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Lists of Heads of Government and Heads of State

Turquoise Blue

Pinkishly Tibby
Patreon supporter
Location
Kemr, FK
Pronouns
she/her
Two's Company
Theodore Roosevelt (Republican) 1901-1909
1904: def. Thomas E. Watson (Populist), John G. Carlisle (Democratic) and William Randolph Hearst (Independence)
William Howard Taft (Republican) 1909-1913
1908: def. William Jennings Bryan (Populist)
Theodore Roosevelt (Independent/Republican) 1913-1921
1912: def. Oscar Underwood (Populist), William Howard Taft (Republican) and John W. Slayton (Socialist)
1916: def. William Jennings Bryan (Populist)
Carter Glass (Populist) 1921-1927*

1920: def. Hiram Johnson (Republican)
1924: def. Albert J. Beveridge (Republican)
Joseph Taylor Robinson (Populist) 1927-1933
1928: def. Herbert Hoover (Republican)
Herbert Hoover (Republican) 1933-1941

1932: def. Joseph Taylor Robinson (Populist)
1936: def. Huey Long (Populist) and John Nance Garner (Independent Populist)
Harlan J. Bushfield (Republican) 1941-1945
1940: def. Henry A. Wallace (Populist)
Prentice Cooper (Populist) 1945-1953

1944: def. Harlan J. Bushfield (Republican)
1948: def. Charles Lindbergh (Republican)
Way
ne Morse (Republican/Independent/Liberal) 1953-1957
1952: def. John Sparkman (Populist)
J. William Fulbright (Populist) 1957-1965

1956: def. Richard Nixon (Republican) and Wayne Morse (Liberal)
1960: def. Hugh Scott (Republican) and William O. Douglas (Liberal)
Walter Judd (Republican) 1965-1973
1964: def. George Smathers (Populist) and Ronald Reagan (Liberal)
1968: def. Edmund Muskie (Populist)
Thomas Eagleton (Populist) 1973-1985

1972: def. Daniel J. Evans (Republican) and Pete McCloskey (Independent)
1976: def. Howard Baker (Republican)
1980: def. Guy Vander Jagt (Republican)
Guy Vander Jagt (Republican) 1985*

1984: def. Larry McDonald (Populist) and Jesse Jackson (Independent)
Phil Crane (Republican) 1985-1993
1988: def. Al Gore (Populist)
Larry Pressler (Independent/Moderate) 1993-2001
1992: def. Phil Crane (Republican) and Dick Gephardt (Populist)
1996: def. Richard Shelby (Populist) and Richard Lugar (Republican)
Donald Rumsfeld (Republican) 2001-2009

2000: def. Donald Trump (Populist) and Dick Lamm (Moderate)
2004: def. Nathan Deal (Populist)
Blanche Lincoln (Populist) 2009-2017

2008: def. Trent Lott (Republican)
2012: def. Bill Frist (Republican)
Lindsey Graham (Republican) 2017-

2016: def. Rick Perry (Populist) and Bernie Sanders (Left Alliance)
 

Comisario

Hello Tony, I am 1952
Published by SLP
Location
London
I will get round to writing something more substantive with this list, but I'll leave you with some attendant alternate cabinets.

1997-2003: Tony Blair (Labour majority)
1997: John Major (Conservative), Paddy Ashdown (Liberal Democrat)
2001: William Hague (Conservative), Charles Kennedy (Liberal Democrat)
2003 Euro referendum: 60.7% NO

2003-2006: Jack Straw (Labour majority)
2006-2009: Theresa May (Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition)

2006: Jack Straw (Labour), Menzies Campbell (Liberal Democrat)
2009-2009: Theresa May (Conservative minority)
2009-2016: Alan Milburn (Labour majority)

2009: Theresa May (Conservative), Simon Hughes (Liberal Democrat)
2014: Owen Paterson (Conservative), Ed Davey (Liberal Democrat)

2016-: (Labour majority)

____________________________________________


First May Cabinet (12th May 2006)

