Nanwe's Maps and Graphics Thread

[Nanwe]

So I think the style is a bit inconsistent (alas, tricky to use Bing AI with a limited set of responses), but this is the legal-style draft of how elections would work:

It's quite prescriptivist for a Constitution, but in fairness, I do think that makes sense in-universe

PART III.—THE ASSEMBLED ESTATES.
General.​

??. Constitution.— (1) The delegates of three orders of His Most Christian Majesty’s Realms and of His Lands and Nations shall form the Assembles Estates of the Realms.
(2) The legislative power of the Dual Monarchy shall be vested in His Most Christian Majesty and in the Assembled Estates jointly.
(3) The Assembled Estates shall consist of seven hundred and fifty members.

??. Powers.—(1) The Assembled Estates shall have power to make laws for the peace, order and good government of the Dual Monarchy, subject to the provisions of this Instrument and any other law in force in the Dual Monarchy.
(2) The Assembled Estates shall also have power to approve or reject treaties, declarations of war, levies of taxes, grants of subsidies, budgets, accounts and other matters of public finance.
(3) The Assembled Estates shall also have power to impeach and try any public officer for high crimes and misdemeanors, and to remove them from office upon conviction.

??. Orders.— (1) The members of the Assembled Estates shall be divided into three orders: ecclesiastical, noble, and common.
(2) Each order shall elect its delegates from amidst their ranks in the numbers determined in Sections (), (), and () and in the mode of election to be prescribed subject to the provisions of this Instrument and any other law in force in the Dual Monarchy.

The First Order.​

??. Composition of First Order.—(1) The First Order shall consist of such members of the Catholic clergy as are duly elected or coopted by their peers in each of the realms of the Dual Monarchy, namely England, France and Ireland.
(2) The number of members of the First Order shall be as follows:—

(a) In England, thirty members shall be elected by the clergy of England from among themselves, of whom fifteen shall be elected by the clergy of the ecclesiastical province of Canterbury and fifteen by the clergy of the ecclesiastical province of York.​

(b) In France, thirty members shall be elected by the clergy of France from among themselves, of whom sixteen shall be elected by the clergy of each ecclesiastical province and fourteen shall be apportioned to the provinces according to the census of the First Order on a decennial basis.​

(c) In Ireland, fifteen members shall be elected by the clergy of Ireland from among themselves, of whom four shall be elected by the clergy of each ecclesiastical province of Armagh, Cashel and Dublin, and three by the clergy of the ecclesiastical province of Tuam.​

??. Franchise and electoral rolls.—(1) Every ordained member of the regular or secular clergy who is not disqualified on civil or religious grounds shall be entitled to vote or to be elected or coopted as a member of the First Order.
(2) The electoral rolls for each ecclesiastical constituency shall be prepared and maintained by the dioceses for the secular clergy and by their respective convents, abbeys or similar institutions for the regular clergy.
(3) The electoral rolls shall contain the names, titles, addresses and signatures of all eligible voters in each constituency, and shall be revised annually or whenever there is a change in eligibility.
(4) Any person who claims to be entitled to vote or whose name has been omitted from or wrongly entered in the electoral roll may apply to the returning officer for rectification, within such time and in such manner as may be prescribed by law.

??. Election and voting system.—(1) The election of the members of the First Order shall take place every four years, unless the Assembled Estates are sooner dissolved by His Most Christian Majesty or by a resolution passed by a majority of the members present and voting.
(2) The election or cooption of the members of the First Order shall be conducted by secret ballot, in accordance with such rules and regulations as may be prescribed by law.
(3) No person shall be entitled to vote or to be elected or coopted as a member of more than one constituency or for more than one order in the Assembled Estates.
(4) Every member of the clergy who is entitled to vote shall have a number of votes depending on his or her rank or dignity in the Church, as follows:—

(a) Friars, diocesan priests, monks or nuns, or or any person holding a similar rank or dignity in any diocese, religious order or community, shall have as many votes as the number of seats to be filled in their constituency.​

(b) Abbots, abbesses, canons, deans, priors, vicars or supernumeraries, or any person holding a similar rank or dignity in any diocese, religious order or community, shall have a number of votes equal to twice the number of seats to be filled in their constituency.​

(c) Bishops, archbishops, cardinals or the Primate of each Kingdom and of Ireland shall have a number of votes equal to four times the number of seats to be filled in their constituency.​

(5) In case of a vacancy in the membership of the First Order, a new member shall be coopted by the sitting members of that order within three months from the date on which the vacancy occurs, unless the Assembled Estates are sooner dissolved or are due to expire within six months.

??. Allocation and alteration of seats.—(1) The seats in the First Order shall be allocated on the basis of ecclesiastical constituencies, which shall correspond to the ecclesiastical provinces in England, France and Ireland.
(2) The boundaries and names of the ecclesiastical constituencies shall be determined by His Most Christian Majesty on the advice of His Holiness the Pope and with the consent of the Assembled Estates.
(3) The allocation and alteration of seats in England may be modified by law passed by the Assembled Estates, provided that such law does not reduce or increase the total number of seats for England, that it ensures that each constituency elects between three and five members, and that it is done on the basis of the dioceses

??. Qualifications for membership.—(1) No person shall be qualified to be elected or to sit as a member of the First Order unless he:—

(a) Is an ordained member of the regular or secular clergy who is not disqualified on civil or religious grounds.​

(b) Is of the full age of thirty years.​

(c) Is a subject of His Most Christian Majesty and owes allegiance to him.​

(d) Is not a member of the Second or the Third Order.​

(e) Is not a holder of any office or place of profit under His Most Christian Majesty or any foreign power.​

(f) Is not a bankrupt or insolvent, or has not made any arrangement with his creditors.​

(g) Is not a lunatic or of unsound mind.​

(h) Has not been convicted of any treasonable, felonious or infamous offence, or has not been sentenced to any term of imprisonment exceeding six months.​

(i) Is not subject to any canonical censure or disability.
(2) Any question arising as to the qualification or disqualification of any member of the First Order shall be referred to and decided by a Committee of Privileges, consisting of fifteen members chosen by lot from among the members of the Assembled Estates, subject to appeal to His Most Christian Majesty in Council.
(3) Any member of the First Order who fails to comply with any of the qualifications or requirements for membership in this Section shall be liable to forfeit their seat, to be disqualified from being elected or sitting as a member of the First Order for a period of seven years, and to be liable to a penalty not exceeding five hundred pounds for every day on which he so sits or votes in the First Order.

??. Oath of allegiance.—(1) ore taking his or her seat, make and subscribe before His Most Christian Majesty or his representative an oath or affirmation in the following form:

​

"I, A.B., do swear that I will be faithful and bear true allegiance to His Most Christian Majesty Henry X, his heirs and successors, according to law, and that I will uphold and defend the Catholic faith and the rights and privileges of the Church. So help me God."​

(2) Any person who refuses or neglects to take the oath or affirmation as required by this section shall be deemed to have vacated his seat, and the same shall be filled as if he had died.

