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Nanwe's Maps and Graphics Thread



From the 4.1 Republic

Antoine Pinay (French pronunciation: [ɑ̃twan piˈnɛ]; 30 December 1891 – 13 December 1994) was a French conservative (modéré) politician who served as Prime Minister between 1952 and 1953 and again between 1966 and 1968. He also served as Minister of Finances during his own premiership as well as under Prime Ministers Maurice Bourgès-Maunoury and Pierre Pflimlin between 1957 and 1960. Pinay also served as Foreign Affairs Minister in the second Faure government (March-September 1954) and as Public Works, Transportation and Tourism Minister between 1950 and 1952. Simultaneously, Pinay served as mayor of Saint-Chamond between 1929 and 1944 and again from 1949 until 1970. From 1949 until 1970 he also served as president of the General Council of Loire, under a commonplace French practice known as cumul des mandats whereby national politicians often hold executive positions at the local and departmental level.

Despite having supported Marshall Petain's takeover in 1940, after the end of the World War II, Pinay would become one of the most important players on the French right. Pinay's regional accent, pragmatism and common sense attitude endeared him to many Frenchmen, making Pinay one of the most popular French politicians of the post-war era. An Atlanticist and Eurofederalist politician, Pinay's first government signed ratified the 1952 Bonn and Paris Treaties, creating the European Defence Forces and recognising West Germany's independence. Pinay also oversaw the process of decolonisation, by negotiating the terms of Moroccan and Tunisian independence as Foreign Affairs Minister in 1955 and Algerian independence in 1967. A fiscal conservative, during his first premiership, Pinay undertook a deflationary policy to contain the inflationary pressures caused by the Indochina War.

Pinay ran unsuccessfully for President of the Republic in 1953. In 1968, he would try to run again until allegations surfaced linking him to the ballets roses affair, although these were never proven and were quickly dismissed.


Paul Coste-Floret (French pronunciation: [pɔl kɔst.flɔʁˈɛ]; 9 April 1911 - 27 August 1979) was a French politician who served as President of France between 1961 and 1968. Coste-Floret was a member of the Resistance during World War II and prepared the Allied landings in Northern Africa in 1944. After the war, Coste-Floret was one of the founding members of the Popular Republic Movement, a centrist and Christian democratic political party. Coste-Floret served as Minister of Overseas France under 5 successive governments between 1947 and 1949, again briefly in 1950 and lastly between 1958 and 1960 under Prime Ministers Pierre Pflimlin and François Mitterrand. Coste-Floret also served briefly as Minister of War in the second Ramadier government, and as Minister of Information in the first Faure government. Coste-Floret also served as deputy from Hérault from 1946 until 1961 and simultaneously as mayor of Lamalou-les-Bains between 1953 and 1959 and as mayor of Lodève from 1959 until 1961.

Coste-Floret played a key role in granting Vietnam's independence in 1949 within the framework of the French Community, through the signature of the Halong Bay Agreements of 1948 with Bao-Dai. As rapporteur of the Universal Suffrage Commission, Coste-Floret endorsed Gaston Defferre's loi-cadre, which he would enact and develop as Overseas Minister after 1958. Coste-Floret was also of the members who drew up the constitutional amendments of 1958, which reinforced the powers of the Prime Minister over the legislature as a way to limit executive instability.

Coste-Floret's twin brother, Alfred Coste-Floret, was also an MRP parliamentarian representing Haute-Garonne and mayor of Bagnères-de-Luchon from 1947 until 1971.
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All OTL until I change stuff.

Prime Ministers of Belgium

1950-1952: Joseph Pholien (Christian Social Party)
1952-1954: Jean van Houtte (Christian Social Party)
1954-1958: Achille van Acker (Belgian Socialist Party)
1954 (Socialist-Liberal coalition) def. Theo Lefèvre (PSC/CVP), Maurice Destenay (PL/LP), Ernest Burnelle (PCB/BKP), Walter Couvreur (VU)
1958-1961: Gaston Eyskens (Christian Social Party)
1958 (Christian minority, then Christian-Liberal coalition) def. Max Buset (PSB/BSP), Maurice Destenay (PL/LP), Ernest Burnelle (PCB/BKP), Frans van der Elst (VU)
1961-1965: Theo Lefèvre (Christian Social Party)
1961 (Christian-Socialist coalition) def. Léo Collard (PSB/BSP), Roger Motz (PLP/PVV), Ernest Burnelle (PCB/BKP), Frans van der Elst (VU)
1965-1966: Pierre Harmel (Christian Social Party)
1965 (Christian-Socialist then Christian-Liberal coalition) def. Léo Collard (PSB/BSP), Omer Vanaudenhove (PLP/PVV), Frans van der Elst (VU), Ernest Burnelle (PCB/BKP), Paul Brien (FDF), François Perin (PWT)
1966-1968: Paul Vanden Boeynants (Christian Social Party)
1968-0000: Gaston Eyskens (Christian Social Party)
1968 (Christian-Socialist coalition) def. Léo Collard (PSB/BSP), Omer Vanaudenhove (PLP/PVV), Frans van der Elst (VU), Ernest Burnelle (PCB/BKP), Albert Peeters (FDF), Robert Moreau (RW)

