades of campaigning.
(The images are upside down due to a bug preventing me from placing them downwards)
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