??. Miscellaneous.—(1) The procedure for electing members of the First Order shall be regulated by law, subject to the provisions of this Instrument and any other applicable laws.
(2) Nothing in this Chapter shall affect the prerogatives and rights of His Most Christian Majesty, or the privileges and immunities of the Assembled Estates or their members.

The Second Order.​

??. Composition of Second Order.—(1) The Second Order shall consist of such members of the nobility as are duly elected by their peers in each of the realms of the Dual Monarchy, namely England, France and Ireland.
(2) The number of members of the Second Order shall be as follows:—

(a) In England, thirty members shall be elected by the nobility of England from among themselves.​

(b) In France, thirty members shall be elected by the nobility of France from among themselves.​

(c) In Ireland, fifteen members shall be elected by the nobility of Ireland from among themselves, of whom eight shall be elected by the nobility of old stock and seven shall be elected by the nobility of new stock.​

??. Franchise and electoral rolls.—(1) Every member of the nobility who is registered in the relevant Chamber of the Nobility and who can prove the legality of his claim to a title of nobility shall be entitled to vote in the election of the members of the Second Order.
(2) No person shall be entitled to vote in more than one constituency or for more than one order in the Assembled Estates.
(3) Female title-holders may vote by proxy, provided that they appoint a male relative or a male member of their household as their proxy, and that they notify their intention to do so to the returning officer at least one week before the date of the election.
(4) The electoral rolls for each constituency shall be prepared and maintained by the President of the local or county or provincial Chamber of the Nobility, as may be the case, who shall act as the returning officer for that constituency.
(5) The electoral rolls shall contain the names, titles, addresses and signatures of all eligible voters in each constituency, and shall be revised annually or whenever there is a change in eligibility.
(6) Any person who claims to be entitled to vote or whose name has been omitted from or wrongly entered in the electoral roll may apply to the returning officer for rectification, within such time and in such manner as may be prescribed by law.

??. Election and voting system.—(1) The election of the members of the Second Order shall take place every four years, unless the Assembled Estates are sooner dissolved by His Most Christian Majesty or by a resolution passed by a majority of the members present and voting.
(2) The election of the members of the Second Order shall be conducted by secret ballot, in accordance with such rules and regulations as may be prescribed by law.
(3) Every member of the nobility who is entitled to vote shall have as many votes as two-thirds of the number of seats to be filled in his or her constituency.
(4) In case of a vacancy in the membership of the Second Order, a by-election shall be held within three months from the date on which the vacancy occurs, unless the Assembled Estates are sooner dissolved or are due to expire within six months.
(5) In case of a by-election, every member of the nobility who is entitled to vote shall have one vote only.

??. Allocation and alteration of seats.—(1) The seats in the Second Order shall be allocated on the basis of territorial constituencies, which shall correspond to the counties in England, the provinces in France, and the island of Ireland.
(2) The boundaries and names of the constituencies in England and France shall be determined by a Boundary Commission, subject to the rules laid down in this Section, which shall consist of six members appointed by His Most Christian Majesty, and six members appointed by the President of the Assembled Estates.
(3) The Boundary Commission shall ensure that each constituency in England and France elects between three and five members, and that each constituency has approximately equal population, subject to such adjustments as may be necessary to respect historical and geographical considerations.
(4) The Boundary Commission shall review and revise the constituencies in England and France at least once every ten years, or whenever there is a significant change in population or territory.
(5) The recommendations of the Boundary Commission shall be laid before both His Most Christian Majesty and the Assembled Estates for their approval, and shall come into force at the next general election after such approval.
(6) The constituencies in Ireland shall be as follows:—

(a) One constituency for the nobility of old stock, which shall elect eight members from among themselves.​

(b) One constituency for the nobility of new stock, which shall elect seven members from among themselves.​

(7) For the purposes of this section, the following definitions shall apply:

(a) “Nobility of old stock” shall mean the members of the Irish nobility who belong to clans or families that existed and resided in Ireland before 1545.​

(b) “Nobility of new stock” shall mean the members of the Irish nobility who were established or ennobled after 1545, or who belong to the old stock families that have opted to join this constituency.​

(c) Every member of the nobility of old stock shall have the right to choose whether to remain in this constituency or to join the constituency of the nobility of new stock, and shall notify their choice to their respective Council of Nobility before the date of the election.​

(d) No member of the nobility of new stock shall have the right to join the constituency of the nobility of old stock.​

??. Qualifications for membership.—(1) No person shall be qualified to be elected or to sit as a member of the Second Order unless he:—

(a) Is a member of the nobility who is registered in the relevant Chamber of the Nobility and who can prove the legality of his or her claim to a title of nobility.​

(b) Is of the full age of twenty-five years.​

(c) Is a subject of His Most Christian Majesty and owes allegiance to him.​

(d) Is not a member of the First or the Third Order.​

(e) Is not a holder of any office or place of profit under His Most Christian Majesty or any foreign power.​

(f) Is not a bankrupt or insolvent, or has not made any arrangement with his or her creditors.​

(g) Is not a lunatic or of unsound mind.​

(h) Has not been convicted of any treasonable, felonious or infamous offence, or has not been sentenced to any term of imprisonment exceeding six months.​

(2) Any question arising as to the qualification or disqualification of any member of the Second Order shall be referred to and decided by a Committee of Privileges, consisting of fifteen members chosen by lot from among the members of the Assembled Estates, subject to appeal to His Most Christian Majesty in Council.
(3) Any member of the Second Order who fails to comply with any of the qualifications or requirements for membership in this Section shall be liable to forfeit their seat, to be disqualified from being elected or sitting as a member of the Second Order for a period of seven years, and to be liable to a penalty not exceeding five hundred pounds for every day on which he so sits or votes in the Second Order.

??. Oath of allegiance.—(1) Every person who is elected as a member of the Second Order shall, before taking his seat, make and subscribe before His Most Christian Majesty or his representative an oath in the following form:

​

"I, A.B., do swear that I will be faithful and bear true allegiance to His Most Christian Majesty Henry X, his heirs and successors, according to law. So help me God."​

(2) Any person who refuses or neglects to take the oath or affirmation as required by this section shall be deemed to have vacated his or her seat, and the same shall be filled as if he had died.

??. Miscellaneous.—(1) The procedure for electing members of the Second Order shall be regulated by law, subject to the provisions of this Instrument and any other applicable laws.
(2) Nothing in this Chapter shall affect the prerogatives and rights of His Most Christian Majesty, or the privileges and immunities of the Assembled Estates or their members.

