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Nanwe's Maps and Graphics Thread

Nanwe

The Troika always wins
Location
Brussels
Pronouns
he/him
Map of the elections for the House of Representatives of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, not to be confused with the House of Representatives of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The FBiH is the Croat and Bosniak part of Bosnia Herzegovina and with its complicated, federal structure, it's a microcosm of the larger country.

@Alex Richards tried the man in a box and it doesn't look bad at all.

 

Nanwe

The Troika always wins
Location
Brussels
Pronouns
he/him
Fair enough.

I seem to recall the party system being bewildering and not all together useful in terms of ideology last time I looked.
Exactly. I didn’t bother trying to order them by ideology for that reason. Most parties are just personality cult entities for this or that warlord turned politician.

On socio-economic issues SDA, HDZ and SNSD are very much alike.
 
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Nanwe

The Troika always wins
Location
Brussels
Pronouns
he/him
And now the National Assembly of the Republika Srpska, or "how to be nastier and more nationalist than anyone else".

The parties are:

  • The Alliance of Independent Social Democrats (SNSD), originally the more moderate of the Serb parties, the party was a descendant of the Union of Reform Forces of Yugoslavia, but the party has abandoned its original reformism, embracing Serbian nationalism, authoritarianism and secessionism. It's economically centre-left but socially conservative.
  • The Serb Democratic Party (SDS) was until 2006 the largest Serb party. The party was created in 1991 to join the Serbian SDS, also a right-wing Serbian nationalist party. The party is Islamophobic, separatist and nationalist, but it has moderated its stances as of late due to the competition from the SNSD for the nasty-ass vote. The party ran joint lists with the Serbian Radical Party of the Republika Srpska (SRS RS) and the Serbian Radical Party "9th January" (SRS), both offshoots of the far-right Serb Radical Party, although the SRS RS is now pro-European and centre-right.
  • The Democratic People's Alliance (DNS) a right-wing nationalist offshoot of the Serb National Alliance founded by war criminal Nikola Poplašen.
  • The Party of Democratic Progress (PDP) a more regular centre-right, liberal-conservative party.
  • The Socialist Party (SP) a social democratic party that was originally aimed to be multi-ethnic, it has become nastier and more nationalist as a result of its alliance with the SNSD.
  • Together for Bosnia and Herzegovina (ZzBiH) is the political vehicle of the Bosniak SDA and the Croat HDZ 1990 in the Republika Srpska.
  • The National Democratic Movement (NDP) is a centre-right, pro-European party going in alliance with various other conservative parties.
  • United Serbia (US) is a far-right party founded by former members of the SDS who claimed the party was not nationalistic enough.

The resulting government is formed by the SNSD, DNS, SP, NDP, US and DEMOS (a party formed by former DNP members).

Fair warning: In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the socio-economic positions of the parties are, whatever the label, not very different from one another, the issues are cultural and ethnic and graft.


 
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Nanwe

The Troika always wins
Location
Brussels
Pronouns
he/him
And here's the presidential election of the Republic, won by the SNSD candidate, Željka Cvijanović. The President is pretty much powerless, as the entity is a parliamentarian system. Under the President, there are two Vice-Presidents, one a Bosniak and another a Croat. The most-voted Bosniak and Croat candidates become Vice-Presidents.

The electoral system is very simple. One round, most-voted candidate regardless of vote share or turnout (in the Balkans this was a thing), becomes the President.

 
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Nanwe

The Troika always wins
Location
Brussels
Pronouns
he/him
And to finish off the federal offices, the election of the three members of the Presidency:

The Croat and Bosniak members are elected by the citizens of the Federation, whereas the Serb one is elected by the citizens of the Republika Srpska. There is no specific ballot box for Croats and another for Bosniaks, so in theory, Bosniaks can vote for the Croat presidency member. In practice, it happens and this would explain the election of Zeljko Komšić, who received more votes from Bosniak-majority areas than Croat majority ones, leading to legitimacy issues.

 

Alex Richards

She needs an artificial Mountain, not AV
Patreon supporter
Published by SLP
Location
Derbyshire
I seem to recall that last time the Croat/Bosniak breakdown led to the loosing Croat candidate winning 80% majorities in the Sarajevo area and then losing badly due to poor performance in the actually Croat bits.
 

Nanwe

The Troika always wins
Location
Brussels
Pronouns
he/him
I seem to recall that last time the Croat/Bosniak breakdown led to the loosing Croat candidate winning 80% majorities in the Sarajevo area and then losing badly due to poor performance in the actually Croat bits.
In 2014? Yeah, easily. But in 2010, Komsic won the Croat presidency post thanks to the Bosniak voters. Understandably Bosnian Croats are pissed off when this happens.
 