Prime Ministers of the Netherlands

1948-1958: Willem Drees (Labour Party)
1952 (PvdA-KVP-ARP-CHU coalition) def. Carl Romme (KVP), Jan Schouten (ARP), Hendrik Tilanus (CHU), Pieter Oud (VVD), Paul de Groot (CPN), Charles Welter (KNP), Pieter Zandt (SGP)
1956 (PvdA-KVP-ARP-CHU coalition) def. Carl Romme (KVP), Jelle Zijlstra (ARP), Pieter Oud (VVD), Hendrik Tilanus (CHU), Paul de Groot (CPN), Pieter Zandt (SGP)

1958-1959: Louis Beel (Catholic People's Party)
1959-1963: Jan de Quay (Catholic People's Party)
1959 (KVP-ARP-CHU coalition) def. Japp Burger (PvdA), Pieter Oud (VVD), Jelle Zijlstra (ARP), Henk Beernink (CHU), Paul de Groot (CPN), Pieter Zandt (SGP), collective (PSP)
1963-1965: Victor Marijnen (Catholic People's Party)
1963 (KVP-ARP-CHU-VVD coalition) def. Anne Vondeling (PvdA), Edzo Toxopeus (VVD), Barend Biesheuvel (ARP), Henk Beernink (CHU), Henk Lankhorst (PSP), Paul de Groot (CPN), Cornelius van Dis (SGP), Hendrik Koekoek (BP), Piet Jongeling (GPV)
1965-1966: Jo Cals (Catholic People's Party)
1966-1967: Jelle Zijlstra (Anti-Revolutionary Party)
1967-0000: Piet de Jong (Catholic People's Party)
1967 (KVP-ARP-CHU-VVD coalition) def. Joop den Uyl (PvdA), Edzo Toxopeus (VVD), Barend Biesheuvel (ARP), Henk Beernink (CHU), Hendrik Koekoek (BP), Hans van Mierlo (D66),
Marcus Bakker (CPN), Henk Lankhorst (PSP), Cornelius van Dis (SGP), Piet Jongeling (GPV)

Prime Ministers of Luxembourg

1944-1953: Pierre Dupong (Christian Social People's Party)
1951 (Christian-Socialist coalition) def. Michel Rasquin (LSAP), Lucien Dury (DP), ?? (KPL)
1953-1958: Joseph Bech (Christian Social People's Party)
1954 (Christian-Socialist coalition) def. Émile Ludwig (LSAP), Eugène Schaus (DP), ?? (KPL)
1958-1959: Pierre Frieden (Christian Social People's Party)
1959 (Christian-Socialist coalition, then Christian-Democratic coalition) def. Paul Wilwertz (LSAP), Eugène Schaus (DP), ?? (KPL)
1959-0000: Pierre Werner (Christian Social People's Party)
1964 (Christian-Socialist coalition) def. Henry Cravatte (LSAP), Gaston Thorn (DP), ?? (KPL), xx (MIP)
1968 (Christian-Democratic coalition) def. Henry Cravatte (LSAP), Gaston Thorn (DP), ?? (KPL)

Chancellors of Germany

1949-1963: Konrad Adenauer (Christian Democratic Union)
1953 (CDU/CSU-FDP-DP-GB/BHE coalition) def. Erich Ollenhauer (SPD), Franz Blücher (FDP), Waldemar Kraft (GB/BHE), Heinrich Hellwege (DP), Johannes Brockmann (Z)
1957 (CDU/CSU-DP coalition) def. Erich Ollenhauer (SPD), Reinhold Maier (FDP), Heinrich Hellwege (DP), Friedrich von Kessel (GB/BHE)
1961 (CDU/CSU-FDP coalition) def. Willy Brandt (SPD), Erich Mende (FDP)