The Third Order.​

??. Composition of Third Order.—(1) The Third Order shall consist of such persons as are not members of the First Order or the Second Order, and as are qualified to vote in elections for the Assembled Estates.
(2) The members of the Third Order shall be divided into two classes: territorial members and corporate members.
(3) The number of members of the Third Order shall be as follows:—

(a) In England, two hundred and forty members who shall be elected by the commoners of England from among themselves.​

(b) In France, two hundred and forty members who shall be elected by the commoners of France from among themselves.​

(c) In Ireland, one hundred and twenty members who shall be elected by the commoners of Ireland from among themselves.​

(d) However number of members may be elected as corporate members in each of the realms of the Dual Monarchy, namely England, France and Ireland. ​

??. Territorial Constituencies.—(1) The territorial constituencies shall consist of counties or provinces, or parts thereof, and municipal corporations, or parts thereof.
(2) No constituency shall return less than three nor more than nine members, except for the following constituencies, which shall return one member each:—

(a) The county of Rutland in England;​

(b) The Isles of Ely, Wight and Anglesey in England;​

(c) The province of Foix in France.​

(3) For electoral purposes, the provinces of Aunis, Saintonge and Angoumois in France shall be deemed to be one province.
(4) The boundaries of county or province constituencies shall follow county or province lines; but nothing herein contained shall prevent any municipal corporation constituency from being partly within and partly without any county or province constituency.
(5) Any county or province, or any municipal corporation, returning more than nine members shall be divided into two or more constituencies, each returning not less than three nor more than nine members.
(6) The boundaries and names of the constituencies shall be determined by a Boundary Commission, subject to the rules laid down in this Section, which shall consist of six members appointed by His Most Christian Majesty, and six members appointed by the President of the Assembled Estates.
(7) The Boundary Commission shall ensure that each constituency elects between three and nine members, and that each constituency has approximately equal population, subject to such adjustments as may be necessary to respect historical and geographical considerations.
(8) The Boundary Commission shall review and revise the constituencies at least once every ten years, or whenever there is a significant change in population or territory.
(9) The recommendations of the Boundary Commission shall be laid before both His Most Christian Majesty and the Assembled Estates for their approval, and shall come into force at the next general election after such approval.

??. Chambers of Commerce and of Industry.—(1) A Chamber of Commerce or a Chamber of Industry shall be entitled to return one member for every five thousand affiliated members.
(2) Any Chamber of Commerce and of Industry may federate with one or more other Chambers of Commerce and of Industry to form a federated Chamber, which shall be deemed to be one for electoral purposes, and shall be entitled to return one member for every five thousand affiliated members.
(3) The procedure for the federation of Chambers of Commerce and of Industry shall be as follows:—

(a) Any Chamber of Commerce and of Industry may propose to federate with one or more other Chambers of Commerce and Industry, by passing a resolution to that effect by a majority of its members;​

(b) The proposal shall be communicated to the other Chambers of Commerce and of Industry concerned, and to the Secretary of State for the Interior;​

(c) The other Chambers of Commerce and of Industry concerned shall vote on the proposal within three months from the date of communication, and shall notify the Secretary of State for the Interior of the result;​

(d) If all the Chambers of Commerce and of Industry concerned assent to the proposal by a majority of their members, the federation shall be deemed to have been formed, and shall be registered by the Secretary of State for the Interior;​

(e) The federated Chamber shall adopt a name, a constitution, and a list of affiliated members, and shall submit them to the Secretary of State for the Interior for approval;​

(f) The federated Chamber shall be entitled to return one member for every five thousand affiliated members in the next election for the Third Order, and in every subsequent election, unless the federation is dissolved by mutual consent of all the Chambers concerned, or by law.​

??. Chambers of Agriculture.—(1) A Chamber of Agriculture shall be entitled to return one member per ten thousand affiliated members in England and France, and per every fifteen thousand affiliated members in Ireland.
(2) Any Chamber of Agriculture may federate with one or more other Chambers of Agriculture to form a federated Chamber, which shall be deemed to be one for electoral purposes, and shall be entitled to return one member for every ten thousand or fifteen thousand affiliated members, as the case may be.
(3) The provisions of Subsections (3) of Section ??, shall apply in relation to the federation of Chambers of Agriculture as they apply in relation to the federation of Chambers of Commerce and of Industry, with the substitution of references to “Chambers of Agriculture” for references to “Chambers of Commerce and of Industry”, and with the substitution of references to ten thousand or fifteen thousand affiliated members for references to five thousand affiliated members:
Provided that nothing in this subsection shall affect the application of paragraph (b) of subection (3) of Section ??, as respects the communication and notification of proposals for federation.

??. Universities.—(1) The Universities that shall return members to represent the Third Order are as follows:—

(a) The University of Cambridge, which shall return two members;​

(b) The University of Oxford, which shall return two members;​

(c) The University of Dublin, which shall return two members;​

(d) The University of Paris, which shall return two members;​

(e) The Free University of Paris, which shall return two members;​

(f) The Free University of Dublin, which shall return two members;​

(g) The College of Saint David, which shall return one member;​

(h) The Free University of York, which shall return one member;​

(i) The Free University of London, which shall return one member;​

(j) The Combined French Universities in Langue d’Oïl, which shall return two members;​

(k) The Combined French Universities in Langue d’Oc, which shall return two members.​

(2) The dividing line between the Langue d’Oïl and the Langue d’Oc for the purposes of this Chapter shall be as follows:—

(a) Starting from the mouth of the Loire river on the Atlantic coast, following the course of the Loire river upstream to its confluence with the Allier river;​

(b) Following the course of the Allier river upstream to its source in the Massif Central;​

(c) Following a straight line from the source of the Allier river to the source of the Dordogne river in the Massif Central;​

(d) Following the course of the Dordogne river downstream to its confluence with the Garonne river;​

(e) Following the course of the Garonne river downstream to its mouth on the Atlantic coast.​

(3) Any university in France, other than those listed in this Section, shall be assigned to either the Combined French Universities in Langue d’Oïl or the Combined French Universities in Langue d’Oc, according to its location with respect to the dividing line defined in Subsection (2).
(4) The procedure for the creation of new university constituencies shall be as follows:—

(a) If a new university is chartered in England or Ireland, it shall be entitled to return one member to represent the Third Order, subject to the approval of His Most Christian Majesty and the Assembled Estates;​

(b) If a new university is chartered in France, it shall be assigned to either the Combined French Universities in Langue d’Oïl or the Combined French Universities in Langue d’Oc, according to its location, and shall be entitled to participate in the election of two members for that constituency;​

(c) If the number of universities in England or Ireland exceeds ten, a constituency for combined English universities or combined Irish universities, as the case may be, shall be created, and shall be entitled to return two members to represent the Third Order;​

(d) The existing university constituencies in England or Ireland shall be abolished, and the universities that formed them shall be assigned to either the combined English universities or the combined Irish universities, as the case may be.​

??. Corporations.—The Corporations that shall return members to represent the Third Order are as follows:—

