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Lists of Heads of Government and Heads of State


Always mysterious!
Published by SLP
Municipal Commune of Bourne
Governors of North Dakota

1929-1932: George F. Shafer (Republican — Independent Voters Association)
1932-1934: William "Wild Bill" Langer (Republican — “Creditist” Nonpartisan League)
1934-1935: Ole H. Olson (Republican — “Anti-Social” Nonpartisan League)
1935-1936: Lydia Langer (Independent — League for Social Credit)
1936-1939: William "Wild Bill" Langer (Independent — League for Social Credit)
1939: Quentin Burdick (Independent — League for Social Credit)
1939-1959: William "Wild Bill" Langer (Independent — League for Social Credit)
1959-1960: Arthur A. Link (Independent — League for Social Credit)
1960-1973: Quentin Burdick (Independent — League for Social Credit)
1973-1981: Thomas S. Kleppe (Republican)
1981-1989: S. F. "Buckshot" Hoffner (Democratic League for Social Credit)
1989-2001: Ed Schafer (Republican)
2001-2005: Ed Schultz (DLSC)
2005-2013: Duane Sand (Republican)
2013-0000: Leonard Peltier (DLSC)

(See Prairie Fire)

In the early 1920s, Bill Langer was at a crossroads. The Nonpartisan League, a radical agrarian bloc founded by socialist flax farmer Arthur Townley, had swept to power across the state in 1916. Langer himself, a young lawyer from Mandan, had been elected Attorney General. Their achievements included a ban on corporate farming, workmen's compensation, a progressive income tax, and the nation's only publicly owned bank, along with state-run grain mills and railroads. But the radicals faced powerful opposition both inside the Republican Party and out, and in the wake of the postwar agricultural collapse, a conservative campaign put paid to the experiment and forced NPL governor Lynn Frazier out of office. Meanwhile, the League was suffering from internal splits that pitted Langer against Frazier and Townley, and the onetime Attorney General briefly left the party.

Then, destiny struck. A chance encounter with Alfred Orage, a traveling lecturer on Theosophical mysticism and political philosophy, introduced him to the work of C. H. Douglas. Langer quickly came to believe that farmers' lack of purchasing power lay at the root of his state's woes. Returning to politics, he worked to convince fellow NPLers of his views. While unsuccessful in transforming the League into a social credit organization, after the Depression began he was able to get elements of monetary reform added to the platform, and in 1932 he was selected as the NPL candidate for Governor, despite opposition from Frazier and other more conventionally socialist leaders.

Langer was duly elected and immediately placed a moratorium on farm foreclosures and mortgage payments. He then - to great controversy - ordered the Bank of North Dakota (BND) to begin issuing citizens with bundles of scrip known as "Dividend Certificates" (or "Billybucks"). Unlike the similar experiment then being tried by the Aberhart government in Alberta, these certificates were not designed to depreciate rapidly. They were simply an alternative currency, one that allowed Langer a degree of control over the money supply and additionally encouraged people to spend their money in-state. The governor opened dozens of new BND branches, encouraging North Dakotans to deposit their money with the state government rather than in private institutions. Ultimately, he admitted, the goal was to force private finance out of the state entirely.

While Langer's push for Social Credit was popular with rural voters - who still made up over three-quarters of the population - it didn't go down as well in the cities of the prosperous Red River Valley. Among the business classes of Grand Forks and Fargo, both on the Minnesota border and both connected commercially to the wider world, it was believed that Langer was even worse than Roosevelt. There was also mistrust among the traditional socialists of the NPL, who believed Social Credit was bunk and Langer was setting himself up as a strongman.

In 1934, the governor fell afoul of federal law when it became known that he was forcing state employees to purchase copies of the NPL newspaper. That was not in itself illegal, but some of those state employees were now drawing their salaries from New Deal assistance money, and diverting federal money for party-political purposes was against the law. Langer was threatened with arrest; he barricaded himself in the governor's mansion and proclaimed North Dakota an independent republic before finally surrendering to the authorities. He would later imply that it had been a mere dramatic protest, but flags and iconography of the Republic of North Dakota can be seen across the state to this day.

The interregnum did not last long. Langer successfully portrayed the case as a conspiracy against the democratic will of North Dakota, and his wife was elected in his stead in the special election. The governor was acquitted in a retrial due to procedural mistakes in the original conviction. Senator Bronson Cutting of New Mexico, the nation's foremost proponent of Social Credit, served as an adviser for the defense. Lydia Langer took up where her husband had left off, abolishing partisan politics in the state legislature and imposing greater and greater restrictions on private banking in the state. By this point, the split in the NPL had become formal, with the socialists becoming an appendage of the national Farmer-Labor movement and Langer's adherents being reorganized into the League for Social Credit.

During his second term, Langer again fell afoul of federal law when paying state employees in Billybucks was found to be a crime under the Fair Labor Standards Act. By this time, he had already abandoned some tenets of Social Credit. The Compensated Price system described in Douglas's writings had been briefly attempted but dropped after it was found to be completely unwieldly, and the dividend of free Billybucks had been drastically cut. Nevertheless, the idea of a state currency remained popular and federal interference unpopular, and Langer was once again returned to office after another brief interlude under his protege Quentin Burdick. He would remain in power until his death.

From the 1940s until 1959, Langer ran North Dakota as a virtual one-party state (although there were, of course, no parties in the legislature). He was a prominent voice for isolationism, and LSC members of Congress opposed the Second World War, the UN Charter, and the Korean War, advocating for peaceful trade with the Soviet Union and a reduction in defense spending. Langer backed Bronson Cutting's third-party Presidential bid in 1940 but declined the offer of the vice-presidential spot, recommending Representative William Lemke instead. He also refused to join Cutting's national Social Credit Party, likely contributing to its doom.