1963-1966: Ludwig Erhardt (Christian Democratic Union)
1965 (CDU/CSU-FDP coalition) def. Willy Brandt (SPD), Erich Mende (FDP)
1966-0000: Kurt Georg Kiesinger (Christian Democratic Union)

Prime Ministers of Italy

1945-1953: Alcide De Gasperi (Christian Democracy)
1953 (DC-PSDI-PLI coalition) def. Palmiro Togliatti (PCI), Pietro Nenni (PSI), Alfredo Covelli (PNM), Augusto de Marsanich (MSI), Giuseppe Saragat (PSDI), Bruno Villabruna (PLI), Oronzo Reale (PRI)
1953-1954: Giuseppe Pella (Christian Democracy)
1954: Amintore Fanfani (Christian Democracy)
1954-1955: Mario Scelba (Christian Democracy)
1955-1957: Antonio Segni (Christian Democracy)
1957-1958: Adone Zoli (Christian Democracy)
1958-1959: Amintore Fanfani (Christian Democracy)
1958 (DC minority, then DC-PSDI-PRI minority) def. Palmiro Togliatti (PCI), Pietro Nenni (PSI), Arturo Michelini (MSI), Giuseppe Saragat (PSDI), Giovanni Malagodi (PLI), Achille Lauro (PMP), Alfredo Covelli (PNM), Oronzo Reale (PRI)
1959-1960: Antonio Segni (Christian Democracy)
1960: Fernando Tambroni (Christian Democracy)
1960-1963: Amintore Fanfani (Christian Democracy)
1963: Giovanni Leone (Christian Democracy)
1963 (DC-PSI-PSDI-PRI coalition) def. Palmiro Togliatti (PCI), Pietro Nenni (PSI), Giovanni Malagodi (PLI), Giuseppe Saragat (PSDI), Arturo Michelini (MSI), Alfredo Covelli (PDIUM), Oronzo Reale (PRI)
1963-1968: Aldo Moro (Christian Democracy)
1968: Giovanni Leone (Christian Democracy)
1968 (DC-PSU-PRI coalition) def. Luigi Longo (PCI), Francesco De Martino (PSU), Giovanni Malagodi (PLI), Lelio Basso (PSIUP), Arturo Michelini (MSI), Ugo La Malfa (PRI), Alfredo Covelli (PDIUM)
1968-0000: Mariano Rumor (Christian Democracy)

Chancellors of Austria

1945-1953: Leopold Figl (Austrian People's Party)
1953-1961: Julius Raab (Austrian People's Party)
1953 (ÖVP-SPÖ coalition) def. Adolf Schärf (SPÖ), Herbert Kraus (VdU), Johann Koplenig (KPÖ)
1956 (ÖVP-SPÖ coalition) def. Adolf Schärf (SPÖ), Anton Reinthaller (FPÖ), Johann Koplenig (KPÖ)
1959 (ÖVP-SPÖ coalition) def. Bruno Pittermann (SPÖ), Friedrich Peter (FPÖ)

1962-1964: Alfons Gorbach (Austrian People's Party)
1962 (ÖVP-SPÖ coalition) def. Bruno Pittermann (SPÖ), Friedrich Peter (FPÖ)
1964-0000: Josef Klaus (Austrian People's Party)
1966 (ÖVP majority) def. Bruno Pittermann (SPÖ), Friedrich Peter (FPÖ)
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The 2013 Paris municipal elections were held on 28 April 2013 to elect the 90 members of the Council of Paris together with the 364 members of the councils of the 20 boroughs (arrondissements) of Paris. The elections to the Council of Paris used a proportional representation party-list where the boroughs were grouped into 10 electoral sectors that contain from one to 4 arrondissements.

The election was carried by the Rally of Republican Lefts list (RGR), an electoral coalition formed by the Radical-Socialist Party and the UDSR. The RGR won 28 seats, becoming the largest party in the Council of Paris but short of the 46-seat majority. After the election, the RGR formed a majority together with the Greens and the social-democratic SFIO. As a result, Bertrand Delanoë was re-elected Mayor of Paris for a second consecutive term.

The election saw a major right-wing surge thanks to the profile of the CNI's mayoral candidate, Nathalie Kosciusko-Morizet, former Minister of the Environment and daughter of former Paris mayor, François Kosciusko-Morizet (1989-1993) and grand-daughter of president of the Seine General Council, Jacques Kosciusko-Morizet (1964-1967). The CNI list saw a 3.5% increase in votes, translating into a net gain of 6 seats, especially at the expense of the Centre Républicain, which saw its municipal representation reduced to one seat.