(a) The Six Merchant Corporations of Paris, which shall return three members;​

(b) The Great Twelve Livery Companies of London, which shall return three members;​

(c) The Twenty-Five Guilds of Dublin, which shall return two members.​

??. Franchise and electoral rolls.—(1) The qualifications for voting in elections for the Third Order shall be as follows:—

(a) The voter must be a subject of His Most Christian Majesty;​

(b) The voter must be of full age and not subject to any legal incapacity;​

(c) The voter must satisfy one of the following conditions:​

aa (i) The voter must be a freeholder of land or tenements in any county or province, or in any municipal corporation, of a clear yearly value above a certain amount as determined by law;​

aa (ii) The voter must be a direct contributor to the local or national authorities, paying taxes or rates above a certain amount as determined by law;​

aa (iii) The voter must be a member of a Chamber of Commerce and Industry, a Chamber of Agriculture, a University, or a Corporation, as defined in this Chapter.​

(d) Every voter shall be entitled to a secret and equal vote in elections for the Third Order.​

(e) Every voter shall have as many votes as two-thirds of the number of seats to be filled in their constituency, except in case of a by-election, in which case they shall have one vote only.​

(2). In each territorial constituency, an office shall be established by law to update and maintain the electoral rolls of eligible voters, as determined by law and in the manner prescribed by law.
(3). In the case of the corporate constituencies, it shall be the responsibility of the Chambers of Commerce and Industry, the Chambers of Agriculture, the Universities, and the Corporations, to update and maintain the electoral rolls of their members, as determined by their charters and by law.

??. Voting.— (1) The elections for the Third Order shall be held every four years, unless the Assembled Estates are sooner dissolved by His Most Christian Majesty or by a resolution passed by a majority of the members present and voting.
(2). The elections for the Third Order shall be staggered in two intervals, such that roughly half of the constituencies are up for election at each four-year interval, as determined by law.
(3). In case of a vacancy in the representation of the Third Order, caused by death, resignation, disqualification, or any other cause, a by-election to fill the seat shall take place within three months from the date on which the vacancy occurs.
(4) The elections for the county or province constituencies, for corporate constituencies, and for those municipal corporation constituencies that encompass a single municipal corporation or part thereof, shall be direct.
(5) The elections for those municipal corporation constituencies that encompass several municipal corporations or parts thereof shall be indirect.
(6) The procedure for indirect elections shall be as follows:—

(a) In each applicable municipal corporation, eligible voters shall choose, two weeks before the election, a number of electors, as determined by law and the municipal charter.​

(b) The names and addresses of the electors so chosen shall be published in the official gazette and in at least two newspapers circulating in the constituency;​

(c) The electors shall then assemble in the largest municipal corporation of their constituency, on such day and at such hour and place as the His Most Christian Majesty may appoint by proclamation, to elect the members of the Third Order;​

(d) His Most Christian Majesty shall appoint a returning officer for each such assembly of electors, who shall be responsible for conducting the election and declaring the result;​

(e) The returning officer shall prepare a list of candidates for the election, based on the nominations received from the electors or from any other persons qualified to be elected as members of the Third Order;​

(f) The returning officer shall also prepare ballot papers containing the names and descriptions of the candidates in alphabetical order, and shall distribute them to the electors present at the assembly;​

(g) The electors shall cast as many votes as two-thirds of the number of seats to be filled in their constituency, by placing a mark against the names of the candidates of their choice on the ballot papers;​

(h) The returning officer shall then count the votes given to each candidate, and declare elected those candidates who have obtained the highest number of votes, up to the number of seats to be filled;​

(i) In case of a tie between two or more candidates for the last seat or seats, the returning officer shall decide by lot which candidate or candidates shall be elected;​

(j) The returning officer shall make a return of the names of the elected candidates to His Most Christian Majesty, who shall cause them to be published in the official gazette.​

??. Qualifications for membership.—(1) No person shall be qualified to be elected or to sit as a member of the Third Order unless he:—

(a) is a natural-born subject of His Majesty;​

(b) has attained the age of twenty-five years;​

(c) is not subject to any legal incapacity;​

(d) is not a member of either the First Order or the Second Order;​

(e) resides in the constituency that they represent, or have a close connection with it, as determined by law;​

(f) is not a holder of any office or place under His Majesty that is incompatible with membership in the Third Order;​

(g) has taken and subscribed before an officer authorized by law for that purpose an oath or affirmation in the form set out in Section ??;​

(h) possesses such other qualifications as may be prescribed by law for territorial or corporate members respectively.​

(2) No person who is a member of either the First Order or the Second Order shall be entitled to vote at an election for a member of the Third Order.
(3) Any question arising as to the qualification or disqualification of any member of the Third Order shall be referred to and decided by a Committee of Privileges, consisting of fifteen members chosen by lot from among the members of the Assembled Estates, subject to appeal to His Most Christian Majesty in Council.
(4) Any member of the Third Order who fails to comply with any of the qualifications or requirements for membership in this Section shall be liable to forfeit their seat, to be disqualified from being elected or sitting as a member of the Third Order for a period of seven years, and to be liable to a penalty not exceeding five hundred pounds for every day on which he so sits or votes in the Third Order.

??. Oath or affirmation of allegiance.—(1) Every person who is elected as a member of the Third Order shall, before taking his seat, make and subscribe before His Most Christian Majesty or his representative an oath or affirmation in the following form:

​

"I, A.B., do swear (or solemnly affirm) that I will be faithful and bear true allegiance to His Majesty King Henry X, his heirs and successors, according to law. So help me God. (Or: This I do under penalty of perjury.)"​

(2) Any person who refuses or neglects to take the oath or affirmation as required by this section shall be deemed to have vacated his or her seat, and the same shall be filled as if he had died.

??. Miscellaneous.—(1) The procedure for electing members of the Third Order shall be regulated by law, subject to the provisions of this Instrument and any other applicable laws.
(2) Nothing in this Chapter shall affect the prerogatives and rights of His Most Christian Majesty, or the privileges and immunities of the Assembled Estates or their members.

?? Non-Conformity of Charters.—The provisions of this Instrument shall not affect the validity or operation of any charter granted to any municipal corporation or university by His Most Christian Majesty or by any predecessor thereof, except in so far as such charter is inconsistent with this Chapter or with any law made in pursuance thereof:
aaProvided that any municipal corporation or university whose charter is inconsistent with this Instrument or with any law made in pursuance thereof shall, within one year from the commencement of this Instrument, apply to His Most Christian Majesty for a new charter or for an amendment of their existing charter, in order to bring it into conformity with this Instrument and with any such law;
aaAnd provided further that if any municipal corporation or university fails to make such application within the said period, or if any application so made is refused by His Most Christian Majesty, the charter of such municipal corporation or university shall cease to have effect, and such municipal corporation or university shall be subject to the provisions of this Instrument and of any law made in pursuance thereof, as if no charter had been granted to them.