North Dakota's economy grew slower than those of its neighboring agricultural states throughout the 1950s, with access to credit limited by the monopoly the BND enjoyed outside Fargo and Grand Forks. However, the Dividend and the state currency encouraged local spending, keeping family businesses afloat and preventing the incursion of chains that began to crop up elsewhere during the decade. Langer died in office in 1959 and was given a lavish public funeral that drew unfavorable comparisons to Communist personality cults; he was succeeded by Senator Quentin Burdick. During the 1960s, some members of the burgeoning American counterculture began to take note of North Dakota's unique economic system - in particular the Billybucks and the NPL's still-extant ban on corporate farming - and the state soon became a popular destination for back-to-the-land hippies. (The most well-known of these transplants being former US Representative Bernard Sanders, who has run a dairy farm outside Minot since the early seventies and was well known as the last unreconstructed Creditist in Congress.) In the "Zip to Zap" of 1969, young people from around the country descended upon a tiny farm town for one of the first great rock music festivals. The Theosophical mysticism which Alfred Orage had spread during his time as a gubernatorial adviser in Bismarck and which had entered folk religion was a source of fascination for many of the new arrivals.

Ironically, just as the wider world was taking note of North Dakota, the state was beginning to change. The discovery of the Bakken Formation led to a fossil fuel boom, and oil workers began to flood into the western half of the state - the former heartland of the Social Credit movement. Meanwhile, the Seventies' sociocultural backlash led many of the League's traditional voters towards conservatism. Unreconstructed Republicans took power for the first time and began to deregulate the financial sector. Recognizing that the autocratic Langer model was dead, Governor Burdick, who had always been a more conventional left-liberal, led a somewhat forcible merger between the League and the state's tiny Democratic Party. The new Democratic League for Social Credit would form a new political coalition consisting of liberal farmers, hippies, and the state's relatively large Native American population - who had never been very impressed by Langer but to whose cause Burdick had championed in Congress.

Today, many features of the Social Credit era - the ubiquitous BND branches, the Billybucks - still exist, but their future is in doubt as the state becomes increasingly polarized between a conservative, gas-fueled Republican Party and a Creditist-in-name-only alliance of Indians and organic farmers.


Well-known member
Johnson Creek watershed
There really aren't many ways to introduce SoCred in an American setting, but the Bank of North Dakota came to mind immediately.

Langer wasn't actually involved with Social Credit IRL, although the guy I have as the national face of the movement, Bronson M. Cutting, was. Cutting was also a friend of Ezra Pound's and died in a plane crash in 1935 while he was still pretty young, so lots of AH potential there, and the vignette challenge is still open...


Well-known member
Johnson Creek watershed
Well, here's some more.

Social Credit Party of America presidential tickets

1940: Bronson M. Cutting / William Lemke (6.3% PV, 4 EV)
1944: did not contest
1948: Bronson M. Cutting / Robert A. Heinlein (0.8% PV, 0 EV)
1952: Ezra Pound / Eustace Mullins (0.6% PV, 0 EV)

Outside North Dakota, Social Credit is a dirty word to many Americans. The Peltier administration has been in talks with DLSC leaders to eliminate the term from the party’s name out of a belief that it’s begun to harm their reputation in the rest of the country. Even Ralph Ampleman’s seminal free-verse manifesto “Prairie Fire—” only refers to the ideology as the “Dakota system.”

The reputation isn’t entirely unwarranted. The national Social Credit Party was founded in 1936 by Bronson M. Cutting, then sitting as a Republican Senator for New Mexico. Cutting was an unusual figure – unlike the populist farmers who led the creditist movement in other countries, he was an aristocratic progressive, a Northeastern WASP who had originally moved West as a tubercular convalescent shortly after graduating from Harvard. He was a freethinking type and exchanged letters with an array of fringe figures, including the brilliant and volatile poet Ezra Pound and the Theosophical creditist Alfred Orage. After crossing the aisle to support Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1932, Cutting became passionately interested in the monetary elements of the New Deal and began to press for the end of fractional reserve banking. In 1934, he lectured the Senate on Social Credit and urged his colleagues to incorporate Orage and Douglas’s ideas into the Banking Reform Act. He was unsuccessful.

Undeterred, Cutting left the Republicans the next year to start his own party for banking and monetary reform. It was a bit of a one-man band. Orage, a hard partier and heavy drinker, had died in 1934 and Langer, embroiled in his own political and legal struggles and smelling failure on Cutting already, declined to affiliate his League with the national party. Believing the time was not yet ripe, Cutting decided against running for President in 1936 and instead lent his support to a motley crew of Congressional candidates – many of whom had dubious ties to Father Charles Coughlin or other right-wing demagogues. None were elected, and Cutting’s only company in the next Congress came from the formally independent League candidates in North Dakota.

Over the next four years, Cutting’s relationship with Ezra Pound became closer, and the Senator began to spend almost as much time attacking Roosevelt’s foreign policy as he did stumping for monetary reform. While he never broke out the louder dogwhistles of “warmongering international financiers,” he didn’t disavow the endorsements of anti-Semites either and didn’t seem bothered by the increasingly odious asides Pound had begun to slip into their correspondence. When he finally ran for President in 1940, it was as a firm isolationist – a sentiment which set him notably apart from Roosevelt and Willkie and won him a significant percentage of the vote in the Upper Midwest and New England. He won North Dakota outright and came a close second in South Dakota and Minnesota (where Senator Ernest Lundeen would defect briefly to Social Credit before losing re-election in 1942).

After Pearl Harbor, Cutting bowed to necessity and declared himself in favor of war with Japan and Germany. Nevertheless, he remained a trenchant critic of wartime government policy, opposing censorship and Japanese-American internment and directing Lundeen to vote against several appropriations bills, and was reluctant to break off his relationship with Ezra Pound even after Pound became a propaganda broadcaster for the Mussolini regime. In December 1942, Cutting, Lundeen, and several Social Credit party officers were charged under the Smith Act with advocating the overthrow of the United States government; they were acquitted in a rare legal blow to the Roosevelt administration, but the party suspended campaigning in 1944 out of fear of further reprisals.