Nanwe

The Troika always wins
Location
Brussels
Pronouns
he/him
So this one is a bit different:

In 1990, during the process of disintegration of Yugoslavia, the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina held its first, last and only free elections. The 7 members of the Presidency (2 Bosniak, 2 Serb, 2 Croat, 1 Other), the municipal assemblies and the two chambers of the Parliament were elected simultaneously.

The Parliament was formed by two chambers that sat together. One was the Chamber of Citizens, formed by 130 members elected by proportional representation from seven multi-member constituencies that roughly corresponded with the republic's judicial districts.

The other was the Chamber of Municipalities, which sent one member for every municipality regardless of population (and one extra member for Grad Sarajevo, the umbrella municipality of the various Sarajevo municipalities) adding up to 110 members. The Chamber of Municipalities was elected through a two-round system.

Both chambers, although elected separately, sat as one single chamber, much like Croatia in 1991.

I have the winners for each municipality from the Chamber of Municipalities but no numbers (so maybe a map will come) and some extra numbers for the Chamber of Citizens. The elections of 1990 were marked by irregularities, with 5% of void votes, higher in urban areas. Plus it is nice to show a map of Bosnia without its brutalised municipal borders.

The short-lived government that followed was a coalition of the three main nationalist parties, the SDA, the SDS BiH and the HDZ za BiH. The Serbs held the Speaker's seat, the Croats the premiership and the Bosniaks the chairmanship of the Presidency.

The parties, as they were:

  • The Party of Democratic Action (Stranka demokratske akcije, SDA) was the main party for Bosniaks (or as they were known then, 'Muslim Bosnians'). The party was led by Alija Izetbegović, who would go on to become the Chair of the Presidency in 1990. He became known for his Islamic Declaration of 1983, a text - censored by Yugoslav authorities - where he called for Islamic renewal and defended something similar to Christian democracy, but Muslim. He was something of a martyr, being imprisoned over the book in 1983. The SDA was also active in Serbia and Montenegro, where it acted as the political vehicle of the Muslim minority in Sandžak.
  • The Serb Democratic Party (Српска демократска странка / Srpska demokratska stranka, SDS) was the main political party of Serbs. The party was created as a twin of the Croatian SDS, which had become the primary party of the Serb minority there. The party was conservative and nationalistic and had close ties to the Milosevic regime. It was lead by Radovan "Butcher of Bosnia" Karadžić, who would go on to become a war criminal.
  • The Croat Democratic Union of Bosnia and Herzegovina (Hrvatska demokratska zajednica Bosne i Hercegovine, HDZ) was the main political party of Bosnian Croats. The party was established as the Bosnian branch of Franjo Trudman's HDZ. Like its sister/mother party in Zagreb, the party was nationalist and conservative. It was led by Stjepan Kljuić, a pro-cooperation moderate who would be removed from the party leadership by Trudman's acolytes in Sarajevo in 1992. The HDZ achieved the highest share of support from "its" ethnic group.
  • The League of Communists of Bosnia and Herzegovina - Party of Democratic Change (Savez komunista Bosne i Hercegovine - Stranka demokratskih promjena / Савез комуниста Босне и Херцеговине — Странка демократских промјена, SK BiH - SDP) was the ruling party for the previous half-century. It was led by Nijaz Duraković. The party argued for a multi-ethnic Yugoslavia and Bosnia (Yugoslavism) but was contrary to the economic reforms undertaken by Ante Marković at the federal level and until changing its mind, opposed to multi-party democracy, which makes its name extra hypocritical.
  • The Union of Reform Forces of Yugoslavia (Savez reformskih snaga Jugoslavije / Савез реформских снага Југославије, SRSJ) was the party led by Ante Marković. In 1990, it would run for election in Serbia, Bosnia, Montenegro, Macedonia. The Union of Reform Forces was a split from the Communists and formed by reform-minded and liberal members as well as individuals from the Yugoslavist opposition. Like the League of Communists, the party advocated for a multi-ethnic Yugoslavia and Bosnia, but also advocated for free markets and multi-party democracy. It was led by Selim Beslagic.
  • The coalition of the League of Socialist Youth (Savez socijalističke omladine, SSO), the Democratic Socialist Alliance and the Democratic Alliance of Greens which ran together in several constituencies. They were minor centre-left parties. They obtained two seats.
  • The Democratic Socialist Alliance (Demokratski socijalistički savez, DSS), running alone in Banja Luka.
  • The Muslim Bosniak Organisation (Muslimanska bošnjačka organizacija, MBO), a minor Bosniak nationalist party with a name that evoked the Austro-Hungarian and inter-war Yugoslav Muslim Organization.