 

[Nanwe]

Before starting to add the results (and then recolouring the lines from black to grey/white), here's the map of the districts used in 1893. I'd appreciate feedback on it, and hopefully I can have the coloured map this week, and then proceed with the Senate's.

I'm trying to mimic the Wikipedia style for a later upload.

 

[Thande]

Before starting to add the results (and then recolouring the lines from black to grey/white), here's the map of the districts used in 1893. I'd appreciate feedback on it, and hopefully I can have the coloured map this week, and then proceed with the Senate's.

I'm trying to mimic the Wikipedia style for a later upload.

Fantastic work. I noticed it looked like the Wikipedia style before you mentioned it, makes it look very 'authentic'. And the boxes for the islands, evoking (say) Alaska and Hawaii on US election maps, are thought-provoking in the same way that AH maps are, making us realise how things could be (and were once) different.

So were there no deputies associated with the Philippines - obviously not for the native people but I mean did the Spanish subjects present in the islands get to vote in elections at all?

 

[Nanwe]

Fantastic work. I noticed it looked like the Wikipedia style before you mentioned it, makes it look very 'authentic'. And the boxes for the islands, evoking (say) Alaska and Hawaii on US election maps, are thought-provoking in the same way that AH maps are, making us realise how things could be (and were once) different.

So were there no deputies associated with the Philippines - obviously not for the native people but I mean did the Spanish subjects present in the islands get to vote in elections at all?

Glad to hear! Unfortunately for some of them, the majority is unknown (to me, I'm sure there are undigitised documents lying around in provincial capitals). And indeed, it's fascinating to see. I also have the results and the districts used for the 1898 Puerto Rico regional election under the Statute of Autonomy granted right before the US invasion, I should make it, as it will take little time...

Yeah, the Philippines were not represented, partly because the Spanish presence in the archipelago had always been minimal - Spanish presence was limited to colonial civil servants, military garrisons and priests. So the Philippines were definitely considered a colony whereas Cuba and Puerto Rico were considered to be Spain but overseas (Cubans especially might have disagreed with this), which is why they got representation on equal terms to the peninsula, even with some delays (as universal suffrage arrived in 1893 and not 1890 via special legislation).

Interestingly, as part of the 1890s colonial reforms under Overseas ministers Antonio Maura and then Sigismundo Moret, the Philippines saw the introduction of the first 'modern' municipal elections in the archipelago, replacing the previous system of elected local governors dating back to 1789, which meant introducing local administration for and by the locals to replace what had essentially been a regime run by Catholic priests (whether native or Spanish) - a legacy of the pre-19th century period where the Philippines were more like a Catholic Church colony than a Spanish one.

 

[Nanwe]

And here it is, wikipedia-style:

 

[Thande]

And here it is, wikipedia-style:

Excellent work!

Can I check I understand the colour scale correctly - do the very dark shades indicate unopposed seats, or were they really just that huge of victories in contested elections? Also, I may have misunderstood your preceding post, but I thought you said a lot of these contests you don't have data for, just the victor?

edit: I can see now the note saying an asterisk means unopposed. Personally I've always felt using a super dark colour shade for unopposed is a tad misleading, i.e. it could be a candidate who would have been defeated if they'd faced opposition, but no opposition candidates were able to contest, rather than necessarily one who really enjoyed that level of public support so were considered undefeatable. Hence why I prefer to use that desaturated, greyed-out 'your democracy is not installed' type colour shade as @Makemakean called it once. However, obviously you should use what you think makes sense on your own maps!

 

[Nanwe]

Excellent work!

Can I check I understand the colour scale correctly - do the very dark shades indicate unopposed seats, or were they really just that huge of victories in contested elections? Also, I may have misunderstood your preceding post, but I thought you said a lot of these contests you don't have data for, just the victor?

edit: I can see now the note saying an asterisk means unopposed. Personally I've always felt using a super dark colour shade for unopposed is a tad misleading, i.e. it could be a candidate who would have been defeated if they'd faced opposition, but no opposition candidates were able to contest, rather than necessarily one who really enjoyed that level of public support so were considered undefeatable. Hence why I prefer to use that desaturated, greyed-out 'your democracy is not installed' type colour shade as @Makemakean called it once. However, obviously you should use what you think makes sense on your own maps!

Part of the issue is that in this system, where you wrote down the MP's name when voting for them, you could have (and did have) uncontested elections where the winner would only get 70% of the vote due to the large number of write-in for politicians who were not actually running in the seat.

Ultimately, not that it matters too much, honestly, elections during the Restauración were usually more the result of pacts between the parties at all levels to divide power based on the turnismo logic. Some of the more contested races were local liberals who thought it was 'their' turn to be elected but the party leadership (at the provincial level, and then approved at the national, or vice versa) chose to support an opposition MP for a different liberal, imposed by the cabinet (often party newspaper directors or editors).

Another fun fact, while vote-buying occurred as did some degree of electoral violence, it was very rare - apathy was the main sentiment. In the areas where elections were more genuine (like in the cities), a 35-40% turnout was considered huge.

If I get to it, I will make, after 1906, a specific colour for when candidates where proclaimed elected under Article 29 of the 1906 Electoral Law.

 

[Thande]

Part of the issue is that in this system, where you wrote down the MP's name when voting for them, you could have (and did have) uncontested elections where the winner would only get 70% of the vote due to the large number of write-in for politicians who were not actually running in the seat.

Ultimately, not that it matters too much, honestly, elections during the Restauración were usually more the result of pacts between the parties at all levels to divide power based on the turnismo logic. Some of the more contested races were local liberals who thought it was 'their' turn to be elected but the party leadership (at the provincial level, and then approved at the national, or vice versa) chose to support an opposition MP for a different liberal, imposed by the cabinet (often party newspaper directors or editors).

Another fun fact, while vote-buying occurred as did some degree of electoral violence, it was very rare - apathy was the main sentiment. In the areas where elections were more genuine (like in the cities), a 35-40% turnout was considered huge.

If I get to it, I will make, after 1906, a specific colour for when candidates where proclaimed elected under Article 29 of the 1906 Electoral Law.

I understand - yes the dark colour does make more sense in that case. I had a similar issue with how to represent write-ins in US politics, given their data sources are annoyingly inconsistent about whether they report a formally "unopposed" candidate who got 95% of the vote and 5% going to write-ins. Sometimes they report that as just "unopposed" and sometimes as a 95-5 margin or give the 95% figure.

 

[Nanwe]

After talking to the wikipedist who has been improving articles from the era, here's a much more simplified/cleaner version of the map, also with a simple colour scheme - they were oddly insistent about that.

I'm also doubtful about how hard it is to distinguish Possibilist republicans and ordinary republicans and between the Conservatives and the dissident Silveslist Conservatives

 

[Alex Richards]

I suspect they've already done one map so are insisting it must be like that one.

Also, yes that's absolutely a worse distinction on the Conservative factions.