The trial and subsequent association of Social Credit with treason tainted the party’s brand permanently. Cutting had abandoned his seat to run for President in 1940, and after Lundeen’s loss they were shut out of Congress permanently. The 1948 campaign was an embarrassment, most memorable for Vice Presidential candidate Bob Heinlein – a California State Assemblyman who was by then the party’s highest-ranking officeholder – describing his practices of nudism and free love in a magazine interview. Cutting retired from politics after the dismal result, and the party collapsed.

The tiny national membership, however, had always contained an outsize share of fascists and anti-Semitic cranks, and it was this element who proceeded to pick up the pieces after anyone with sense had left. These dregs hit upon the idea of nominating Ezra Pound for President as a publicity stunt. The poet had been involuntarily committed to a federal psychiatric hospital after being arrested by American troops in Italy. He was uninterested in freedom and focused on his writing, and a possibly apocryphal story describes him being unaware he was a Presidential candidate until told by a visitor after the election. The ensuing media attention, far out of proportion to the ticket’s importance, generated such public disgust that it doomed Pound to life behind bars, even after his renunciation of the "stupid, suburban prejudice" of anti-Semitism.

The lavish Pound for President campaign ultimately bankrupted the party; the remnants of Social Credit dissolved into the far right underground shortly thereafter.
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Absolutely Dire
Published by SLP
ATLF: The West Wing

2003-2007: Josiah Bartlet / Robert Russell (Democratic)
2007: Matt Santos / Vacant (Democratic)

2006: Arnold Vinick / Ray Sullivan (Republican)
2007-2011: Matt Santos / Eric Baker (Democratic)
2011-2019: Will McAvoy / James Ritchie (Republican)

2010: Matt Santos / Eric Baker (Democratic)
2014: Eric Baker / Nancy McNally (Democratic)

2019-: Jenna Jacobs / Allan Wolfe (Republican)
2018: Sam Seaborn / Marcus Croft (Democratic), Franklin Hollis / Matt Skinner (Independent)

All things considered, Santos did rather okay. A lot of back-and fourth between Congress eventually produced a watered-down educational reform package which is genuinely considered to be a success; but on healthcare he found himself on the rocks, campaigning for milquetoast reforms that even he thought were miserable compromises that managed to piss off everyone. The perception that the man he'd beaten was effectively running his foreign policy didn't endear him to his party base either. A Democratic rout in the 2008 midterms was inevitable, and Santos' inexperience showed embarrassingly as the world plummeted into recession and his administration appeared paralysed, especially with the departure of his Chief of Staff over the budget that was basically for him by the Republican leadership.

Governor Will McAvoy of Nebraska wasn't quite a Vinick Republican, but there were enough Vinick types on his campaign to make it clear where he stood, and his re-appointment of the Secretary of State removed most doubts. Running on jobs and straight-talk, his aggressive, interrogatory approach to debates and campaigning won him the primaries and two general elections. With massive majorities in Congress, McAvoy pursued aggressive de-regulation and tax cuts, cutting what was left of the welfare state to the bone (while his articulate explanations of such policies earned him praise from the beltway media as an ideas man). Contemptuous to the right almost as much of the left, McAvoy threw only the odd bone to values voters, like a watered-down "religious freedom" bill in the aftermath of the Supreme Court legalising gay marriage. But his abrasive, dismissive approach to anyone and everyone who disagreed with him or got in his way grated across the aisle, and twenty-odd years of articulate put-downs from both sides of the aisle, as the economy stagnated and poverty skyrocketed, was bound to create a reaction.

Over the 2010s, Congresswoman Dr. Jenna Jacobs had re-emerged as a darling of the Republican right, especially after a video of the late President Bartlet "mansplaining" the Bible to her went viral among right-wing circles. After twelve years of waiting their turn with moderates who paid only lip service to values, the party faithful revolted in a big way.

Meanwhile, it was Senator Seaborn's time to claim his destiny. Trouble is, many in the Democratic rank-and file weren't keen to go along. Too familiar, too keen to hug the centre, too impatient to take the nomination. His close relationship with the late President Bartlet (and his effective endorsement of Sam shortly before his death) should've been an asset in a party that practically deified him, but it only invited negative comparisons and more perceptions that Seaborn was running for the wrong reasons. A stubborn challenge from left-wing firebrand Helen Stackhouse (granddaughter of former Senator Howard Stackhouse) blindsided the Seaborn campaign and exposed to it's tone-deafness to the clamouring voices of the left and social-justice campaigns. But reportedly the man himself was most taken aback by the fellow Bartlet alumni who remained neutral throughout the primaries, or even backed the challenger. The ones who who were behind Seaborn grated as well; Josh Lyman's tenure as DNC Chair was blamed for the Democrats languishing at a state level and Vice President Baker's disastrous campaign in 2014, fulfilling perceptions of a "Bartlet clique" unwilling to help those outside their membership.

Seaborn eventually got the nomination, but the race remained far too close for comfort. He came across as aloof and elitist, prone to the sort of speechifying that Bartlet and McAvoy had mastered but that he had become rusty at. The perception of the Seaborn campaign was one of complacency and Chaos, the Jacobs campaign painting it as one stuffed with "yesterday's men", typefied with the on-off participation of Lyman in the campaign. But Seaborn maintained a narrow and steady lead against a far-right extremist, and he went into election night picking out his cabinet. And then Jacobs won Iowa. Then Florida. Then Pennsylvania. And then Seaborn was finished, and the Democrats reassembled a circular firing squad.