 

Nanwe

The Troika always wins
Location
Brussels
Pronouns
he/him
Fantastic work @Nanwe.

I'm beginning to think that Paddy Ashdown's logic was ensuring that there are so many elected offices that they're occupied by the entire Bosnian population and so nobody is left outside the building to start trouble again.
You'd think so but the Yugoslav-era municipal councils were insanely big.

The Grad Sarajevo Metropolitan Assembly elected 120 members for a population of half a million. And right below it, in the individual municipalities that former Greater Sarajevo, there were 681 council members - one for every 734 citizens.
 

Nanwe

The Troika always wins
Location
Brussels
Pronouns
he/him
Spain must really be the opposite. With 57 members, the Madrid City Council is the country’s largest by far.

And that’s one member per 56,550 inhabitants, and no district level councils.
 
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Gorro Rubio

BOYS🎶BOYS🎶BOYS KEEP SIMPING🎶
Gone Fishing
WIP - Watch this Space

For people who know about Spanish politics, and for now:
  • Suresnes isn't as big a success for González & co. as in OTL.
  • The UCD majority in 1979 gives Suárez more breathing space to deal with the UCD barones, but ultimately he's too tired to continue and decides to resign, like OTL. However, his party is polling better than OTL
  • Fraga decides to retire after the 1979 election as he thought about doing IOTL.
  • Eduard Punset, a member OTL of the neoliberal wing of the Catalan UCD - think Teixidó - is the great privatiser TTL, at least as far as he can push it, which isn't too much, being replaced by Herrero de Miñon, a more traditional Christian democrat.

Prime Minister of Spain

1973-1976: Carlos Arias Navarro (National Movement)
1976-1977: Adolfo Suárez (National Movement, then Independent)
1977-1981: Adolfo Suárez (Union of the Democratic Centre)

1977 (UCD minority) def. Santiago Carrillo (PCE), Felipe González (PSOE), Manuel Fraga (AP), Enrique Tierno Galván (US), Jordi Pujol (PDPC), Juan de Ajuriaguerra (PNV), Joaquín Ruiz-Giménez (FDC-EDC), Antón Cañellas (UCDCC), Victor Salazar (PS), Heribert Barrera (EC), Francisco Letamendia (EE), Hipólito Gómez de las Roces (CAIC)
1979 (UCD majority) def. Santiago Carrillo (PCE), Felipe González (PSOE), Manuel Fraga (CP), Enrique Tierno Galván (FPS), Jordi Pujol (CiU), Blas Piñar (FN), Alejandro Rojas-Marcos (PSA-PA), Xabier Arzalluz (PNV), Francisco Letamendia (HB), Heribert Barrera (ERC), Juan María Bandrés (EE), Fernando Sagaseta (UPC), Hipólito Gómez de las Roces (PAR)

1981-1983: Landelino Lavilla (Union of the Democratic Centre) [1]
1983 (UCD minority with PSOE, PDC support) def. Santiago Carrillo (PCE),
1983-1984: Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo (Union of the Democratic Centre) [2]
1984-1986: Francisco Fernández Ordóñez (Union of the Democratic Centre) [3]
1986-1987: Eduard Punset (Union of the Democratic Centre) [4]
1987-1995: Miguel Herrero y Rodríguez de Miñón (Union of the Democratic Centre) [5]
1987 (UCD minority with AP, PDC support) def. Santiago Carrillo (PCE)
1991 (UCD-PDC coalition) def. Santiago Carrillo (PCE)

1995-2003: Josep Borrell (Party of the Democratic Left) [6]
1995 (PID-FPS-PSOE coalition) def. Miguel Herrero de Miñón (UCD), Loyola de Palacio (CP)
1999 (PID-FPS-PSOE coalition) def.

2003-2009: Gaspar Llamazares (Party of the Democratic Left) [7]
2003 (PID-FPS-PSOE coalition) def.
2007 (PID-FPS-ERC coalition) def.

2009-2017: Manuel Ramón Pimentel (Union of the Democratic Centre) [8]
2009 (UCD-CP-PDC coalition) def.
2013 (UCD minority) def.

2017-0000: Joaquín Francisco "Ximo" Puig (Party of the Democratic Left) [9]
2017 (PDI minority) def.

