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Nanwe's Maps and Graphics Thread

Amazing work as always, I think the division of Gyeonggi largely works, though it might make more sense to integrate the city of Seongnam into Gyeonggi 3 than 6. For the division of the 3 itself, I’m by no means expert, but It’d probably make sense to group Yongin, Pyeongtak, and Anseong into a single constituency.

The center-left coalition would have been the probable result, being a huge vindication for the Justice Party’s political strategy last ~3 years. Well, sucks that we didn’t get full PR.
 
Okay, so after making the changes in the Gyeonggi constituencies, this would be the new map and results:

Results (349 seats):

United Future Party: 33.84%, 148 seats [1 seat = 63,772 votes]
Democratic Party: 33.36%, 147 seats [1 seat = 63,310 votes]
Justice Party: 9.67%, 29 seats [1 seat = 93,021 votes]
People's Party: 6.80%, 18 seats [1 seat = 105,360 votes]
Open Democratic Party: 5.42%, 5 seats [1 seat = 302,496 votes]
Party for People's Livelihoods: 2.72%, 2 seats [1 seat = 379,341 votes]

The only viable majority other than the GroKo is a centre-left DPK+JP(+ODP) one. The sum of DPK and its splinter parties (ODP, PPL) plus the PP only adds up to 172, 3 seats short of a majority.

The loser from the changes in the Gyeonggi region is the ODP, which loses 2 seats to the benefit of the Justice Party and the UFP.

DzJCjIm.png
 
Building up from the 2020 map, the 2016 legislative election:

In 2016, Park Geun-hye was still president but the legislative election removed her legislative majority despite the divisions of the opposition. That was an unexpected outcome, to say the least, especially for the incumbent, right-wing Saenuri Party (Saenuri meaning 'new world'), the latest incarnation of the Grand National Party.

Indeed, the opposition Democratic Party was divided between rump Democratic Party, led Kim Chong-in, and the People's Party, led by Ahn Cheol-soo. The People's Party came about after Ahn Cheol-soo bolted from the party, taking with him a good chunk of the party's regional elites in the traditional heartland in Jeolla when Ahn's faction lost an internal power struggle to now-President Moon Jae-in. The PP was, it seems, to the right of the main DPK.

Then there was the Justice Party, led by Sim Sang-jung, a left-wing political party founded in 2012 by defectors from the Unified Progressive Party that took in voters from the Unified Progressive Party after it was banned in 2016 for alleged pro-North Korean views, as well as left-wing DPK voters.

Another change, besides the disunity of the opposition, was the changes to the electoral system. The South Korean Constitutional Court mandated in 2014 that the seats be reapportioned due to the gross disparities of voters per district. Even so, compared to British or American standards, the new rules for these constituencies were lax, quoting Wikipedia, constituencies "must not differ from each other by more than 2:1, and that the number of constituents in any given constituency must not differ from the average number of constituents by more than one third". Redistricting especially benefitted the Seoul metropolitan area, which gained 10 seats.

The results were unexpected, as polling had suggested a Saenuri majority owing to the opposition's divisions and the dominating national security theme during the election. But, instead, the DPK and the PP did particularly well in the constituency vote. Indeed, the DPK emerged as the largest party by a single seat, with the People's Party becoming a central kingmaker in the National Assembly thanks to its 38 seats (above party expectations). President Park would become a lame-duck president until her impeachment and removal in 2017.

Numbers:

Democratic Party: 37.0% (FPTP) & 25.5% (PR), 123 seats (110 FPTP, 13 PR)
Saenuri Party: 38.3% (FPTP) & 33.5% (PR), 122 seats (105 FPTP, 17 PR)
People's Party: 14.9% (FPTP) & 26.7% (PR), 38 seats (25 FPTP, 13 PR)
Justice Party: 1.6% (FPTP) & 7.2% (PR), 6 seats (2 FPTP, 4 PR)
Independents: 7.0% (FPTP), 11 seats (all FPTP)

The Democratic Party carried most of Seoul's and Gyeonggi's seats as well as in various other urban areas outside Jeolla (where it was a consistent second) and the conservative heartland of south-east Korea. The People's Party's strength was located mostly in the two Jeollan regions as well as the city of Gwangju, all traditional left-wing strongholds. Saenuri did best in rural seats, its south-eastern heartland and in the affluent areas of Seoul and its suburbs. The majority of independents were de-selected Saenuri candidates who defeated the party-endorsed candidates. There was one uncontested seat in this election, Tongyeong-Goseong.

On a personal note, this map was more fun to make than 2020, especially the FPTP constituencies, as it is more varied and not an endless sea of monocolourism for much of the country.

qOiwz9j.png
 
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Last South Korean election for a while, the results from the 2018 Seoul Metropolitan Council election.