 

[Nanwe]

I suspect they've already done one map so are insisting it must be like that one.

Also, yes that's absolutely a worse distinction on the Conservative factions.

Oddly enough (cos I did check) nope, I think they want cohesion with modern maps but considering how different the electoral map was it’s a bit odd, but the guy has plans to upload seat-by-seat articles I’m so I guess he’s quite invested in the colour scheme.

So agreed, I will try to find a different shade of purple and blue for the posibilista and the dissident conservatives because otherwise you can’t tell them apart at all

 

[Nanwe]

After talking to the wikipedist who has been improving articles from the era, here's a much more simplified/cleaner version of the map, also with a simple colour scheme - they were oddly insistent about that.

I'm also doubtful about how hard it is to distinguish Possibilist republicans and ordinary republicans and between the Conservatives and the dissident Silveslist Conservatives

And now the upper chamber's elective part:

 

[Nanwe]

After talking to the wikipedist who has been improving articles from the era, here's a much more simplified/cleaner version of the map, also with a simple colour scheme - they were oddly insistent about that.

I'm also doubtful about how hard it is to distinguish Possibilist republicans and ordinary republicans and between the Conservatives and the dissident Silveslist Conservatives

1896 Spanish General Election - description incoming.

For this election, the districts in León and Zamora were slightly modified to create one new district in each province in order to be able to create safe seats for local magnates, whereas in Vizcaya, the map was modified as well to create the new seat of Baracaldo, encompassing most of the former seat of Bilbao (without the actual city, which was its own seat) probably in a way to avoid Carlists winning the seat, as the seats in Guipuzcoa and Vizcaya were modified several times in the 1880s and 1890s to prevent Carlist candidates from winning the seats.

 

[Ares96]

These continue to be fantastic. I guess Cuba was really on the brink at this point?

 

[Nanwe]

These continue to be fantastic. I guess Cuba was really on the brink at this point?

So (and this is why the description isn't finished)... the 1893-95 Sagasta cabinets had to face off with an explosion of problems - from indeed the re-start, after the 1878-93 period, of the Cuban rebellion, plus the rebellion in the Philippines, as well as a huge tax revolt in Navarra (the gamazada named after the Finance Minister, Germán Gamazo).

In Cuba, there were no real elections in 1896 - the Autonomists, like the Puerto Rican Autonomists (although for different reasons) - practised the 'retraimiento' (lit. 'retracting' from running for office in protest), which is why all MPs were members of the Constitutional Union. However, in the 1890s it was common for Metropolitan candidates who could not find a seat in the Peninsula due to the need to respect the local and provincial deals to run for office there, and that also happened for the Cuban Autonomists, who sat with the Republicans in the Parliament (and elected writer Benito Pérez Galdós). So in reality the Constitutional Union never sat as its own group, but as liberals or conservatives (depending on which party they actually belonged to).

Fun fact, for some reason, in 1893, Sagasta (the Liberal leader) was elected as MP for Logroño in Spain and also in La Habana.

 

[Nanwe]

1896 Spanish General Election

[Note: I have decided, in style with the contemporary press, not to refer to the followers of Práxedes Mateo-Sagasta, or the Liberal-Fusionist Party, as ‘liberals’ but as ‘fusionist(s)’ after the first mention, for clarity’s sake.]

Having come to power in 1892 by Royal Decree and obtained a comfortable parliamentary majority in 1893, the Sagasta cabinet embarked on one of the most fractious periods of Fusionist governance during the regency of Maria Cristina of Habsbug-Lorraine, as the cabinet would last less than two years and new elections would have to be called in 1896.

The new government encompassed the whole spectrum of Fusionist opinion, and it featured, besides Sagasta as Prime Minister, the Marquis of Vega de Armijo as Foreign Minister, Eugenio Montero Ríos as Grace and Justice Minister, General José López Domínguez as War Minister, Admiral Pascual Cervera y Topete as Navy Minister, Germán Gamazo as Finance Minister, Venancio González Fernández as Interior Minister, Segismundo Moret as Public Works Minister and Antonio Maura as Overseas Minister. This was the so-called ‘ministry of notables’.

As spelt out in Her speech to the co-legislating chambers, the Queen Regent, on behalf of Her Government, announced the cabinet’s intention to revise the country’s judicial system, from the Penal Code or the mortgage laws to improve the financing of the system, to pursue new free trade agreements and finalise the negotiations with Sweden-Norway, the Netherlands, Switzerland and Portugal.

Other proposed reforms included a reform of the local administration system both in Metropolitan Spain as in the Antillean islands, the customs system for Cuba and Puerto Rico or the institution of municipal institutions in the Philippines.

Despite all these reforming intentions, the Fusionist cabinet would instead end up tied endlessly fighting fires that kept popping up and marred in the internal conflict between the party’s left and right, particularly over the question of trade and the way to balance the state finances, a task that had not been accomplished by any Spanish government, thanks to nearly half a century of war and internal strife.

The first few months of the cabinet were easy-going, almost a continuation of the long government of Sagasta (1885-1890), although the Finance Minister, Germán Gamazo, [1] was the most prominent cabinet member other than the “old shepherd” [2]. Gamazo had renounced his protectionist ambitions to appease the Fusionist left and centre but in return demanded - and obtained - from the cabinet a commitment to balance the books, requiring both budget cuts and new taxes.

The single-mindedness in balancing the budget forced out the Navy Minister in March and the Justice Minister in July, as both opposed the cutbacks in their portfolios, and especially for Montero Ríos, the cutbacks would have made it impossible to enact his judicial reform plans.

In Parliament, the new cabinet faced the obstructionist opposition of the Conservatives, who felt that the Queen Regent had dismissed Cánovas over a minor issue and that the Fusionists had failed at neutering the strength of the non-dynastic left, as evidenced by the republican success in the big cities in the 1893 election. Indeed, their strength and unity were so evident that the cabinet managed to delay the local and provincial elections from spring 1893 until January 1894. In response, the republicans deputies abandoned the Parliament not to return until the end of the legislature.

In the meantime, in the autumn of 1893, several crises sparked. The most serious erupted over the combined cabinet, parliamentary and extra-parliamentary opposition to the budget presented in May 1893 by Gamazo for 1894.

The budget bill contained provisions reducing the fiscal autonomy of Navarra, all-but-in-name eliminating the province’s fueros, as well as introducing a new tax on wine exports and on real estate transfers.

In response, Navarrese officials and society rose up. The provincial government, the Diputación, dominated by pro-autonomy (‘fuerista’) Fusionists, together with mayors and the local fusionist press all spoke up against the proposal. Carlists, integrists and the local Conservatives, led by the Marquis of Vadillo backed the Diputación and sent delegations to Madrid to negotiate while organising massive signature-gathering campaigns and demonstrations. These mass movements - rare in the highly depoliticised society of the time - spread to the other three Basque provinces, and were similarly backed by an odd mix of republicans, traditionalists and pro-autonomy fusionists and conservatives.