Prime Minister and First Lord of the Treasury: Theresa May (Conservative)
Deputy Prime Minister and Lord President of the Council: Sir Menzies Campbell (Liberal Democrat)
Lord Chancellor and Secretary of State for Constitutional Affairs: Edward Garnier (Conservative)
Lord Privy Seal and Leader of the House of Commons: Ken Clarke (Conservative)
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster and Leader of the House of Lords: Thomas Galbraith, 2nd Baron Strathclyde (Conservative)
Chancellor of the Exchequer: Oliver Letwin (Conservative)
Chief Secretary to the Treasury: Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrat)
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs: William Hague (Conservative)
Secretary of State for the Home Department: David Davis (Conservative)
Secretary of State for Defence: Crispin Blunt (Conservative)
Secretary of State for Work and Pensions: Francis Maude (Conservative)
Secretary of State for Health: Andrew Lansley (Conservative)
Secretary of State for Business, Innovation and Skills: Dr Vincent Cable (Liberal Democrat)
Secretary of State for Education: David Cameron (Conservative)
Secretary of State for Energy and Climate Change: Ed Davey (Liberal Democrat)
Secretary of State for Communities and Local Government: Caroline Spelman (Conservative)
Secretary of State for Transport: Eric Pickles (Conservative)
Secretary of State for International Development: Alan Duncan (Conservative)
Secretary of State for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs: Norman Lamb (Liberal Democrat)
Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport: George Osborne (Conservative)
Secretary of State for Scotland: Eleanor Laing (Conservative)
Secretary of State for Wales: Nigel Evans (Conservative)
Secretary of State for Northern Ireland: Chris Grayling (Conservative)


Last May Cabinet (4th June 2009)

Prime Minister and First Lord of the Treasury: Theresa May (Conservative)
Deputy Prime Minister and First Secretary of State: Andrew Lansley (Conservative)
Lord Chancellor and Secretary of State for Justice: Edward Garnier (Conservative)
Lord President of the Council and Leader of the House of Commons: Ken Clarke (Conservative)
Lord Privy Seal and Leader and Leader of the House of Lords: Thomas Galbraith, 2nd Baron Strathclyde (Conservative)
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster and Minister for the Cabinet Office: David Willetts (Conservative)
Chancellor of the Exchequer: Caroline Spelman (Conservative)
Chief Secretary to the Treasury: George Obsorne (Conservative)
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs: William Hague (Conservative)
Secretary of State for the Home Department: Francis Maude (Conservative)
Secretary of State for Defence: Crispin Blunt (Conservative)
Secretary of State for Work and Pensions: Oliver Heald (Conservative)
Secretary of State for Health: Dominic Grieve (Conservative)
Secretary of State for Business, Innovation and Skills: David Cameron (Conservative)
Secretary of State for Education: Dominic Grieve (Conservative)
Secretary of State for Energy and Climate Change: Philip Hammond (Conservative)
Secretary of State for Communities and Local Government: Eric Pickles (Conservative)
Secretary of State for Transport: David Lidington (Conservative)
Secretary of State for International Development: Alan Duncan (Conservative)
Secretary of State for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs: Owen Paterson (Conservative)
Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport: John Bercow (Conservative)
Secretary of State for Scotland: Eleanor Laing (Conservative)
Secretary of State for Wales: Nigel Evans (Conservative)
Secretary of State for Northern Ireland: Liam Fox (Conservative)
____________________________________________

First Milburn Cabinet (5th June 2009)

Prime Minister and First Lord of the Treasury: Alan Milburn (Labour)
Lord President of the Council and Leader of the House of Commons: Patricia Hewitt (Labour)
Lord Privy Seal and Leader of the House of Lords: Catherine Ashton, Baroness Ashton (Labour)
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster and Minister for the Cabinet Office: Kevin Barron (Labour)
Lord Chancellor and Secretary of State for Justice: Charlie Falconer, Baron Falconer (Labour)
Chancellor of the Exchequer: Stephen Byers (Labour)
Chief Secretary to the Treasury: Chris Leslie (Labour)
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs: David Miliband (Labour)
Secretary of State for the Home Department: Alan Johnson (Labour)
Secretary of State for Defence: Jim Murphy (Labour)
Secretary of State for Work and Pensions: James Purnell (Labour)
Secretary of State for Health: Tessa Jowell (Labour)
Secretary of State for Business, Innovation and Skills: Liam Byrne (Labour)
Secretary of State for Education: Harriet Harman (Labour)
Secretary of State for Energy and Climate Change: Ivan Lewis (Labour)
Secretary of State for Communities and Local Government: Paul Boateng (Labour)
Secretary of State for Transport: John Hutton (Labour)
Secretary of State for International Development: Peter Hain (Labour)
Secretary of State for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs: Shaun Woodward (Labour)
Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport: Ed Balls (Labour)
Secretary of State for Scotland: Douglas Alexander (Labour)
Secretary of State for Wales: Paul Murphy (Labour)
Secretary of State for Northern Ireland: Geoff Hoon (Labour)
 

Comisario

Hello Tony, I am 1952
Published by SLP
Location
London
Very nice work @Comisario. Did Iraq happen in this scenario or not? (I'm presuming not)
It does, given that the referendum occurs - I’ll have to check my notes on this - around about May/June time. Straw probably does an overall better job of managing Britain’s involvement once he’s in later in 2003, but he’s also very aware that he’s “carrying Blair’s child” on this one.