The Metropolitan Council is elected at the same time as the Metropolitan Mayor and the Education Superintendent. Incumbent Park Won-soon (DPK) was re-elected for a third and final term as mayor. The Council is elected in a similar fashion to the pre-2020 National Assembly, 100 seats are elected via single-round majority in uninominal constituencies (FPTP) and 10 members are elected via closed-list city-wide proportional representation with a 3% threshold in a parallel system.

The Democratic Party won in a major blowout thanks to the popularity of Mayor Park Won-soon but also to the deep divisions in the right between the right-wing Liberty Korea Party and the centre-right Bareunmirae Party (lit. "Righteous Future Party"), formed after the merger of the centre-right Bareun Party and the centrist People's Party (see above). As a result, the DPK gained 102 out of the 110 seats of the Metropolitan Council, an increase of 25 seats.

In many right-leaning seats, the Bareunmirae and Liberty Korea parties split the conservative vote almost perfectly, making the DPK victory much easier. The only areas where LKP candidates topped the polls - and barely so - were in the Gangnam district.

For the first time, the left-wing Justice Party entered the Council with one seat elected from the 10 proportional representation seats. The party didn't run any candidates at the constituency level, avoiding division on the left.

Results:

Democratic Party: 61.89% (FPTP) and 50.69% (PR) of the vote, 102 seats (97 FPTP, 5 PR)
Liberty Korea Party: 28.68% (FPTP) and 25.24% (PR) of the vote, 6 seats (3 FPTP, 3 PR)
Bareunmirae Party: 8.59% (FPTP) and 11.48% (PR) of the vote, 1 seat (PR only)
Justice Party: 9.69% of the vote (PR only), 1 seat (PR only)

The Bareunmirae counsellor is now a member of the Party for People's Livelihoods.

KZDfnev.png
 
But it’s the same with most regional and metropolitan city assemblies after 2018, right?
North Gyeongsang Province Council and Daegu Metropolitan Council are the two not with the Democratic majority. Even Busan Metropolitan Council has a massive Democratic majority with Democrats at 41 seats and UFP at 5, though unlike Seoul, Democratic majority in Busan would be difficult to defend in 2022.
 
Why is Jeolla so strongly Democratic?
1) The memory of the Gwangju uprising, and to a lesser degree, Yeosu-Suncheon Rebellion of 1948.
2) Both official and unofficial exclusion of Jeolla province and its people from the economic largesse throughout both the military dictatorship and the post-democratization conservative governments largely led by figures from the rival Gyeongsang region.
3) The enduring prominence of the favorite son Kim Dae-jung and his heir, the Democratic Party as the vehicle for regional aspiration.
 
So these are old graphics I have come across after a while. Basically from a Facebook election game, where I designed a bunch of graphics for the party in question. And they just look really neat.

MF manifesto.png


MF propaganda 9.png


MF propaganda 11.png


MF propaganda 21.png

I think this was supposed to be a "mock" poster, I don't think this one was ever shared.

MF propaganda 13.png
 
First Winthrop Government (1850-1852)

First-Citizen: Charles A. Winthrop
Secretary of Finance: Thaddeus M. Betts
Home Secretary: Nicholas Fish Jr.
Foreign Secretary: Wiram Knowlton
Secretary of Trade: Isaac J. Backus
War Secretary: Nathaniel Averill Jr.
Navy Secretary: George B. Jarvis
Territories Secretary: Solomon Y. Chesley
Post and Telegraph Secretary: Charles Bochum
Attorney-General: Elbridge F. Manahan
Congress Leader: Jasper E. Morgan


Second Winthrop Government (1852-1856)

First-Citizen: Charles A. Winthrop
Secretary of Finance: Thaddeus M. Betts (1852-1853)
Secretary of Finance: Dirk Stuyvesant Ten Broeck Jr. (1853-1856)
Home Secretary: Jasper E. Morgan
Foreign Secretary: Wiram Knowlton (1852-1854)
Foreign Secretary: Anson A. Fessenden (1854-1856)
Secretary of Trade: Isaac J. Backus
War Secretary: Nathaniel Averill Jr.
Navy Secretary: George B. Jarvis
Territories Secretary: Solomon Y. Chesley
Post and Telegraph Secretary: Charles Bochum
Attorney-General: Elbridge F. Manahan
Congress Leader: Jonathan Borden


First Morgan Government (1856-1860)

First-Citizen: Jasper E. Morgan
Secretary of Finance: Dirk Stuyvesant Ten Broeck Jr. (1856-1857)
Secretary of Finance:
Charles Bochum (1857-1860)
Home Secretary: Elisha Dyer Jr.
Foreign Secretary: Anson A. Fessenden
Secretary of Trade: Ralph Apthorp Ingersoll
War Secretary: Henry Townsend
Navy Secretary: Arthur Fenner
Secretary of Justice: Seabury Ford (1856)
Secretary of Justice: Oliver Wolcott III (1856-1860)
Secretary of Inland Revenue: Isaac J. Backus
Secretary of Customs: Reuben A. Fenton
Secretary of Indian Affairs: Solomon Y. Chesley
Secretary of Public Works: Isaac Hatch
Secretary of Agriculture: Thomas Faville Jr.
Post and Telegraph Secretary: Charles Bochum (1856-1857)
Post and Telegraph Secretary: Charles Tupper Jr. (1857-1860)
Registrar-General: Philip S. Van Rensselaer
Attorney-General: Elbridge F. Manahan (1856-1857)
Attorney-General: Francis D. Cox (1857-1860)
Congress Leader: Jonathan Borden (1856-1858)
Congress Leader: Elbridge F. Manahan (1858-1860)
 