However, through the intervention of the Crown, the Conservatives rallied in Parliament to the government and ended their obstructionist practices, which facilitated a peaceful end to the issue.

At the same, in the autumn, the first terrorist attacks of what would be the first wave of anarchist violence in Barcelona began. The origin of the bombing campaign can be traced to the anarchist uprising of January 1892 in Jérez de la Frontera, when hundreds of landless farm workers entered the city, killing two people, shouting anarchist slogans and attacking the military garrison and the prison, only to be dispersed, and later for the ringleaders to be arrested, judged by a military court and promptly executed on 10 February 1892.

The response by anarchists was fast. The day before the execution, a bomb was thrown into Barcelona’s Plaza Real, killing an onlooker, and unleashing the first wave of state violence against anarchist societies and aligned press in the city. In turn, anarchists would bomb various symbols of the Barcelonese bourgeoisie like the building of Fomento Nacional [3] and culminated in the attempted murder of the Captain-General of Catalonia, General Martínez Campos during a military parade on 24 September 1893. The attacker killed one person and injured a dozen but failed to murder the General. He would be quickly arrested, tried by a military court and executed.

The attack was soon followed by a much deadlier bombing in response to the execution. On 7 November 1893, an anarchist threw two bombs in the middle of Barcelona’s Liceu Theatre at the start of that year’s opera season, killing 22 people and injuring 40. Predictably, this was followed by further state violence against the city’s anarchists and its working classes. State violence would be matched by anarchist terrorism in a vicious cycle that culminated in 1897.

The combined upheavals in Barcelona and Navarra led to the resignation of the Interior Minister, Venancio González, who was replaced - against Gamazo’s wishes - by a member of the party’s left, Joaquín López Puigcerver.

In the meantime, to prevent obstructionism, the Government had postponed parliamentary sessions, resulting in the delay in the approval of the various pending trade agreements that the party’s left wanted to be approved as soon as possible. In the meantime, Gamazo’s proposals concerning a wine tax and a tax on real estate transmissions raised the ire of some of his ministerial and party colleagues, like the Deputy Speaker, the Duke of Almodovar del Río.

To make things worse for party unity, the Overseas Minister (and Gamazo’s son-in-law), Antonio Maura, presented in the autumn of 1893 his own proposals for an autonomy regime for Cuba and Puerto Rico.

To say that these proposals were controversial is an understatement. The granting of an autonomy regime was denounced by the dominant Cuban Constitutional Union and the Unconditionally Spanish Party in Puerto Rico, and supported - if timidly given the watered-down nature of the proposals - by Antillean autonomists. In Madrid, it also faced the frontal opposition of the Conservative deputies and a not insignificant number of fusionists.

Across the Gibraltar Strait, tensions were rising too. The construction of a new line of fortifications around Ceuta, some of which were being built on Moroccan land, had increased tensions between the Spanish and the local cabilas (Rif tribes). The spark was the construction of the Sidi Guariach fort, close to the tomb of a Rif holy man. This was too much for the locals, and on 3 October 1893, a large troop of over 6,000 rifeños, armed with modern rifles, attacked the lightly-manned Spanish garrisons around Ceuta.

The rifeños took over the most external posts but were forced to withdraw when they approached the city itself, which had been supplied from across the Strait by heavy artillery and over 3,000 troops, as well as by the presence of the Spanish Navy. Spanish firepower forced the rifeños to withdraw, and the Spanish took back the outermost military posts. Armed with heavy artillery, they began a campaign of the systematic bombing of nearby positions, resulting in wanton destructions, including that of a mosque.

The destruction of the mosque triggered calls for jihad that spread across Morocco, and while the Sultan sided with Spain and tried to pacify the situation, soon, the mass of jihadis was too large to contain - within days, tens of thousands had joined the rifeños.

During the month of November 1893, the rifeños continued to besiege the city, while an increasing number of troops and artillery pieces were being sent from across the Strait. The Spaniards launched in response a bombing campaign from the sea that helped recover all lost fortifications.

Facing the possibility of going to war with Spain, the Sultan, Hassan I, dispatched an army to pacify the Rif tribes and proceeded to negotiate with Spain, concluding a treaty where Morocco paid a significant indemnity for Spain, and agreed to cede all lands in Ceuta’s hinterland to Spain and to pacify the Rif.

All these difficulties had been managed thanks to party unity, but this began to break over the winter of 1893, leading to an attempt at conciliation in a cabinet meeting in March 1894, where the party’s right would continue to renounce protectionism and accept the resumption of sessions in Parliament, but in return the party’s left had to renounce the ratification of the trade agreements with Belgium and Russia, the proposed railway credit, and accept the Antillean reform proposals in full.

However, when a compromise seemed reached, Gamazo decided to demand an immediate start to cabinet discussion of the reform plans, which prompted Sagasta to resign before the Queen and form a government without Gamazo’s followers. By doing this, Gamazo expected to be proven as an ‘indispensable man’ in the cabinet, but he would be outplayed, and party left members were appointed to replace him and Maura.

However, the disunion with the party right led to cabinet defeats in the Senate over the approval of trade agreements and endlessly delayed the approval in Congress of the agreement with Germany and the railway tax credit proposals. The fear of a loss of power due to disunity led to a new unity cabinet being formed in November, where Sagasta managed to make the party left to drop their trade agreements and the right their demands on Navarrase fiscal autonomy, protectionism and overseas reforms.

The new cabinet lasted two months before the party’s right supported in Congress a motion presented by the Conservative opposition that called for additional tariffs. This prompted the resignation of the Finance Minister, Amos Salvador, who was replaced by the more protectionistic-minded José Canalejas, who proposed an increased tariff on wheat and flour. That proposal in turn led to the resignation of López Puigcerver from the cabinet.

In the Antilles, and following 15 years of peace, Cuban independentists rose up again, this time led by José Martí, on 24 February 1895. The uprising had been prepared months in advance and resulted in a simultaneous revolt of locals in 35 different towns across Cuba.

While the uprising failed in most of western and central Cuba, it was successful in the eastern third of the island, where the authorities were not able to muster sufficient troops or support to arrest the revolutionaries, and opened the door for the arrival - in April - of a detachment of armed Cuban revolutionaries landed from Haiti in eastern Cuba that strengthened the revolutionaries’ position in eastern Cuba and marks the start of the war.

The start of hostilities in Cuba after the ‘Tregua fecunda’ (fertile truce), had a pernicious effect on Spanish politics - the Spanish Army revived as a political actor.

On 14 March 1895, a large group (from 70 to 500 participants) of junior military officers [4] attacked the offices of two republican newspapers, El Resumen and El Globo and destroyed their presses in response to the publication in both newspapers of articles very critical of the ‘prepotent’ behaviour of military officers. The incident became known as the ‘tenientada’ (as the officers involved were mostly lieutenants).