Rally of Republican Lefts (RGR, PRS-UDSR): 28 seats, 24,22%
National Centre of Independents (CNI): 24 seats, 23,45%
French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO): 13 seats, 13,98%
Alternative Left (GA): 10 seats, 11,42%
The Greens (Verts): 8 seats, 9,53%
Popular Republican Movement (MRP): 6 seats, 9,04%
Republican Centre (CR): 1 seat, 4,66%



Democratic Left (French: Gauche démocratique) is a parliamentary group in the Council of the Republic, the French parliament's upper house. Democratic Left is the joint group of the Radical-Socialist Party, the centrist UDSR and the Rally of Republican Lefts, together with various overseas independents, like Christiane Taubira's Walwari. Democratic Left is the oldest still-running group in the upper house, dating back to 1892, in the Third Republic's Senate, as the parliamentary group of the Senate. The Democratic Left also holds the distinction of being the largest parliamentary group in the French upper houses for the longest period of time, from 1919 until 1981 with the brief exception of the provisional upper house that existed between 1946 and 1948.

Democratic Left, despite being formed by three parties with disparate ideologies, espouses a social-liberal and progressive policy line, in tune by-and-large with that of the dominant party of the group, the Radical-Socialist Party. Historically, the group is more rooted in the traditional strongholds of the Radical Party such as south-west France as well as the Eure department, as well as the overseas departments and territories. As a result, the group performs better in the elections to the Class A seats. Currently, the group is the third-largest in the Council of the Republic with 55 seats. It is led since 2012 by Jacques Mézard.

Gaston Monnerville (French pronunciation: [ɡas.tɔ̃ mɔ.nɛʁ.vil]; 2 January 1897 - 7 November 1991) was a French centrist politician who served as President of the Council of the Republic, the French legislature's upper house, between 1947 and 1968. Monnerville was also the senator for French Guiana (French: Guyane française) between 1946 and 1948 and from 1948 until 1972 as a senator for Lot. From 1950 until 1970 he was simultaneously the president of the General Council of the Lot department.

Monnerville was the first black person to be appointed to a European cabinet, being named Undersecretary of State for the Colonies in the third and fourth Chautemps governments (1937-1938) during the Third Republic. In 1948, after the death of Auguste Champetier de Ribes, he was voted President of the Council of the Republic, a post which he renewed every year until his voluntary retirement in 1968. During this twenty year period, he was the second highest authority of the French Republic.

Pierre Garet (French pronunciation: [pjɛʁ ɡa.ʁɛ]; 7 September 1905 - 10 December 1972) was a French conservative politician who served as President of the Council of the Republic, the French legislature's upper house, between 1968 until his death in 1972. Between 1945 until 1961, Garet was a deputy for the Somme department and from 1961 until his death, he was a senator for the same department. Originally a member of the Christian democratic MRP, he switched to the conservative-liberal National Centre of Independents party before the 1951 elections.

During his time as a deputy and later senator, Garet specialised in housing issues, helping draft several bills dealing with the post-WWII housing shortage crisis. For this reason, he was appointed Minister of Reconstruction and Housing in the Bourges-Manoury and Pflimlin governments (1955-1960). He also served as Minister of Labour and Social Security in the first Pinay government (1952-1953). After his premature death in December 1972, he was briefly replaced both as Somme senator and president of the Council of the Republic by Ernest Remplin, his substitute senator (suppléant).


Dictateur du Pioletariat
Could you pull something about PCF splitting up in two groups in the course of the 70's, roughly an eurocommunist and brezhnevian split as in Spain? It would certainly have consequences in 80's french politics (especially since Mitterran partly relied on integrating PCF to better suck it dry).


Could you pull something about PCF splitting up in two groups in the course of the 70's, roughly an eurocommunist and brezhnevian split as in Spain? It would certainly have consequences in 80's french politics (especially since Mitterran partly relied on integrating PCF to better suck it dry).
To be honest, I don't know all that much about the PCF just yet, I'm currently looking for sources about it. At the moment, I'm reading more on French socialism, probably gonna buy a biography on Mollet once I'm back from my holidays.

I do take reading recommendations though, if you can suggest any.

My only clear idea about TTL is that there is no Suez intervention, so the Soviet invasion of Hungary in 1956 is felt more intensely in Western Europe TTL, meaning more anti-communism and less Communist 'whataboutism', which would damage the Commies quite a bit, especially as the elections of 1956 would not be held in January, as they are not snap elections, but held at the regular time.