The POD, just for clarity, is Eddie George losing out on his reappointment as Governor of the Bank of England to Howard Davies (who was consistently Blair’s choice to replace him, given the latter’s pro-Euro stance) in 1998.
 

Mumby

Always mysterious!
Published by SLP
Location
Municipal Commune of Bourne
Pronouns
He/Him
Honestly, May is a very unlikely mid 2000s leader. She sounded out a run in 2005 OTL and couldn't even make it past nominations. I don't think either her and Ming are the most likely pair to have a fallout either.
There's no guarantee that it's Ming who falls out with her. If the Lib Dems get uncomfortable with the coalition, I'm sure they'd not be above persuading Ming to stand aside. Given that Hughes is the candidate in 2009, I think that's what @Comisario is hinting at. Some sort of internal scuffle within the Lib Dems, perhaps when the global financial crisis hits and the Tories want thicc cuts, and Ming is forced out and a more left-wing leader takes the party out of the coalition.
 

Comisario

Hello Tony, I am 1952
Published by SLP
Location
London
Honestly, May is a very unlikely mid 2000s leader. She sounded out a run in 2005 OTL and couldn't even make it past nominations. I don't think either her and Ming are the most likely pair to have a fallout either.
I’ll do the write-up soon, but as I said to Bob in my messages about this: May serves quite well here, mainly because IDS manages to carry on after the Euro referendum result with a renewed sense of purpose. All the stuff of her anger and humiliation when she was party chairman (not chairwoman, as she liked to point out back then) doesn’t exactly go away and her credentials as an anti-IDS figure who can tell the party - straight to its face - what people think of it endears her to many people come 2005 and the anti-Euro effect wears off. Her shtick of looking like a different kind of Tory, sounding like a different kind of Tory, and generally advocating more progressive aims for the party in terms of candidate selection and so on set her apart from a pale, male and stale crowd of potential IDS assassins/heirs. She didn’t manage a great showing in 2005, but this isn’t that post-election defeat leadership contest: this is different territory altogether.

Also, @Mumby hits the nail on the head with the Lib Dem situation. Once the spending cuts come onto the agenda and it looks like the Tories are throwing the poor to the wolves, the sizeable left-liberal faction just can’t take it anymore and goes from “when will you die, old man?!” to “let’s kill this old man”. So, Hughes and his crew knock Ming off his perch and decide to pull the Lib Dems out of what they think is a “regressive alliance”.
 
The problem is she wasn't an anti-IDS figure. She was one of the few modernisers who fitted in okay under IDS and who IDS favoured. Which really points to her problem, a problem she probably still has, in that she doesn't really have a natural party constituency. I think she was only ever going to be elected leader in government, barring exceptional circumstances; the liberals/modernisers don't like her and the right don't trust her. Neither really see her as 'one of them'. I don't know whether she still gives the 'nasty party' speech ITTL but even if she doesn't, with the Eurosceptic right having a shot in the arm via the referendum she's at a discount.

I guess the Lib Dem outcome fits in with their 2000s zeitgeist but... I don't really feel it given how coalition played out IOTL. And both with May as leader, and with the Tories being elected pre-crash, when they'd still be promising to match Labour in a lot of areas of spending, the pivot is not going to be severe enough or quick enough to force a break. Brown also isn't Chancellor in the lead-up here, really the whole politics of spending would play out massively differently to OTL. Especially given (Blair-flavour) New Labour goes on and on and on here, it's actually possible you see Labour trying to outflank both the Tories and the Lib Dems on the issue from the right.
 

Bolt451

Hostess with the Shitpostest
Two's Company
Theodore Roosevelt (Republican) 1901-1909
1904: def. Thomas E. Watson (Populist), John G. Carlisle (Democratic) and William Randolph Hearst (Independence)
William Howard Taft (Republican) 1909-1913
1908: def. William Jennings Bryan (Populist)
Theodore Roosevelt (Independent/Republican) 1913-1921
1912: def. Oscar Underwood (Populist), William Howard Taft (Republican) and John W. Slayton (Socialist)
1916: def. William Jennings Bryan (Populist)
Carter Glass (Populist) 1921-1927*

1920: def. Hiram Johnson (Republican)
1924: def. Albert J. Beveridge (Republican)
Joseph Taylor Robinson (Populist) 1927-1933
1928: def. Herbert Hoover (Republican)
Herbert Hoover (Republican) 1933-1941

1932: def. Joseph Taylor Robinson (Populist)
1936: def. Huey Long (Populist) and John Nance Garner (Independent Populist)
Harlan J. Bushfield (Republican) 1941-1945
1940: def. Henry A. Wallace (Populist)
Prentice Cooper (Populist) 1945-1953