High-rank officers, like General Martínez Campos openly approved of the behaviour of these junior officers and called on the government to pass legislation to restrict press freedoms when they damaged the Army’s honour and reputation.

Similar words were uttered too, in Parliament on 16 March, by the War Minister, General López Domínguez, who argued that the honour of the military was not sufficiently protected, and later, speaking to the press, argued that this was caused by the weakness of the state.

The minister’s weak defence of the primacy of civilian power and constitutional freedoms meant that both Sagasta and his War Minister were subjected to strident parliamentary criticism, on top of the coordinated press attacks against López Domínguez for his handling of the issue [5].

The cabinet also received pressure from Generals to pursue legal action against the newspapers. The combination of the pressure from the press and military circles - in opposite directions - on top of the Cuban situation and internal differences in the Fusionist ranks all conspired to convince Sagasta to present the resignation to the Queen Regent, who accepted it after several days.

In line with the established political practice of the era, the Queen Regent proceeded to dismiss the Fusionist government and call on the leader of the Conservative opposition, Antonio Cánovas del Castillo to form a government in March 1895.

After less than a year in power, with Parliament dissolved, and after appointing General Valeriano Weyer (a committed fusionist but favourable to a much harsher Cuban policy) to replace General Martínez Campos as Governor-General of Cuba as well as ensuring the dismissal or transfer of countless Fusionist mayors, governors and judges, elections were held in April 1896 to elect a Conservative majority to support the pre-existing Conservative ministry.

The result was - as expected - a crushing parliamentary majority for the ‘official’ Conservatives, who obtained 278 seats to the Fusionists’ 96, the Carlists’ 10 or the dissident Silvelist conservatives’ 10 seats.

The large republican presence vanished too, as the progressive and centrist republicans, the followers of Manuel Zorrilla and of Nicolás Salmerón decided to refrain from running for office, while the federalist republicans led by Pi y Margall did not, but failed to get elected anywhere. The only 3 elected republicans were possibilists who had opted not to join the Fusionist Party, including Castelar himself.

* * * * * ​

1. The gamacista platform, which was ideologically designed more by Maura than Gamazo, who provided the political influence and the oratory skills, stood for protectionism, debt reduction, balanced budgets and the reorientation of the budget from military expenses to productive investments, and autonomy for Cuba and Puerto Rico.
2. The ‘Viejo Pastor’ or ‘Old Shepherd’ was the nickname assigned to Sagasta for his ability to steer the fusionist sheep.
3. Fomento Nacional del Trabajo (Foment Nacional del Treball) is the Catalan employers’ association.
4. Including future Captain-General of Catalonia-turned-Spanish dictator Miguel Primo de Rivera.
5. On 16 March 1893, the editors and the main Madrid newspapers gathered to form a common Committee to jointly discuss the attack with the Government. Following what was deemed a weak response on the government’s part, most editors agreed to stop their presses on 17 March and only publish a public protest against the government in response.

Congress

Liberal-Conservative Party: 278 seats (+221)
Fusionist Liberal Party: 96 seats (-194*)
Cuban Constitutional Union: 30 seats (+7)
Unconditional Spanish Party (Puerto Rico): 16 seats (+1)
Conservative Union [Silveslist dissidents]: 10 seats (-4)
Traditionalist Communion: 10 seats (+2)
Republican independents: 3 seats (-25)
Integrist Party: 1 seat (-1)
Independents: 3 seats (+1)

Senate
Liberal-Conservative Party: 115 seats (+79)
Fusionist Liberal Party: 41 seats (-83*)
Conservative Union [Silveslist dissidents]: 4 seats (+3)
Republican independents: 3 seats (+2)
Traditionalist Communion: 2 seats (=)
Independents: 15 seats (-1)

 

[Ares96]

I would be interested in knowing more about the “sectional” Senate seats, especially the university ones. I’m guessing they were similar to the ones in the British House of Commons around the same time, allowing all graduates to vote but requiring them to come to the university to do so, but the regional division has me a bit confused. Did the universities in Spain have specific catchment areas, and if so, did moving from one region into another mean you got to vote for a different university’s representative?

EDIT: On looking it up, the provincial senators were elected indirectly, so maybe the university seats were appointed by the university as an institution? In which case it seems odd to show them as regions on a map rather than as boxes like the royal academies and economic societies, since the latter at least clearly had a regional element to them as well.

 

[Nanwe]

I would be interested in knowing more about the “sectional” Senate seats, especially the university ones. I’m guessing they were similar to the ones in the British House of Commons around the same time, allowing all graduates to vote but requiring them to come to the university to do so, but the regional division has me a bit confused. Did the universities in Spain have specific catchment areas, and if so, did moving from one region into another mean you got to vote for a different university’s representative?

So they weren't elected by the graduates but also not appointed per se by the university. Instead, the professors of the university (which itself headed the university district) together with the directors of any other secondary or higher education institution within their district elected directly their representative.

EDIT: Theoretically, university graduates could have had their own seat in the lower chamber. Under the 1890 law, universities were one of the special colleges that could elect a seat per every 5,000 electors registered in their roll (together with chambers of commerce and of agriculture). But none of them ever had that many people.

 

[Ares96]

So they weren't elected by the graduates but also not appointed per se by the university. Instead, the professors of the university (which itself headed the university district) together with the directors of any other secondary or higher education institution within their district elected directly their representative.

Interesting. I’m intrigued by the fact that the university districts don’t line up with the ecclesiastical provinces - in Sweden, there was sort of a similar system of educational institutions serving specific regions, but those regions were just the Church dioceses. Any office coming vacant within a given diocese had to be filled by a candidate who was either born or educated in that diocese if one was available, which ensured that educated men could usually get positions in their local area. Granted, there are two big differences between Sweden and Spain - sect and population size - so I suppose it makes sense that things would be organised differently.

 

[Nanwe]

Interesting. I’m intrigued by the fact that the university districts don’t line up with the ecclesiastical provinces - in Sweden, there was sort of a similar system of educational institutions serving specific regions, but those regions were just the Church dioceses. Any office coming vacant within a given diocese had to be filled by a candidate who was either born or educated in that diocese if one was available, which ensured that educated men could usually get positions in their local area. Granted, there are two big differences between Sweden and Spain - sect and population size - so I suppose it makes sense that things would be organised differently.

Yeah, in Spain, the universities were secularised in the early 19th century, and some of the original religious ones were moved (like how the university in Alcalá de Henares, founded in 1483, was moved to Madrid and renamed 'Central University' by decree) and so the organisation was organised by the state. Meanwhile, the ecclesiastical provinces were laid out in the 1851 Concordat with the Holy See (renegotiated in 1976) and made an attempt to adequate the borders to the new post-1833 provincial entities while still keeping true to the overall shape of the Ancien Regime dioceses.