On other stuff:

Chamber of Deputies
Electoral system: open-list, proportional representation. D'Hont method. (de facto functions as FPTP in single-seat constituencies)
Constituency              Seats

Ain                                6
Aisne                             5
Allier                              3
Alpes-de-Haute-Provence 2
Hautes-Alpes                  1
Alpes-Maritimes              10
Ardèche                          3
Ardennes                        3
Ariège                            2
Aube                              3
Aude                              4
Aveyron                          3
Bouches-du-Rhône #1 (Marseille) 8
Bouches-du-Rhône #2 (rest)    10
Calvados                    7
Cantal                        2
Charente                    4
Charente-Maritime            7
Cher                        3
Corrèze                        3
Corse                        3
Côte-d'Or                    5
Côtes-d'Armor                6
Creuse                        1
Dordogne                    4
Doubs                        5
Drôme                        5
Eure                        6
Eure-et-Loir                 4
Finistère                    9
Gard                        7
Haute-Garonne                12
Gers                        2
Gironde #1 (Bordeaux)        8
Gironde #2 (rest)            7
Ille-et-Villaine            10
Indre                        2
Indre-et-Loire                6
Isère                        12
Jura                        3
Landes                        4
Loir-et-Cher                3
Loire                        7
Haute-Loire                    2
Loire-Atlantique #1 (Nantes) 8
Loire-Atlantique #2 (rest)     6
Loiret                        6
Lot                            2
Lot-et-Garonne                3
Lozère                        1
Maine-et-Loire                8
Manche                        5
Marne                        5
Haute-Marne                    2
Mayenne                     3
Meurthe-et-Moselle            7
Meuse                        2
Morbihan                    8
Moselle                        10
Nièvre                        2
Nord #1 (Dunkerque)            4
Nord #2 (Lille)                11
Nord #3 (rest)                9
Oise                        8
Orne                        3
Pas-de-Calais #1 (Arras, Lens-Béthune)  6
Pas-de-Calais #2 (Calais, rest)            9
Puy-de-Dôme                    6
Pyrénées-Atlantiques        7
Hautes-Pyrénées                2
Pyrénées-Orientales            5
Bas-Rhin                    10
Haut-Rhin                    7
Rhône #1 (Lyon, Villeurbanne) 6
Rhône #2 (rest)                10
Haute-Saône                    2
Saône-et-Loire                6
Sarthe                        5
Savoie                        4
Haute-Savoie                7
Paris #1 (1,2,5-9,13-14,16-18e)    9
Paris #2 (rest)                    9
Seine-Maritime                12
Seine-et-Marne                12
Yvelines #1 (Versailles, St.Germain) 8
Yvelines #2 (rest)            5
Deux-Sèvres                    4
Somme                        6
Tarn                        4
Tarn-et-Garonne                2
Var                            11
Vaucluse                    5
Vendée                        7
Vienne                        4
Haute-Vienne                4
Vosges                        4
Yonne                        3
Territoire de Belfort        1
Essonne                        11
Hauts-de-Seine                 8
Seine-Saint-Denis            10
Val-de-Marne                11
Val-d'Oise                    10

Guadeloupe                    4
Martinique                    4
Guyane                        1
La Réunion                    9
Mayotte                        1

Saint Pierre et Miquelon     1
Polynesie française            3
Saint Barthélemy            1
Saint Martin                1
Wallis et Futuna            1
Nouvelle Calédonie            3

TOTAL SEATS                    627

NOTE: The shape of the departments created in the Parisian banlieue was partly influenced by the desire to curb local Communist power in the
banlieues, by placing as many strongholds as possible within Seine-Saint-Denis, which might not happen TTL, so that could change in the future.



The French Section of the Worker's Internationale (French: Section française de l'International ouvrière, SFIO) is a French centre-left social-democratic party. The party was founded in the 1905 Globe Congress in Paris as a merger between the French Socialist Party and the Socialist Party of France in order to create the French section of the Second Internationale.

From the onset until the 1920 Tours Congress, the party was divided between a social-democratic faction, first led by Jean Jaurès and later Léon Blum and Paul Faure, and an orthodox Marxist faction that would abandon the party to found the SFIC, becoming the French Communist Party (PCF) in 1921. The SFIO supported from the outside the governments of the Cartel des Gauches led by Radical Edouard Herriot (1924-1926 and 1932). Following the 6 February 1934 crisis, the SFIO would form a Popular Front together with the Radical Party, socialist splinters like the USR and the Communist Party. In the 1936 election, which was won by the Popular Front, the SFIO became the largest party both in terms of seats and votes, allowing Léon Blum to form the first socialist-led government. Despite the success of the Matignon Accords, the first Blum government would fall over the question of intervention in the Spanish Civil War and conflicts with the Radical-held Senate.