1944: def. Harlan J. Bushfield (Republican)
1948: def. Charles Lindbergh (Republican)
Way
ne Morse (Republican/Independent/Liberal) 1953-1957
1952: def. John Sparkman (Populist)
J. William Fulbright (Populist) 1957-1965

1956: def. Richard Nixon (Republican) and Wayne Morse (Liberal)
1960: def. Hugh Scott (Republican) and William O. Douglas (Liberal)
Walter Judd (Republican) 1965-1973
1964: def. George Smathers (Populist) and Ronald Reagan (Liberal)
1968: def. Edmund Muskie (Populist)
Thomas Eagleton (Populist) 1973-1985

1972: def. Daniel J. Evans (Republican) and Pete McCloskey (Independent)
1976: def. Howard Baker (Republican)
1980: def. Guy Vander Jagt (Republican)
Guy Vander Jagt (Republican) 1985*

1984: def. Larry McDonald (Populist) and Jesse Jackson (Independent)
Phil Crane (Republican) 1985-1993
1988: def. Al Gore (Populist)
Larry Pressler (Independent/Moderate) 1993-2001
1992: def. Phil Crane (Republican) and Dick Gephardt (Populist)
1996: def. Richard Shelby (Populist) and Richard Lugar (Republican)
Donald Rumsfeld (Republican) 2001-2009

2000: def. Donald Trump (Populist) and Dick Lamm (Moderate)
2004: def. Nathan Deal (Populist)
Blanche Lincoln (Populist) 2009-2017

2008: def. Trent Lott (Republican)
2012: def. Bill Frist (Republican)
Lindsey Graham (Republican) 2017-

2016: def. Rick Perry (Populist) and Bernie Sanders (Left Alliance)
I like that you do Alt histories of your Alt histories :) It should be more of a thing in AH writing (Im assuming this is an AH of Threes a Crowd?)
 

neonduke

Continuity Menshevik
Unionism at the Crossroads
The parties and leadership of Unionism during the Troubles.

Leaders of the Ulster Unionist Party post 1969

1969 – 1972: Brian Faulkner def James Chichester-Clark

1972 – 1977: William Craig def Brian Faulkner, John Taylor

1975: def James Kilfedder

1977 – 1984: Rev. Robert Bradford def Rev. Martin Smyth

1984 – 1992: David Trimble def Rev. Martin Smyth

1992 – 1997: Rev. Martin Smyth def Reg Empy

1997 - XXXX: Edgar Graham def Roy Beggs

Leaders of the Protestant Unionist Party 1969 – 1975

1969 – 1974: Rev. Ian Paisley def Desmond Boal

1974 – 1975: Peter Robinson (Unopposed)

1975: Party Dissolved, rump merges into ULDP

Leaders of the Ulster Popular Unionist Party 1980 onwards

1980 - 1995: James Kilfedder (unopposed)

1995 – 1997: John Taylor def Edgar Graham, Robert McCartney

1997 – 1997: Edgar Graham def John Taylor

1997: Party merged into UUP

Leaders of the Unionist Party of Northern Ireland (1973 – 1977)

1973 – 1977: Brian Faulkner (unopposed)

1977: Party Dissolved

Leaders of the Ulster Loyalist Democratic Party 1975 – 1992

1975 – 1977: Tommy Herron def Charles Harding Smith

1977 – 1984: Glen Barr def Peter Robinson

1984 – 1988: Peter Robinson def George Seawright, William McCrea

1988 – 1991: George Seawright def Jim Gray, Michael Stone, Johnny Adair

1991 – 1992: Johnny Adair def Jim Gray

1992: Party Dissolved
 

Tsar of New Zealand

Incredibly Stale Bants
Location
The Bureaucracy
Based on a vignette I did a little while ago:

Prime Ministers of New Zealand

1975-1980: Robert Muldoon (National)
1975 (majority)
def. Wallace Rowling (Labour), Bruce Beetham (Social Credit), Tony Brunt (Values)
1978 (majority) def. Wallace Rowling (Labour), Bruce Beetham (Social Credit), Tony Kunowski (Values)
1980-1981: Brian Talboys (National) [1]
1981-1987: Wallace "Bill" Rowling (Labour) [2]
1981 (majority) def. Brian Talboys (National), Bruce Beetham (Social Credit), Margaret Crozier (Values)

1984 (majority) def. Jim McLay (National), Bruce Beetham (Social Credit), Bob Jones (Alpha) [3]
1987-1990: Jim McLay (National) [4]
1987 (majority) def. Wallace Rowling (Labour), Bruce Beetham (Social Credit) [5]