As of 2019, three Bartlet alumni still appear to have some of their best days ahead of them. Former Chief of Staff C.J. Cregg, after resigning from the Hollis foundation in protest of its founder's increasingly quixotic political aspirations, went back to EMILY'S LIST and is credited with the Democrats maintaining narrow majorities in both Houses of Congress, where Will Bailey is on track to become House Majority Leader. And Congressman Charlie Young, having just won re-election, is reportedly sitting down with Governor Stackhouse to discuss "the future", to the betrayed fury of the Senator from California.
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Absolutely Dire
Published by SLP
Based on a few ideas I've had for way too long, just thought "fuck it", embrace the perception of my personality and divergent interests my b r a n d. I have a love-hate relationship to the The West Wing , and this basically comes down to two ideas: how utterly unthinkable a female president is in the vacuum of the show, but mainly candidate Seaborn showing himself to be David Miliband with better hair. Probably a bit harsh on Sam, (although a lot accounts of Mili-D when he worked at Number 10 described him as likeable, passionate, super-smart, basically an Aaron Sorkin character) but there's a fine line between destiny and entitlement and I do wonder how being told that you're going to be President one day by basically everyone would get internalised.

And yeah, and I hated The Newsroom.


Your guess is as good as mine.
Colwyn Bay/Manchester
Which Bartlett alumni backed Stackhouse? It doesn't seem clear whether Charlie did then or not - theoretically Toby's the one I find easiest to see doing that, but it seems like he'd be seen as clearly destructive to anyone he backed.


Absolutely Dire
Published by SLP
Which Bartlett alumni backed Stackhouse? It doesn't seem clear whether Charlie did then or not - theoretically Toby's the one I find easiest to see doing that, but it seems like he'd be seen as clearly destructive to anyone he backed.
It’s Toby- but C.J. and Charlie caused more grief for Sam because of how they both hedged their bets until it became impossible to Stackhouse to win. Should’ve been more clear tbh.


Absolutely Dire
Published by SLP
Whaaaaat you don’t love “I’m super articulate and smarmy so it’s fine I’m a dickhead” man?
Not really.

He is a Republican in the show and I thought in a world where the GOP are much less demagogue-y he would be pretty comfortable in there, maybe even as a Ryan-esque “ideas man” who the media thinks gives an acceptable face to destroying people’s welfare lifelines and massive tax cuts for the wealthy. The episode where he interviews that Occupy Wall Street woman, showing her as much contempt as he does for the religious right, is very revealing. I’m glad we never got to see what he thought of Sanders or Ocasio-Cortez.

Here, he’s got his enemies on the right on a muzzle and is this free to go after the real enemies on the left.


Well-known member
NO2EU - Yes To Utter Chaos

2010-2018: David Cameron (Conservative)
2010 (Coalition with Liberal Democrats) def. Gordon Brown (Labour), Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrats)
2015 (Majority) def. Ed Miliband (Labour), Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrats), Nigel Farage / George Galloway (NO2EU - Yes To Sovereignty)

2018-2024: Michael Gove (Conservative)
2020 (Majority) def. Andy Burnham (Labour), Russell Brand (Four Nations Movement), Nigel Farage (BPP), Jo Swinson (Liberal Democrats)
2024-2027: Penny Mordaunt (Conservative)
2025 (Coalition with BPP) def. Tim Aker (Four Nations Movement), Steven Wolfe (BPP), Chuka Umuna (Labour), Aaron Bastani (Left.GB), Layla Moran (Liberal Democrats)
2027-2029: Edward Leigh (Independent Conservative)
2027 (People's Alliance with 4NM, BPP and Independents) def. Penny Mordaunt (Conservative), Ash Sarkar (Left.GB), Annelise Dodds (Labour), Layla Moran (Liberal Democrats)
2029-0000: Zac Goldsmith (Four Nations Movement leading People's Alliance with BPP and British Labour)

The decision, in 2009, to allow UKIP to participate in the NO2EU movement on a provisional basis was met with almost no press coverage, but it arguably led to the reshaping of Britain as we know it. Without the joint left-right Eurosceptic alliance of 2009 (repeated in 2014) we undoubtedly would not have seen the NO2EU parliamentary triumph of 2015 (4 MPs elected, for Clacton, Heywood and Middleton, Thanet South, and Bradford West) or the political movement which this spawned. As the Cameron government triumphed in the 2016 EU membership referendum, the NO2EU movement, ejecting both Farage and Galloway, reconstituted itself as the populist "Four Nations Movement", with Libertarians, Leftists, and 'RedKip' types allying in a new party of protest which pledged to overturn the "elitist" sham democracy which had denied the British people their chance to win back their independence. The most "BlueKip" elements of UKIP, meanwhile, would chip away at the edges of the Tories with the formation of the "British People's Party" in January 2017. By 2018 David Cameron had stepped down, and although Gove would win a majority in 2020, the Four Nations Movement and BPP shot up to third and fourth places, together only narrowly behind Labour. The continuation of austerity under Gove, the perception that his closeness to Clinton, Merkel, and Macron represented a "globalist plot" and Labour's bland centrist leadership meant that, when Gove retired in 2024, the populists would be able to deny Mordaunt a majority. The brief Tory-BPP government of 2025-2027 collapsed when Mordaunt refused to hold a new EU membership referendum, and in 2027 a fresh general election saw the "Peoples' Alliance" sweep a coalition of rogue Eurosceptic Tories, the rebranded "4NM" and the BPP into a two year coalition. With Britain's exit from the EU in 2029 (without a referendum and with only the support from the plurality of voters who backed the Alliance), the ageing Leigh would step down, and his flllowes would fold into the BPP or into the opposition Conservatives, whilst the last of Labour's Eurosceptics would link up with the Four Nations Movement and BPP to form a coalition under Zac Goldsmith. United only by its hatred of "the establishment", this new government is widely expected to lose as it prepares for a general election in 2030, and Greg Clark's Conservative-Liberal Democrat alliance seems likely to win on a promise of holding yet another referendum on Europe...

napoleon IV

No, no, no. This is beautiful. This is art.
Post-Communist Mafia State

Presidents of the Russian Federation:

1991-1996: Boris Yeltsin (Independent)
1996-1998: Boris Nemtsov (Independent)
1996: Def: Gennady Zyuganov (Communist)
1998: Sergei Stepashin (Independent)(Acting President)
1998-2006: Alexander Voloshin (Oborona)
1998: def: Yevgeny Primakov (Fatherland-All Russia)
2002: def: Gennady Zyuganov (Communist), Sergei Shoygu (Unity), Vladimir Zhirinovsky (Liberal Democrats).