During the Second World War, SFIO played a small role in the Resistance compared to the other two mass parties of the Fourth Republic, the Communists or the MRP. Instead, many of its members would play more technical or political roles as opposed to battle ones during the fight against Vichy France and the German occupation. After 1945, SFIO undertook a process of renewal as a result of which three-fourths of all parliamentarians in 1946 had never been elected before. After the war, SFIO ministers laid down the basis of the French welfare state, by introducing universal, compulsive social security and undertaking the nationalisation of key sections of the French economy.

Between 1945 and 1966, the SFIO remained the second-largest party on the left, behind the French Communist Party. In 1946, the humanist socialist faction of Guy Mollet prevailed over the social democratic line favoured by Daniel Mayer and Léon Blum. Mollet would remain the party's general secretary until his resignation in 1965, being replaced by Gaston Defferre (1965-1969). During this period, the party would govern together with the Radical-Socialists and other minor centrist and left-wing forces in the so-called Republican Front coalition. After the ousting of Defferre in the 1969 Toulouse Congress, the party selected Alain Savary as its new secretary. Savary was the SFIO secretary between 1969 and 1975 when he was replaced by Pierre Mauroy (1975-1983). Mauroy was succeeded by Michel Rocard (1983-1990) and Lionel Jospin (1990-1999).

The current French Prime Minister, xx is a member of SFIO, which is the current largest party in the French National Assembly and the third largest in the Council of the Republic. The party is a member of the European Socialist Federation, the Progressive Alliance and the Socialist International.


Guy Mollet (French pronunciation: [ɡi mɔlɛ]; 31 December 1905 – 3 October 1975) was a French socialist politician who served as Prime Minister in 1956 and as a General Secretary of the French social-democratic party SFIO between 1946 and 1965. Mollet also served as Deputy Prime Minister under Henri Queille (1951), Pierre Mendès France (1956-1957) and between 1957 and 1960 under Prime Ministers Maurice Bourges Maunoury and Pierre Pflimlin. From 1945 until his death in 1975, Mollet represented the second constituency of Pas-de-Calais in the National Assembly and was consecutively re-elected mayor of Arras.

Mollet, the son of a weaver and a concierge, joined the SFIO in 1922 and was elected parliamentarian for the first time in 1946. During World War II, he was a member of the Organisation civile et militaire, from where he participated in the liberation of Normandy. For his actions, he received the Croix de Guerre, the Medal of the Resistance and the Legion of Honour. After the war, Mollet quickly became one of the main leaders of the Socialist party, a member of the party's left which supported an approachment to the PCF and was against Blum's and Mayer's social democratic tendencies. He would be narrowly elected Secretary General in 1946 by a margin of two votes over Mayer in a rebuke against the party's previous political line.

Mollet's brief premiership in 1956 was marked by an impressive rate of welfare state expansion, including the introduction of the third week of paid vacations, a national solidarity fund and the introduction of a comprehensive old age and handicapped persons' pension system, thanks to the support of the other parties of the Republican Front and the Communists. A well-known Atlanticist and pro-European, his government would sign the Strasbourg Treaty, establishing the European Political Community. The Radical and Communist opposition to Mollet's European policy caused the fall of Mollet's government.


Christian Pineau (French pronunciation: [kʁis.tjɑ̃ pino]; 14 October 1904 – 5 April 1995) was a French social democratic politician who served as French Prime Minister between 1961 and 1963. Pineau had previously served as Public Works (1946-48, 1948-50), Finances (1948) and Foreign Affairs Minister in the Mollet, Lecourt, Bourges Maunoury, Pflimlin and first Mitterrand governments (1956, 1957-1961). Pineau was a member of the National Assembly for the Sarthe department from 1946 until 1971.

Before World War II, Pineau had worked for the Banque de France and later the Paris - Low Countries Bank. During this time, Pineau was very active in the socialist CGT union's bank workers federation, becoming its federal secretary in 1937. Pineau was one of the founding members of Libération-Nord, one of the main Resistance networks in German-occupied northern France. In 1943, Pineau was arrested by the Gestapo and was sent to the concentration camp of Buchenwald where he remained until 1945. For his actions during the war, Pineau was a recipient of the Order of the Liberation.