1990-1997: Mike Moore (Labour) [6]
1990 (majority) def. Jim McLay (National), Bruce Beetham (Social Credit)

1993 (majority) def. Jim Bolger (National), Winston Peters (New Zealand Party) [7]. Jim Anderton (People's Labour), Gary Knapp (Social Democratic) [8], Rod Donald (Green) [9]
1996 (C&S with Progressive Coalition) def. Don McKinnon (National), Jim Anderton (Progressive Coalition) [10], Ross Meurant (Rural League) [11], Derek Quigley (Reform) [12], Winston Peters (New Zealand Party), Graham Capill (Christian Heritage) [13]
1997-1999: Helen Clark (Labour) [14]
1999-2006: Maurice Williamson (National) [15]
1999 (C&S from Reform) def. Helen Clark (Labour), Ross Meurant (Country), Ken Douglas (Progressive Coalition), Richard Prebble (Reform), Rod Donald (Green),

2002 (C&S from Country and Reform) def. Helen Clark (Labour), Ross Meurant (Country), Matt McCarten (E Tu!) [16], Wyatt Creech (Reform), Stephanie de Ruyter (Social Credit) [17], Rod Donald (Green)
2005 (C&S from Reform and Country) def. Phil Goff (Labour), Marc Alexander (Reform), Bob Clarkson (Country), Tariana Turia (E Tu!), Rod Donald (Green), Grant Gillon (Social Credit)
2006-2008: Paul Henry (National) [18]
2008-2011: Trevor Mallard (Labour) [19]
2008 (coalition with E Tu!, C&S from Green) def. Paul Henry (National), Tariana Turia (E Tu!), Bob Clarkson (Country), Stephen Franks (Reform), Keith Locke (Green)

2011-0000: Amy Adams (National) [20]
2011 (C&S from Country) def. Trevor Mallard (Labour), Eric Roy (Country), Pita Sharples (E Tu!), Donald T. Brash (Reform), Laila Harré (Social Credit)
2014 (C&S from Country and Reform) def. (Labour), Chester Borrows (Country), Hone Harawira (E Tu!), Chris Leitch (Social Credit), Colin Craig (CommonSense) [21], Paul Goldsmith (Reform)
2017 (coalition with Country, C&S from CommonSense and Reform) [22] def. Grant Robertson (Labour), Meitiria Turei (E Tu!), Chester Borrows (Country), Martyn Bradbury (Social Credit), Bob McCoskrie (CommonSense), Bob Jones (Liberty), Paul Goldsmith (Reform)