2006-2014: Alexander Lebedev (Oborona)
2006: def: Gennady Zyuganov (Communist), Vladimir Zhirinovsky (LDPR), Grigory Yavlinsky (Yabloko)
2010: def: Lyudmila Narusova (Unity), Nikolai Kharitonov (Communist), Vladimir Zhirinovsky (LDPR)

2014-present: Alexander Voloshin (Oborona)
2014: def: Sergei Glazyev (Solidarnost)

In 1996 Boris Yeltsin decided that he was done being Russia's President, a decision motivated in large part by his deep unpopularity and failing health. His chosen successor was Boris Nemtsov, who managed to narrowly defeat Gennady Zyuganov and the Communists in the second round of the 1996 election. When Nemtsov took office many saw him as the person who could bring Russia out of its crisis, in large part because of his success as governor of the Nizhny Novgorod Oblast. Unfortunately, Nemtsov also set out to limit the power and privilege of the oligarchs. Despite their disputes with each other the oligarchs united to bring down Nemtsov. Using their control over the media and the political system they attacked Nemtsov relentlessly, making it difficult for him to govern. This made it impossible for Nemtsov to govern, and when the financial crisis of 1998 hit his opponents struck the killing blow. Nemtsov's opponents brought impeachment charges against him, and his low popularity (along with pressure from the oligarchs) meant that the Duma and the Federation Council narrowly voted for his removal. After his fall Nemtsov fled to Britain, where he became a prominent critic of the government.

Prime Minister Sergei Stepashin became Acting President, but with no real political constituency of his own he was easily persuaded to stand aside in the election. The man who succeeded him was Alexander Voloshin, head of the newly created Oborona party. Voloshin was an associate of Berezovsky, who became the grey eminence grise of Russian politics (which unsurprisingly earned him the nickname "Rasputin"). By 2000 however relations between Berezovsky and Voloshin entered a deep freeze, as Voloshin began to assert more and more independence. Voloshin was well aware of what Berezovsky could do, so he sought alliances with the other oligarchs and in 2001 charges were brought against Berezovsky for embezzling money from Aeroflot. Berezovsky fled, and his inner circle (most notably Prime Minister Valentin Yumashev and FSB Head Vladimir Putin) were purged.

Under Voloshin the economy recovered from disaster of the 1990s and the power and capacity of the Russian state greatly increased. For this reason he became the first Russian President to serve two terms, easily winning reelection in 2002. The major failing of Voloshin's presidency was that he didn't challenge the power of the oligarchs after defeating Berezovsky. This became a problem for his successor, Alexander Lebedev (who was himself an oligarch). Lebedev attempted to remove several of the oligarchs and replace them with men close to him. This began an all-out war similar to the one that Nemtsov had faced, except this time the government was powerful enough to put up a fight. Multiple oligarchs were taken out, while others saw the writing on the wall and decided to leave politics. The Lebedev years also saw Oborona solidify its control over Russian life. Lebedev wanted Sergei Glazyev to succeed him, but Alexander Voloshin decided that he wished to be President again. Voloshin won the party contest, but Glazyev split off and formed his own party, Solidarnost. After his victory Voloshin purged the oligarchs that supported Lebedev and extended the Presidential term to 6 years. However, rumors are swirling that Lebedev plans to bring down Voloshin, and has constructed an alliance with oligarch Mikhail Khodorkovsky and Unity party leader Vladimir Putin.

Uhura's Mazda

Batllist the Fascllist
Published by SLP
Tamaki Makaurau
Instead of going into coalition with Fine Gael in 1948, the centre-left parties hold off for a bit to wait for Fianna Fail to move fully to the centre-right and take all but the hardcore FG support, leaving them to take the disillusioned radicals from FF.

List of Taoisigh
Eamon de Valera (Fianna Fail)
1932 def: W. T. Cosgrave (Cumann na nGaedheal), T. J. O'Connell (Labour), Michael Heffernan (Farmers' Party)
1933 def: W. T. Cosgrave (Cumann na nGaedheal), Frank MacDermot (National Centre Party), William Norton (Labour)
1937 def: W. T. Cosgrave (Fine Gael), William Norton (Labour)
1938 def: W. T. Cosgrave (Fine Gael), William Norton (Labour)
1943 def: W. T. Cosgrave (Fine Gael), William Norton (Labour), Michael Donnellan (Clann na Talmhan), Oliver J. Flanagan (Monetary Reform)
1944 def: Richard Mulcahy (Fine Gael), Joseph Blowick (Clann na Talmhan), William Norton (Labour), James Everett (National Labour), Oliver J. Flanagan (Monetary Reform)
1948 def: Richard Mulcahy (Fine Gael), William Norton (Labour), Sean MacBride (Clann na Poblachta), Joseph Blowick (Clann na Talmhan), James Everett (National Labour), Oliver J. Flanagan (Monetary Reform)
1949 def: Richard Mulcahy (Fine Gael), Sean MacBride (Clann na Poblachta), William Norton (Labour), Joseph Blowick (Clann na Talmhan), James Everett (National Labour), Oliver J. Flanagan (Monetary Reform)
1953 def: Sean MacBride (Clann na Poblachta), Richard Mulcahy (Fine Gael), William Norton (Labour), Joseph Blowick (Clann na Talmhan)
1957 def: Sean MacBride (Clann na Poblachta), Oliver J. Flanagan (Clann na Talmhan), William Norton (Labour), James Dillon (Fine Gael)

