To be honest, I don't know all that much about the PCF just yet, I'm currently looking for sources about it. At the moment, I'm reading more on French socialism, probably gonna buy a biography on Mollet once I'm back from my holidays.Could you pull something about PCF splitting up in two groups in the course of the 70's, roughly an eurocommunist and brezhnevian split as in Spain? It would certainly have consequences in 80's french politics (especially since Mitterran partly relied on integrating PCF to better suck it dry).
Chamber of Deputies Electoral system: open-list, proportional representation. D'Hont method. (de facto functions as FPTP in single-seat constituencies) Constituency Seats Ain 6 Aisne 5 Allier 3 Alpes-de-Haute-Provence 2 Hautes-Alpes 1 Alpes-Maritimes 10 Ardèche 3 Ardennes 3 Ariège 2 Aube 3 Aude 4 Aveyron 3 Bouches-du-Rhône #1 (Marseille) 8 Bouches-du-Rhône #2 (rest) 10 Calvados 7 Cantal 2 Charente 4 Charente-Maritime 7 Cher 3 Corrèze 3 Corse 3 Côte-d'Or 5 Côtes-d'Armor 6 Creuse 1 Dordogne 4 Doubs 5 Drôme 5 Eure 6 Eure-et-Loir 4 Finistère 9 Gard 7 Haute-Garonne 12 Gers 2 Gironde #1 (Bordeaux) 8 Gironde #2 (rest) 7 Ille-et-Villaine 10 Indre 2 Indre-et-Loire 6 Isère 12 Jura 3 Landes 4 Loir-et-Cher 3 Loire 7 Haute-Loire 2 Loire-Atlantique #1 (Nantes) 8 Loire-Atlantique #2 (rest) 6 Loiret 6 Lot 2 Lot-et-Garonne 3 Lozère 1 Maine-et-Loire 8 Manche 5 Marne 5 Haute-Marne 2 Mayenne 3 Meurthe-et-Moselle 7 Meuse 2 Morbihan 8 Moselle 10 Nièvre 2 Nord #1 (Dunkerque) 4 Nord #2 (Lille) 11 Nord #3 (rest) 9 Oise 8 Orne 3 Pas-de-Calais #1 (Arras, Lens-Béthune) 6 Pas-de-Calais #2 (Calais, rest) 9 Puy-de-Dôme 6 Pyrénées-Atlantiques 7 Hautes-Pyrénées 2 Pyrénées-Orientales 5 Bas-Rhin 10 Haut-Rhin 7 Rhône #1 (Lyon, Villeurbanne) 6 Rhône #2 (rest) 10 Haute-Saône 2 Saône-et-Loire 6 Sarthe 5 Savoie 4 Haute-Savoie 7 Paris #1 (1,2,5-9,13-14,16-18e) 9 Paris #2 (rest) 9 Seine-Maritime 12 Seine-et-Marne 12 Yvelines #1 (Versailles, St.Germain) 8 Yvelines #2 (rest) 5 Deux-Sèvres 4 Somme 6 Tarn 4 Tarn-et-Garonne 2 Var 11 Vaucluse 5 Vendée 7 Vienne 4 Haute-Vienne 4 Vosges 4 Yonne 3 Territoire de Belfort 1 Essonne 11 Hauts-de-Seine 8 Seine-Saint-Denis 10 Val-de-Marne 11 Val-d'Oise 10 Guadeloupe 4 Martinique 4 Guyane 1 La Réunion 9 Mayotte 1 Saint Pierre et Miquelon 1 Polynesie française 3 Saint Barthélemy 1 Saint Martin 1 Wallis et Futuna 1 Nouvelle Calédonie 3 TOTAL SEATS 627 NOTE: The shape of the departments created in the Parisian banlieue was partly influenced by the desire to curb local Communist power in the banlieues, by placing as many strongholds as possible within Seine-Saint-Denis, which might not happen TTL, so that could change in the future.
It's really odd that the Christian Democrats have resisted so well considering how they collapsed in their other Wallonian main support area (Namur province), being replaced by the Liberals as the main non-socialist party. Until the 60s, there were two areas of Belgium where the Catholics were so strong that the Liberal and Socialist parties ran joint lists: Luxembourg and Limburg provinces, but they only remain dominant in Luxembourg.Got to say, I love how the position of the cdH there makes it look as though there's a massive Luxemburgish secessionist movement as well.
The levels of Belgium in this post are dangerously high.A fun explanation for politics nerds. See the various communes surrounding Brussels but outside the thick border? That's the canton of Sint-Genesius-Rode. The 6 communes that belong to it are all majority French-speaking (by whopping margins in some cases) but are still in Flanders. Besides being filled with wealthy suburbanites who do their living in Brussels, these francophones are always a sore point in Belgium's politics and indeed were largely behind the government formation crisis of 2010, since it over the electoral districts of Brussels-Halle-Vilvoorde, which no longer exists.
But these municipalities are special. Part of the compromise that saw the dissolution of the old Brussels-Halle-Vilvoorde and Leuven constituencies and their replacement with Vlaams-Brabant and Brussels-Capital, the inhabitants of these 6 French-majority communes kept the right to vote in either the new Vlaams Brabant or the Brussels constituency. If they chose the latter though, that meant losing the ability to vote for the Flemish Parliament.
And yet, more people in these communes actually voted for the Brussels MPs than for the ones in Vlaams-Brabant. Not that it mattered all that much, since they are, much like the rest of Brussels's affluent periphery, a liberal bastion, whether MR, Open Vld or FDF.