[1] Brian Talboys came very close to not being Prime Minister, but signed letters from most of caucus and a fit of aspiration drove him to accept the proposal put to him by a grouping of senior Cabinet members (the "Colonels") for a vote to replace Muldoon. But despite winning a comfortable 31-19 margin in caucus, Talboys did not prove to be the uniting figure the Colonels had hoped for, with civil war breaking out in the National Party between the supporters of Rob Muldoon and the postwar social and economic Consensus and those who felt the need to respond to the growing pressures for reform. Although well-regarded as an individual, Talboys could not rally the same popular support as Muldoon, and suffered greatly at the polls due to perceptions of a disorganised party and Muldoon's own sabotage of his replacement. Cancelling a rugby tour in election year probably didn't help matters, either.
[2] Coming from behind to succeed a dead Labour Prime Minister, losing the post to Rob Muldoon within 18 months and despite winning the popular vote the second time, and finally romping home in 1981 over a disorganised National Party, Bill Rowling has earned a place as the true comeback kid. Like Talboys, though, he had little chance to rest on his laurels, as Labour faced the conundrum of how to appease the desire of its base to preserve the Consensus while overhauling the moribund New Zealand economy. Reform was the watchword of Rowling's second ministry, but spoken very softly; life under the Fourth Labour Government would later be compared to living in a house which was being redecorated one room at a time, the familiar slowly giving way to the new.
[3] Out of context, I am unsure whether the Alpha Party ever actually existed, beyond a mention Jones made of it in his 1978 essay collection New Zealand the way I want it (or: The Little Yellow Book of Bob Jones Thought if you're feeling unkind). He spoke of them as an Auckland-based libertarian movement who stood for the more economically and socially free society he wanted to see; here, outraged at both parties' creeping incrementalism, he hitches his horse to the Alpha wagon. Much like OTL, it doesn't work out, and arguably does even less to send a message.
[4] McLay, as one of the Colonels who knocked Muldoon off his perch, was a natural successor to Talboys, and he limped into the barn in 1987 when New Zealand decided Rowling was too much of a Seventies throwback no matter how much he talked about the bright new day New Zealand was entering. He was promptly hit in the face with Black Tuesday and the loss of nearly half of the value of the New Zealand Stock Exchange. The remainder of McLay's short term was nasty and brutish, as the radicals in caucus seized the opportunity to privatise broad swathes of the state sector and sold off in full what Rowling had only sold in part. Fairly or not, National was blamed for the hurt, and 1990 was an abject disaster.
[5] From the dizzying heights of four seats and almost a quarter of the vote in 1981, Social Credit had a long and painful comedown as its appeal as a protest vote against the two big parties waned. Bruce Beetham was able to cling to the leadership, de facto remaking the party into the Bruce Beetham Party ft. Social Credit. Despite constant tensions with his caucus, Beetham clung to the leadership and his seat in Rangitīkei until he was narrowly defeated in 1990. Beetham's health declined precipitously thereafter, and he died before the end of 1991.
[6] Mike Moore wanted to make one thing very clear: proportional representation was a mistake. He didn't get to choose, however, thanks to Rowling's 1987 promise for a referendum on the electoral system and the voters' insistence on going through with the damn thing. Otherwise, Moore's time was a success as the longest-serving Labour PM since 1949 and taking credit for the economic growth of the 1990s. His mimicking of the 'triangulation' approach taken by the Democrats in the U.S. kept Labour buoyant in the polls, though his distinctly neoliberal economic approach caused some friction with traditional Labour supporters who felt the pain which came with continued deregulation (even if it wasn't at the breakneck pace of the Fourth National Government). These voters drifted towards Jim Anderton's People's Labour Party, which pulled in close to a tenth of the vote in 1993 and pulled Labour into a coalition in 1996. While fears of Anderton holding veto power over the Government caused some concerns, it was his own party which would prove his undoing.
[7] The first MP in New Zealand to break with his party and retain his seat under the banner of a new one, Winston Peters launched the trend of disgruntled backbenchers hauling off and starting their own parties, either relying on a single electorate or (particularly after 1996) catering to just over 4% of New Zealanders. An acolyte of Rob Muldoon who stuck with him through the 1980s, Peters was able to draw support from National voters who wanted to send a message to the party but couldn't stomach voting for Labour. His strong presence and public profile got him an eighth of the vote in 1993, but he could not convince the voters that the New Zealand Party was not just the Winston Peters Party, and the more convincing alternatives (and a cross-party campaign to unseat Peters in Tauranga) available elsewhere saw the party fail to cross the 4% threshold.
[8] Social Credit had bounced back in East Coast Bays in 1990 thanks to National's nationwide wipeout and the decision to stake the last of its political capital on electoral reform. Its single seat in the 43rd Parliament gave the SoCreds just enough political sunlight to stay in the public consciousness as the MMP era approached despite an ill-advised rebrand in 1992, and they banded together with Jim Anderton (more on that below) in 1995.
[9] The last hurrah of deep-green politics in New Zealand was a drawn-out affair, with the Green Party never capturing an electorate but managing to tread water around 4% for most of the 2000s. The party would not long outlive its founder, and despite finally entering government in 2008 lost its support to other parties who offered more to their disparate left, right, radical, and reflexively anti-government constituencies.
[10] Jim Anderton sensed an opportunity to break through to the big leagues, and cobbled together a motley crew of
[11] A former policeman from the Waikato, "Big Ross" Meurant took Winston's formula of pandering to those left behind by the post-Consensus era and sprinted for the tryline, accumulating a base of farmers, small-business-owners, law-and-order social conservatives, economic Muldoonists, the elderly, middle-class environmentalists who liked the idea of the countryside but didn't want to live there, and nationalists who distrusted foreigners. Meurant's Rural League devoured most of the New Zealand Party's voteshare in 1996, and its annexation of the less-insane supporters of Christian Heritage launched it into a third-place position for most of the MMP era. While Meurant would eventually be retired from Country's leadership in 2003 for threatening to sink the Government over marriage reform, his replacements have upheld his proud tradition of making embarrassing statements and sticking by them in order to fire up the base.