1959-1961: Sean Lemass (Fianna Fail)
1961-1964: Sean MacBride (Clann na Poblachta-Labour-Clann na Talmhan coalition)

1961 def: Sean Lemass (Fianna Fail), Brendan Corish (Labour), Oliver J. Flanagan (Clann na Talmhan), James Dillon (Fine Gael)
1964-1966: Sean Lemass (Fianna Fail)
1964 def: Sean MacBride (Clann na Poblachta), Brendan Corish (Labour), James Dillon (Fine Gael), Oliver J. Flanagan (Clann na Talmhan), Tomas Mac Giolla (Sinn Fein)
1966-1968: Donogh O'Malley (Fianna Fail)
1968 def: Noel Browne (Clann na Poblachta), Brendan Corish (Labour), Oliver J. Flanagan (Clann na Talmhan), Mark Clinton (Fine Gael)
1968-1971: George Colley (Fianna Fail)
1971-1973: Noel Browne (Clann na Poblachta-Labour-Clann na Talmhan coalition)

1971 def: George Colley (Fianna Fail), Brendan Corish (Labour), John Donnellan (Clann na Talmhan), Mark Clinton (Fine Gael)
1973-1983: George Colley (Fianna Fail)
1973 def: Noel Browne (Clann na Poblachta), Brendan Corish (Labour), John Donnellan (Clann na Talmhan), Peter Barry (Fine Gael)
1977 def: Noel Browne (Clann na Poblachta), Garret FitzGerald (Labour), John Donnellan (Clann na Talmhan), Peter Barry (Fine Gael)
1979 def: Charles Haughey (Clann na Poblachta), Garret FitzGerald (Labour), John Donnellan (Clann na Talmhan), Patrick Donegan (Fine Gael)

1983-1984: Desmond O'Malley (Fianna Fail)
1984-1985: Charles Haughey (Clann na Poblachta-Labour-Clann na Talmhan coalition)

1984 def: Desmond O'Malley (Fianna Fail), Garret FitzGerald (Labour), John Donnellan (Clann na Talmhan), Tom Fitzpatrick (Fine Gael), Gerry Adams (Sinn Fein)
1985-1989: Desmond O'Malley (Fianna Fail-Fine Gael coalition)
1985 def: Charles Haughey (Clann na Poblachta), Conor Cruise O'Brien (Labour), John Donnellan (Clann na Talmhan), Tom Fitzpatrick (Fine Gael), Gerry Adams (Sinn Fein)


Published by SLP
With apologies to @Meadow and @Lord Roem

"Seriya Dovolno Udachnykh Sobytiy"

List of de facto leaders of the Soviet Union (actual formal offices held variable)
1922-1924: V. I. Lenin† (Communist)
(1924 power struggle in which both L. Trotsky and J. V. Stalin, amongst other prominent figures, were slain, leading to a compromise troika in which one young Stalin supporter swiftly seized sole power...)
1924-1937: V. M. Molotov (Communist)
(1937 coup attempt by N. I. Yezhov during Manchuria Crisis, suppressed)
1937-1942: V. M. Molotov (Communist)
(1942 coup attempt by L. P. Beria during Siege of Moscow, suppressed)
1942-1950: V. M. Molotov (Communist)
(1950 coup attempt by G. K. Zhukov during Berlin Confrontation, suppressed)
1950-1965: V. M. Molotov (Communist)
(1965 coup attempt by A. N. Shelepin during Haitian Missile Crisis, suppressed)
1965-1977: V. M. Molotov (Communist)
(1977 coup attempt by Y. V. Andropov during Warsaw Bread Riots, suppressed)
1977-1984: V. M. Molotov (Communist)
(1984 coup attempt by N. I. Ryzkhov during Olympic hostage crisis, suppressed)
1984-1986: V. M. Molotov† (Communist)
(1986 power struggle ending with...)
1986-1989: M. S. Gorbachev (Communist)
1989: Soviet Union dissolved

List of Presidents of the Russian Federation
1989-present: V. A. Nikonov (Party of Russian Unity and Accord)
oh, for f--


assigned sideways at birth
Published by SLP
Teignmouth, Devon
2016: Theresa May (Conservative)