After the war, Pineau ran for parliament in 1946, as a member of the socialist SFIO, becoming a close ally of Secretary General Guy Mollet. Thanks to this personal closeness and similar attitudes to German re-armament and European integration, he became the parliamentary group's leader in 1954, replacing Charles Lussy. During his tenure as Public Works' Minister, Pineau's key achievements were the reorganisation of the French Merchant Navy and the creation of Air France. In 1952, Pineau was offered the opportunity to form a government by President Vincent Auriol which he rejected. Again in 1955, he would be offered the opportunity, but the National Assembly rejected his government. Instead, Antoine Pinay formed his first government.

As Foreign Minister first and then as Prime Minister, Christian Pineau sought an Atlanticist foreign policy and simultaneously an engagement with Moscow and especially Bonn, setting the stage for the Franco-German friendship. Domestically, Pineau's term would be dominated by attempts to rein in the balance of payments' deficit, seeking a peaceful outcome to the Algerian Rebellion and further universalisation of the French social security system.

Pineau retired from politics in 1971, focusing instead on the promotion of house care of ill pensioners together with the Socialist Agricultural Mutual Benefit Association.


Gaston Defferre (French pronunciation: [ɡas.tɔ̃ də.fɛʁ], 14 September 1910 – 7 May 1986) was a French social democratic politician who served as Mayor of Marseille between 1944 and 1946 and again from 1953 until his death in 1986. Defferre also served as Minister of the Merchant Navy (1950-51), as Minister of Overseas France (1956-1958, 1960-61) and as Minister of the Interior in the Pineau and Lecanuet governments. During his time in office, Defferre passed the decolonisation law that bears his name in 1956 and during his time as Interior Minister, he oversaw the abolishment of the death penalty and the first steps towards decentralisation with the recognition of the regions as official public entities.

Defferre was the son of Protestant middle-class parents from Hérault, and he moved to Dakar to work with his father until 1931. After his return to France, Defferre worked as a lawyer in Marseille, affiliating with the socialist party in 1933. During World War II, Defferre was a member of the clandestine Socialist Party and of the Brutus network, which he led from 1943 until the end of the war. In 1945, he was elected deputy for Bouches-du-Rhône's first constituency, covering Marseille. During his period as parliamentarian and minister, Defferre's action was characterised by his very liberal positions on decolonisation, opposing the Indochina War as early as 1949.

First appointed mayor of Marseille in 1944, he would retain the posts until 1946 when the Communist Jean Cristofol was elected mayor. In 1953, at the helm of a broad, centrist coalition consisting of the Radicals, Christian Democrats, conservatives and socialists, Defferre became mayor after defeating both Gaullists and the Communist lists. During his long period as mayor, Defferre had to adapt to the great demographic expansion of the city as a result of immigration, particularly from pied-noirs, as well as with the considerable presence of the Italian mafia in the city, the so-called 'French Connection'.


The Czechoslovak election of 1946 was one of the only two free elections held in the post-WWII period in what would become Soviet-occupied Europe. Unlike the Hungarian 1946 elections, where the Soviet Army remained in place and therefore played a role in influencing the electoral results (not that it did much good for the Hungarian Communists), Czechoslovakia had no foreign military presence to influence the outcome.

However, the conditions of the vote were a bit authoritarian. In 1946, and following the Benes decrees, the over two million German-speakers and half a million Hungarian-speakers who had not proven their loyalty to Czechoslovakia in the 1935-1945 period were to be expelled from the country. Needless to say, they did not get a vote on that or a vote in the election for that matter. Only Czechs, Slovaks and other Slavs were allowed to vote. Furthermore, as a part of the Kosice Government Programme of 1945 [1], only the parties that belonged to the National Front were allowed to run in the election. Unlike later in the Communist era, the parties had strong differences of opinion on most topics. This meant that the Republican Party, the most important centre-right party of the interwar period was not allowed to compete, its voters divided between the People's Party (CSL) and the National Socialists (CSNS), the two most right-wing members of the coalition in the Czech lands.

The most important party in the National Front, especially after the election, was the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, which paradoxically only run in the Czech portion of the country. The Communists controlled the Interior Ministry, indirectly the Defence one and the ministries that were in charge of the resettlement of ethnic Czech and Slovaks in the former German-speaking areas of the Sudetenland. This explains their strength in those parts of the country. Its Slovak cousin, the Communist Party of Slovakia (KSS) was very weak, however. Slovakia had suffered the most from the Soviet offensive and the Soviets did not behave nor were welcomed as liberators, as it did happen in the Czech parts of the country. That combined with the ability of the Slovak Democratic Party to rally anti-Communists and autonomist against them meant that the KSS was only useful as a tool for the Communists to win extra cabinet seats.