[12] There was a window in the mid-1990s for economic liberals who distrusted Labour and were dismayed with the softly-softly approach National had taken in the wake of the 1987-1990 disaster, and Derek Quigley, one of the conspirators who unseated Muldoon, leapt through it. The party has been a perpetual partner in National Governments, though its share of the vote has steadily dwindled to within spitting distance of the threshold.
[13] An abortive effort to "pull a Winston" with the religious vote, Christian Heritage failed to break the barrier as other parties with broader appeal crowded them out. The overwhelming majority of their voters defected to Country, National, or even Labour in the wake of the sexual abuse allegations against the leader, and the party died an ignominious death.
[14] "Ambitious, but rubbish" was the epitaph for New Zealand's first female Prime Minister. Tarred with the same brush of disloyalty as Talboys and suffering from similar divisions within Government (though her extremely forceful personality kept even Jim Anderton in line), Clark's brief tenure was doomed by the Asian financial crisis, third-term fatigue, and more than a little sexism. While she clung on to the leadership and Labour rallied in 2002, Clark ultimately failed to replicate Rowling's success.
[15] Morrie Williamson was not the likeliest candidate for the premiership, but in 1997 he was the best National could dredge up. Then Clark knifed Moore, the polls were turned upside down, and National had broken through to the other side. Leading as a compassionate conservative, Williamson presented a blokey, approachable image which appealed to middle New Zealand, with a refreshingly blunt and outspoken manner that arguably won him the 2002 election when Ross Meurant, the kingmaker in the hung Parliament that emerged, referred to him as "the only true-blue New Zealander on offer." Gay marriage and prostitution were passed (albeit by narrow margins) as the PM resolved to "drag New Zealand into the twenty-first century", winning over a great many Opposition supporters with his remarks in favour of marriage reform. This earned him enemies on the right of his Government, however, and his term ended in the same abrupt manner as Moore's.
[16] Erupting from the twitching corpse of the Progressive Coalition like a scene from Alien, E Tu! was an attempt to drag the Old Left into the new millennium by harnessing the growing energy of political Maoridom. A Ngapuhi trade unionist was selected as leader, and the party's lacklustre showing in the Labour-dominated Maori seats was offset by the following it retained from the unions. The party has carved out a niche based on these two groups and maintained a stable position in the polls, though it has seen some reversal of fortuned under accusations of being "Brown Labour" - or, as a National MP once referred to it, "a loose confederation of iwi agitators, eco-nutters, and students too disreputable even for Young Labour."
[17] Social Credit also emerged from the wreckage of the Progressive Coalition, though it would wander the wilderness throughout the 2000s in a desperate search for a purpose as it wrestled with E Tu! and the Greens for votes. After 2008 they would increasingly position themselves as the "economic sovereigntist" opposition to neoliberal globalism, harnessing discontent and siphoning votes from Labour in the wake of Trevor Mallard's poor showing. This has led to some less-than-desirable elements joining, with allegations of anti-Semitism rising from the grave to haunt the party.
[18] A talkback radio host who was blunt to the point of embarrassment, Paul Henry was made Prime Minister by the right of the National Party, who believed that Williamson's small-c conservatism was just Labour by a different name. Henry lacked the gravitas of Talboys, the firm grip of Clark, or the charisma of a fully-rounded human being; Morrie Williamson could gaffe and laugh it off, but when Paul Henry tried to do the same he offended an entire nation and jeopardised trade negotiations with India. His defeat was unsurprising and Henry promptly resigned from politics to go back on radio, though he would make headlines within a few years for abusing his ministerial travel privileges.
[19] Mallard was Labour's answer to Jim McLay, elected in a hospital pass election which saw his Government sunk by an economic crisis. While he did about as well as could be reasonably expected, particularly with two unruly coalition partners to be wrangled, the Christchurch earthquakes and National's coalescence around their new leader ensured the Sixth Labour Government would go the way of the Third.
[20] Adams was the breath of fresh air the National Party needed in 2011; young, female, well-spoken and a brilliant counterpoint to Mallard's image as clapped-out and exhausted. Spearheading the recovery from the Christchurch earthquake, Adams benefitted from the positive outcomes of programmes Labour had set in motion, as well as the economic recovery driven by an export boom and free-trade deal with China. The only cloud on the horizon as the 2017 election approached was the weakening position of Big Ross and National's other little friends, but that wasn't a big problem, right? Right?
[21] Between disillusionment with Adams' social permissiveness and the presence of a mad millionaire to bankroll them, Christian conservatism was back with the CommonSense Party who, while dogged by a sex scandal surrounding their leader in 2015, have established themselves as a presence on the right of New Zealand politics for the foreseeable future.
[22] The 2017 election was a mess. National's historic partners had seen their voteshares collapse, with Chester Borrows literally driving his car into a line of protestors and getting a minor fine for it, Paul Goldsmith barely treading water as Bob Jones conducted the political equivalent of a hit-and-run guerrilla campaign from Tamaki which depleted Reform's libertarian constituency, and both the SoCreds and CommonSense nosing over the 4% threshold - in the latter case, by about six hundred votes. While Adams cobbled together a rainbow coalition, the Opposition smells blood in the water as rumours of a vote of no confidence emanate from backbench leakers on a fortnightly basis, and the National Party is being called "tired-looking" even by its own media partisans.
As Labour's bright young thing Jamie Shaw moves from strength to strength and the National-"led" Government comes apart at the seams, it looks exceedingly unlikely that Adams' government will make it even halfway through its third term.
 