President of the Generalitat of Catalonia
1980-1983: Jordi Pujol (Convergence and Union)

1980 (CiU-CC coalition) def. Josep Benet (PSUC), Anton Cañellas (CC-UCD), Josep Verde (FPS), Heribert Barrera (ERC), Josep Maria Triginer (PSOE), Francisco Hidalgo (PSA-PA)
1983-1984: Anton Cañellas (Centrists of Catalonia-UCD)
1984-1992: Antoni Gutiérrez (Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia, later Party of the Democratic Left)

1984 (PSUC-FPS-PSOE coalition) def.
1988 (PSUC-FPS-PSOE coalition) def.
President of the Government Ximo Puig is super dank.
 

Heat

Fanny MacAnilingus
Location
Aberdeen, Scotland
Pronouns
he/him
WIP - Watch this Space

For people who know about Spanish politics, and for now:
  • Suresnes isn't as big a success for González & co. as in OTL.
  • The UCD majority in 1979 gives Suárez more breathing space to deal with the UCD barones, but ultimately he's too tired to continue and decides to resign, like OTL. However, his party is polling better than OTL
  • Fraga decides to retire after the 1979 election as he thought about doing IOTL.
  • Eduard Punset, a member OTL of the neoliberal wing of the Catalan UCD - think Teixidó - is the great privatiser TTL, at least as far as he can push it, which isn't too much, being replaced by Herrero de Miñon, a more traditional Christian democrat.

Prime Minister of Spain

1973-1976: Carlos Arias Navarro (National Movement)
1976-1977: Adolfo Suárez (National Movement, then Independent)
1977-1981: Adolfo Suárez (Union of the Democratic Centre)

1977 (UCD minority) def. Santiago Carrillo (PCE), Felipe González (PSOE), Manuel Fraga (AP), Enrique Tierno Galván (US), Jordi Pujol (PDPC), Juan de Ajuriaguerra (PNV), Joaquín Ruiz-Giménez (FDC-EDC), Antón Cañellas (UCDCC), Victor Salazar (PS), Heribert Barrera (EC), Francisco Letamendia (EE), Hipólito Gómez de las Roces (CAIC)
1979 (UCD majority) def. Santiago Carrillo (PCE), Felipe González (PSOE), Manuel Fraga (CP), Enrique Tierno Galván (FPS), Jordi Pujol (CiU), Blas Piñar (FN), Alejandro Rojas-Marcos (PSA-PA), Xabier Arzalluz (PNV), Francisco Letamendia (HB), Heribert Barrera (ERC), Juan María Bandrés (EE), Fernando Sagaseta (UPC), Hipólito Gómez de las Roces (PAR)

1981-1983: Landelino Lavilla (Union of the Democratic Centre) [1]
1983 (UCD minority with PSOE, PDC support) def. Santiago Carrillo (PCE),
1983-1984: Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo (Union of the Democratic Centre) [2]
1984-1986: Francisco Fernández Ordóñez (Union of the Democratic Centre) [3]
1986-1987: Eduard Punset (Union of the Democratic Centre) [4]
1987-1995: Miguel Herrero y Rodríguez de Miñón (Union of the Democratic Centre) [5]
1987 (UCD minority with AP, PDC support) def. Santiago Carrillo (PCE)
1991 (UCD-PDC coalition) def. Santiago Carrillo (PCE)

1995-2003: Josep Borrell (Party of the Democratic Left) [6]
1995 (PID-FPS-PSOE coalition) def. Miguel Herrero de Miñón (UCD), Loyola de Palacio (CP)
1999 (PID-FPS-PSOE coalition) def.

2003-2009: Gaspar Llamazares (Party of the Democratic Left) [7]
2003 (PID-FPS-PSOE coalition) def.
2007 (PID-FPS-ERC coalition) def.

2009-2017: Manuel Ramón Pimentel (Union of the Democratic Centre) [8]
2009 (UCD-CP-PDC coalition) def.
2013 (UCD minority) def.

2017-0000: Joaquín Francisco "Ximo" Puig (Party of the Democratic Left) [9]
2017 (PDI minority) def.

President of the Generalitat of Catalonia
1980-1983: Jordi Pujol (Convergence and Union)

1980 (CiU-CC coalition) def. Josep Benet (PSUC), Anton Cañellas (CC-UCD), Josep Verde (FPS), Heribert Barrera (ERC), Josep Maria Triginer (PSOE), Francisco Hidalgo (PSA-PA)
1983-1984: Anton Cañellas (Centrists of Catalonia-UCD)
1984-1992: Antoni Gutiérrez (Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia, later Party of the Democratic Left)

1984 (PSUC-FPS-PSOE coalition) def.
1988 (PSUC-FPS-PSOE coalition) def.
Another tilt at Memorias de Nuestros Padres?