2017: Theresa May (Conservative) [317] Jeremy Corbyn (Labour) [262] Nicola Sturgeon (SNP) [35] Tim Farron (Liberal Democrat) [12] Arlene Foster (DUP) [10] Gerry Adams (Sinn Fein) [7] Leanne Wood (Plaid Cymru) [4] Caroline Lucas and Jon Bartley (Green Party England & Wales) [1] Sylvia Herman (Independent) [1] John Bercow (Speaker) [1]
14 February 2019 realignment: Theresa May (Conservative) [282] Jeremy Corbyn (Labour) [237] Chukka Umunna (People's Voice) [54] Nicola Sturgeon (SNP) [35] Vince Cable (Liberal Democrat) [11] Arlene Foster (DUP) [9] Independent [8] Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Fein) [7] Adam Price (Plaid Cymru) [4] Sian Berry and Jon Bartley (Green Party England & Wales) [1] John Bercow (Speaker) [1]
21 February No Confidence Vote: AYE - 348 NAY - 290 Abstain - 4
23 February 2019: Jeremy Corbyn (Labour) coalition with Chukka Umunna (People's Voice) Nicola Sturgeon (SNP)
Having failed to form their preferred coalition with a soft Brexit leaning Tory party a deal was struck with Labour.​
Key legislation: Scrapping Universal Credit, end of voter ID requirements, beginning of a 650 seat Periodic Review, PPI contract buy-out.
Prime Minister: Jeremy Corbyn (Labour)
Deputy Prime Minister: Chukka Umunna (People's Voice)
Duchy of Lancaster and Minister for the Cabinet Office: Ian Blackford (SNP)
Home Secretary: Kenneth Clarke (People's Voice)
Foreign Secretary: Emily Thornberry (Labour)
Chancellor: John McDonnell (Labour)
Brexit: Anna Soubry (People's Voice)
Defence: Keir Starmer (Labour)
Health: Jon Ashworth (Labour)
Lord Chancellor: Diane Abbot (Labour)
Education: Angela Rayner (Labour)
Women and Equality: Dawn Butler (Labour)
International Trade: Barry Gardiner (Labour)
Energy Business and Trade: Rebecca Long-Bailey (Labour)
Environment Food and Rural Affairs: Sue Hayman (Labour)
Transport: Andy McDonald (Labour)
Local Government: Sarah Wollaston (People's Voice)
House of Lords: Baroness Basildon (Labour)
House of Commons: Valerie Vaz (Labour)
Scotland: Kirsty Blackman (SNP)
Wales: Stephen Kinnock (People's Voice)
Northern Ireland: Tony Lloyd (Labour)\
International Development: Preet Gill (Labour)
Digital Culture Media and Sport: Rosena Allin-Khan (Labour)
Work and Pensions: Margaret Greenwood (Labour)
28 February People's Vote Bill: AYE - 338 NAY - 279 Abstain: - 20
27 May EU election: Michael Gove (Conservative) [23] Jeremy Corbyn (Labour) [15] Gerard Batten (UKIP) [13] Vince Cable (Liberal Democrat) [11] Nigel Farage (Brexit Party) [5] Chukka Umunna (People's Voice) [1] Nicola Sturgeon (SNP) [1] Arlene Foster (DUP) [1] Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Fein) [1] Robin Swann (UUP) [1] Adam Price (Plaid Cymru) [1]
18 July: Deal or Remain Referendum: Remain - 52.2% Leave - 47.8%
26 September 2019: Michael Gove (Conservative)

2019: Michael Gove (Conservative) [377] Jeremy Corbyn (Labour) [231] Nicola Sturgeon (SNP) [12] Chukka Umunna (People's Voice) [6] Vince Cable (Liberal Democrat) [4] Arlene Foster (DUP) [9] Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Fein) [8] Adam Price (Plaid Cymru) [2] Sian Berry and Jon Bartley (Green Party England & Wales) [1] Sylvia Herman (Independent) [1]
Key legislation: Coffee cup charge, Commercial state schooling, gender self-identification, work empowerment programme
2021: Hard Brexit Referendum: Remain - 55.6% Leave - 44.4%
2023: Sajid Javid (Conservative)

27 May 2024 EU election: Keir Hardy (Labour) [27] Sajid Javid (Conservative) [24] Jane Collins (UKIP) [16] Various leaders (Liberal Democrat, People's Voice & WEP Progressive Alliance) [3] Caroline Lucas (Green Party England & Wales) [1] Ian Blackford (SNP) [1] Emma Little Pengelly (DUP) [1] Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Fein) [1] Margaret Ritche (Fianna Fail) [1] Rhun ap Iorwerth (Plaid Cymru) [1]
Key legislation: Encryption ban, non-binary rights, modular interoperable multiplatform degrees, non-binary recognition

2024: Keir Starmer (Labour)

2024: Keir Starmer (Labour) [324] Michael Gove (Conservative) [289] Nicola Sturgeon (SNP) [12] Sarah Wollaston (Progressive Alliance) [4] Emma Little Pengelly (DUP) [9] Michelle O'Neill (Sinn Fein) [9] Rhun ap Iorwerth (Plaid Cymru) [3] Gerard Batten (UKIP) [1]
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Always mysterious!
Published by SLP
Municipal Commune of Bourne
Very nice @Sideways!

Now to tender this one out for general consumption.

2016-2019: Theresa May (Conservative)
2017 (Minority, with DUP confidence and supply) def. Jeremy Corbyn (Labour), Nicola Sturgeon (Scottish National), Tim Farron (Liberal Democrat), Arlene Foster (Democratic Unionist), Gerry Adams (Sinn Fein)
2019-2024: Jeremy Corbyn (Labour)
2019 (Government of National Unity with SNP, LDP and 'Independent' Tories) def. Theresa May ('Official' Conservative), Nicola Sturgeon (Scottish National), Vince Cable (Liberal Democrat), Dominic Grieve ('Independent' Conservative), Arlene Foster (Democratic Unionist), Mary Lou MacDonald (Sinn Fein)
2020 (Majority) def. Gavin Williamson (Conservative), Gina Miller (European Movement), Nicola Sturgeon ('Official' Scottish National), Nigel Farage (Democratic Unionist), Tommy Sheppard ('Independent' Scottish National), Mary Lou MacDonald (Sinn Fein)
2023 Irish unification referendum, YES 68%

2024-2030: Rebecca Long-Bailey (Labour)
2025 (Majority) def. James Cleverley (Conservative), Tom Brake (New Liberal), Patrick O'Flynn (Social Democratic), Ruth Davidson (Progressive Unionist), Tommy Sheppard (Together Scotland!)
2030-2035: Nikki Sinclaire (Conservative)
2030 (Coalition with NLP and PUP) def. Rebecca Long-Bailey (Labour), Sarah Brown (New Liberal), Ruth Davidson (Progressive Unionist), Patrick O'Flynn (Social Democratic)
2035-2040: Lily Madigan (Labour)
2035 (Majority) def. Nikki Sinclair (Conservative), Liam Stokes (Social Democratic), Ruth Davidson (Progressive Unionist), Sarah Brown (New Liberal)