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Uhura's Mazda

Master of Books, Protector of Swine
Published by SLP
Location
Tamaki Makaurau
my body

as a disreputable (non-)student, i

However, a continued career for Ross Meurant is... difficult, considering how much of a colossal moron he was. No idea how he managed to string a sentence together, let alone write two books.

Also, why must you ruin my dreams with the spectre of Bomber Bradbury?
 

Tsar of New Zealand

Incredibly Stale Bants
Location
The Bureaucracy
my body

as a disreputable (non-)student, i
:whistle:

However, a continued career for Ross Meurant is... difficult, considering how much of a colossal moron he was. No idea how he managed to string a sentence together, let alone write two books.
Being a moron has never been an impediment to a successful political career. Also, I couldn't think of a good alternative. Maybe Michael Laws?

Also, why must you ruin my dreams with the spectre of Bomber Bradbury?
It's your classic case of "the patient survived, but at what cost?"
 

Uhura's Mazda

Master of Books, Protector of Swine
Published by SLP
Location
Tamaki Makaurau
Being a moron has never been an impediment to a successful political career. Also, I couldn't think of a good alternative. Maybe Michael Laws?
Michael Laws, by contrast, is too much of a clever-dick to appeal to a rural voter base - and his electorate was mostly just Havelock North anyhow. My money would be on someone like Graeme Lee, although a sneaky voice in the back of my head is whispering "say Bolger, say Bolger, say Bolger".
 

Tsar of New Zealand

Incredibly Stale Bants
Location
The Bureaucracy
Michael Laws, by contrast, is too much of a clever-dick to appeal to a rural voter base - and his electorate was mostly just Havelock North anyhow. My money would be on someone like Graeme Lee, although a sneaky voice in the back of my head is whispering "say Bolger, say Bolger, say Bolger".
Too old, both of them. I think I've managed to make it simultaneously better and worse.
 

Uhura's Mazda

Master of Books, Protector of Swine
Published by SLP
Location
Tamaki Makaurau
See my Graphics thread for further details.

Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom
1951-1955: Winston Churchill (National Government: Conservative, Unionist, National Liberal and Independent Liberal)

1951 def: Clement Attlee (Labour), The Viscount Stuart of Findhorn (Unionist), John Maclay (National Liberal), Clement Davies (Liberal)
1955-1957: Anthony Eden (National Government: Conservative, Unionist, Centre and Liberal)
1955 def: Clement Attlee (Labour), The Viscount Stuart of Findhorn (Unionist), Gwilym Lloyd George (Centre), Clement Davies (Liberal), Jo Grimond (Radical)
1957-1963: Harold Macmillan (National Government: Conservative, Unionist, Centre and Liberal)
1959 def: Hugh Gaitskell (Labour), The Viscount Stuart of Findhorn (Unionist), James Henderson Stewart (Centre), Roderic Bowen (Liberal), Jo Grimond (Radical)
1963-1969: R. A. Butler (National Government: Conservative, Unionist, Centre and Liberal)
1964 def: Hugh Gaitskell (Labour), The Earl of Home (Unionist), Charles Hill (Centre), Roderic Bowen (Liberal), Jo Grimond (Radical)
1969-1978: Roy Jenkins (Labour)
1969 def: R. A. Butler (Conservative), The Earl of Home (Unionist), Charles Hill (Centre), Roderic Bowen (Liberal), Jeremy Thorpe (Radical-Mebyon Kernow)
1973 def: Ian Macleod (Conservative), Terence O'Neill (Unionist), Enoch Powell (Centre), Jeremy Thorpe (Radical), Desmond Donnelly (Democratic Labour)

1978-1988: Geoffrey Howe (National Government: Conservative, Unionist, Centre and Democratic Labour)
1978 def: Roy Jenkins (Labour), Hon. George Younger (Unionist), Julian Ridsdale (Centre), David Steel (Radical), Desmond Donnelly (Democratic Labour), Ted Grant (Real Labour)
1982 def: Reg Prentice (Labour), Michael Heseltine (Centre), Hon. George Younger (Unionist)
1986 def: John Smith (Labour), Michael Heseltine (Centre), Malcolm Rifkind (Unionist)

1988-1992: Michael Heseltine (National Government: Conservative, Centre and Unionist)
1991 def: John Major (Conservative), John Smith (Labour), Malcolm Rifkind (Unionist), Dafydd Elis Thomas (Party of the Nations)
1992-1996: Malcolm Rifkind (National Government: Conservative, Centre and Unionist)