On the map and the incoming ones from the elections in FBiH and RS, the compensatory seats are assigned to the constituency level, so should I show them separately (like above), or together with the ordinary seats?
 
On the map and the incoming ones from the elections in FBiH and RS, the compensatory seats are assigned to the constituency level, so should I show them separately (like above), or together with the ordinary seats?

Together but boxed I think.
 
WIP - Watch this Space

For people who know about Spanish politics, and for now:
  • Suresnes isn't as big a success for González & co. as in OTL.
  • The UCD majority in 1979 gives Suárez more breathing space to deal with the UCD barones, but ultimately he's too tired to continue and decides to resign, like OTL. However, his party is polling better than OTL
  • Fraga decides to retire after the 1979 election as he thought about doing IOTL.
  • Eduard Punset, a member OTL of the neoliberal wing of the Catalan UCD - think Teixidó - is the great privatiser TTL, at least as far as he can push it, which isn't too much, being replaced by Herrero de Miñon, a more traditional Christian democrat.

Prime Minister of Spain

1973-1976: Carlos Arias Navarro (National Movement)
1976-1977: Adolfo Suárez (National Movement, then Independent)
1977-1981: Adolfo Suárez (Union of the Democratic Centre)

1977 (UCD minority) def. Santiago Carrillo (PCE), Felipe González (PSOE), Manuel Fraga (AP), Enrique Tierno Galván (US), Jordi Pujol (PDPC), Juan de Ajuriaguerra (PNV), Joaquín Ruiz-Giménez (FDC-EDC), Antón Cañellas (UCDCC), Victor Salazar (PS), Heribert Barrera (EC), Francisco Letamendia (EE), Hipólito Gómez de las Roces (CAIC)
1979 (UCD majority) def. Santiago Carrillo (PCE), Felipe González (PSOE), Manuel Fraga (CP), Enrique Tierno Galván (FPS), Jordi Pujol (CiU), Blas Piñar (FN), Alejandro Rojas-Marcos (PSA-PA), Xabier Arzalluz (PNV), Francisco Letamendia (HB), Heribert Barrera (ERC), Juan María Bandrés (EE), Fernando Sagaseta (UPC), Hipólito Gómez de las Roces (PAR)

1981-1983: Landelino Lavilla (Union of the Democratic Centre) [1]
1983 (UCD minority with PSOE, PDC support) def. Santiago Carrillo (PCE),
1983-1984: Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo (Union of the Democratic Centre) [2]
1984-1986: Santiago Rodríguez-Miranda (Union of the Democratic Centre) [3]
1986-1987: Eduard Punset (Union of the Democratic Centre) [4]
1987-1995: Miguel Herrero y Rodríguez de Miñón (Union of the Democratic Centre) [5]
1987 (UCD minority with AP, PDC support) def. Santiago Carrillo (PCE)
1991 (UCD-PDC coalition) def. Santiago Carrillo (PCE)

1995-2003: Josep Borrell (Party of the Democratic Left) [6]
1995 (PID-FPS-PSOE coalition) def. Miguel Herrero de Miñón (UCD), Loyola de Palacio (CP)
1999 (PID-FPS-PSOE coalition) def.

2003-2009: Gaspar Llamazares (Party of the Democratic Left) [7]
2003 (PID-FPS-PSOE coalition) def.
2007 (PID-FPS-ERC coalition) def.

2009-2017: Manuel Ramón Pimentel (Union of the Democratic Centre) [8]
2009 (UCD-CP-PDC coalition) def.
2013 (UCD minority) def.

2017-0000: Joaquín Francisco "Ximo" Puig (Party of the Democratic Left) [9]
2017 (PDI minority) def.

President of the Generalitat of Catalonia
1980-1983: Jordi Pujol (Convergence and Union)

1980 (CiU-CC coalition) def. Josep Benet (PSUC), Anton Cañellas (CC-UCD), Josep Verde (FPS), Heribert Barrera (ERC), Josep Maria Triginer (PSOE), Francisco Hidalgo (PSA-PA)
1983-1984: Antón Cañellas (Centrists of Catalonia-UCD)
1984-1992: Antoni Gutiérrez (Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia, later Party of the Democratic Left)

1984 (PSUC-FPS-PSOE coalition) def.
1988 (PSUC-FPS-PSOE coalition) def.
 
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