- Theresa finally reaches across the aisle and Jezza does m a n o e u v r e s and forms a Government of National Unity that smashes out a new deal with the EU now that they can decisively reject the DUP and the ERG.
- Once we're out, the Government dissolves and Labour handily wins the snap election, helped in part by the European Movement and Democratic Unionists chewing chunks out of the Tories, and the SNP split.
- With Norn having a soft border with the UK but a rather harder border with the rUK, a referendum on unification passes handily and Corbyn - having achieved one of his lifelong dreams, probably - retires ahead of the 2025 election.
- The mainland DUP takes over the SDP, mostly consensually, while the European Movement dissolves - with a new brand of Liberals, and the Progressive Unionists who are basically the Scottish Tories and a few other non-Scot hangers on which just exacerbates the fall of the SNP and the abstentionist Together Scotland movement doesn't really go anywhere.
- Nikki Sinclaire, having joined the Tories following Brexit, finally overturns Labour albeit only with the European Movement successor parties. This makes for a rather uncomfortable relationship with lots of mutually ties hands, and when the country goes to the polls in 2035 it comes as no surprise that the coalition parties are trounced.
- The SDP surges in the face of the long period of socially liberal governments, especially considering that all of the other significant parties are led by lesbians, and most of them are trans (including the new Prime Minister).


Hostess with the Shitpostest
Footnotes, colouring and better formatting to follow but my brain is a bit mashed after this

This popped into my head while I was trying to get to sleep the other night.

Hold My Pint, France: The Changing governments of Great Britain

Heads of State

Monarchs of the United Kingdom
1911-1926 George V

General Secretary of the Commonwealth of Great Britain
1926-1931: Philip Snowden (Federationist)
1931-1936: Arthur James Cook (Maximist)
1936-1940: Annie Kenney (Congregationalist)

Head of the Reichskommisariat Grossbritanian
1940-1941: Ernest Wilhelm Bohle

Monarch of the United Kingdom of Great Britain
1941-1947: King George VI

Military Governor of the British Workers Republic
1947-1949: Vyacheslav Molotov

Chairman of the Worker’s Council the British Workers Republic
1949-1951: George Lansbury (British Workers Party)
1951-1959: Harry Pollit (British Workers Party)
1959-1970: John Gollan (British Workers Party)

Chairman of the Workers Council of the Unified European Socialist Republics
1970-1975: Erich Mielke (Socialist Unity Party of Germany)

Chairman of the Worker’s Council the British Workers Republic
1975-1977: Ian Mikardo (British Workers Party)
1977-1978: Roy Jenkins (Independent)

President of the Republic of Great Britain
1978-1980: Roy Jenkins (Independent, then Social Democrat)
1980-1988: Peter Carrington (Conservative)
Def 1980: David Steel (Liberal) Shirley Williams (Social Democrat)
Def 1984: Keith Joseph (Liberal) Dennis Healey (Social Democrat)

1988-1996: Michael Heseltine (Conservative)
Def 1988: David Steel (Liberal) Roy Hattersley (Social Democrat)
Def 1992: David Penghaglion (Liberal) John Major (Social Democrat)

1996-2000: Malcolm Rifkind
Def 1996: Robert McLennan (Liberal) John Major (Social Democrat)
Restoration of the Monarchy Referendum: 52% Yes, 48% No

Monarch of the United Kingdom of Great Britain
2000-2018: Henry IX
2018-____: Elizabeth II

Heads of Government

Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom
1916-1921: David Lloyd George (Liberal leading Wartime government)
1921-1925 George Curzon (Conservative-Liberal Coalition)

Chairman of the Trades Union Congress
1926-1933: John MacLean (Federationist)
1933-1936: Oswald Moseley (Maximist Minority)
1936-1940: Mary Barbour (Congregationlist Minority with S&C from Autonomists and Federationists))

Head of the Reichskommisariat Grossbritanian
1940-1941: Ernest Wilhelm Bohle (As head of Government State)
1941-1943: Ernest Wilhelm Bohle (As head of Government)
1943-1944: Franz Six
1944-1947: Archibald Maude Ramsay

1947-1949: Direct Soviet Rule

Heads of the British Worker’s Party
1949-1951: Harry Pollitt
1951-1960: Rajani Palme-Dutt
1960-1970: Ian Mikardo
1970-1977: Harris Jenkins
1977-Party Dissolved

Prime Minister of the Republic of Great Britain
1978-1980: Shirley Williams (Independent then Social Democrat)
1982-1990: Tom King (Conservative)
Def 1982: Shirley Williams (Social Democrat) Keith Joseph (Liberal)
Def 1988: Keith Joseph (Liberal) Roy Hattersley (Social Democrat)

1990-1996: Malcolm Rifkind (Conservative)
Def 1992: David Penghaglion (Liberal) Roy Hattersley (Social Democrat)
1996-1999: David Penhaglion (Liberal minority with Social Democrat S&C)
Def 1996: Anthony Newton (Conservative) James Brown (Social Democrat)
1999-2000: Michael Heseltine (Conservative)
Def 1998 David Penghaglion (Liberal ) James Brown (Social Democrat)

Prime Minister of the United Kingdom of Great Britain
2000-2008: Michael Heseltine (Conservative)
Def 2000: Charles Kennedy (Liberal) James Brown (Social Democrat) Jonathan Porritt (Ecology)
Def 2004: Peter Mandelson (Liberal) Jack Straw (Social Democrat) Keith Taylor (Ecology)

2008-2016: Bill Hague (Conservative)
Def 2008: James Wallace (Liberal) John Cable (Social Democrat) Keith Taylor (Ecology)
Def 2012: Peter Lamb (Liberal) Yvette Cooper (Social Ecology)

2016: Theresa Jones (Conservative)
Def 2016: Julia Gillard (Social Ecology) Peter Lamb (Liberal) Jeremy Corbyn (Left)
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