The largest of the non-communist parties was the Czechoslovak National Socialist Party (CSNS), the party of Benes and Masaryk, a sort of Fabian-esque bourgeois socialist, socially liberal party that was also quite nationalistic. The CSNS had been one of the most important parties of the interwar period and they become the second most-voted party, although far away from the Communists. The CSNS was particularly strong in the cities, coming first in Brno and Ostrava and nearly coming first in Prague itself. The party was the go-to option for most right-wing Czechs in Bohemia, as the territory lacked the active Catholicism that was a fundamental factor in voting for the Czechoslovak People's Party.

The Czechoslovak People's Party (CSL), or the Populists was (and is) a Christian Democratic party (more in the Italian DC or French MRP vein than the German CDU) that benefitted from its strong roots in historically religious and rural Moravia, but also from an influx of former Republican voters. Because of this, it was the third largest party in parliament. The CSL's Slovak counterpart was the Freedom Party (SS), created in 1945 as a Christian democratic alternative to the Democratic Party that only achieved 3 seats, totally overshadowed by the Democrats.

The Democratic Party (DS) was the electoral juggernaut of Slovak politics at this time. Created by the merger of the non-communist members of the Slovak National Council, the Slovak anti-fascist resistance, the party essentially brought together the two most important political tendencies of interwar Slovakia, Christian Democratic autonomism-to-nationalism (Hlinka's Slovak People's Party) and agrarianism. The anti-communist nature of the party, combined with its calls for regional autonomy (as opposed to the KSS' preference for rule from Prague) won the party an unexpectedly high amount of votes, 64%. The party did, however, contain numerous politicians with ties to the Tiso regime, which was very effectively exploited by the Communist-controlled police and newspapers to weaken it little by little, applying salami tactics.

Next up was the Czechoslovak Social Democracy (CSSD). The Social Democrats had managed to be, during the interwar period, the most significant left-wing party in the country had been reduced to the status of being the smallest of the large parties of the National Front, with many of its voters departing for the Communists. To further that, the party was internally wrecked by divisions between the pro-Communist left-wing of the party (many times more radical than even the KSC) led by Zdenek Fierlinger [2], who served as Prime Minister between 1945 and until the election; and the party's anti-Communist right-wing, led by Vaclav Majer [3]. To top this all off, the party's Slovak branch, already weaker than the KSC in the interwar period, merged with the Communists during the war. Those few Social Democrats that refused to formed the Labour Party (SP), which would merge in 1947 with the Social Democrats to become the party's Slovak branch.

As it turned out, 1946 was the last free election in the country until 1990. The Communists came out as the strongest by far party in terms of seats and votes, although they fell short of their goal of obtaining a majority of both, at least in the Czech portion of the country. They came closer to that number than any party since the independence of the country in 1918. The period between 1946 and 1947 was relatively calm, as the Constituent National Assembly slowly drafted a new constitution, the economy was nationalised (by 1948, 60% of all industry was state-owned) and relations between the parties were good. However, the Communists which controlled directly or indirectly the country's most vital ministries were turning the police into a Communist party branch, and same with the state security service. The military was controlled by a Communist-friendly General who served as Minister of Defence, and the party was very powerful in the trade union movement.

By late 1947 and into 1948, as tensions in the coalition rose over the evident Communist attempts at appropriating the state security apparatus to their benefit, and the place of Czechoslovakia between the West and the Soviet Union combined with constitutional conflicts over the future status of Slovakia were breaking up the coalition.

At the same time, as it turned out, Communist sympathisers in the police forces had begun a fear campaign against non-Communist politicians, sending mail bombs and so on. On February 1948, the cabinet voted a¡for firing from the police these 6 policemen, but the Communist minister (and premier) refused to carry out the order, causing a constitutional crisis. As a result, the non-Communist ministers resigned hoping that President Benes would ask Communist Premier Gottwald to resign and replace him with a non-Communist premier. The Communists, however, organised massive demonstrations and strikes that gathered over 2 million people. Combined with the Defence Minister's unwillingness to mobilise the Army against them - and the Communist sympathies of the police forces - forced Benes to allow Gottwald to form an all-Communist cabinet, essentially putting an end to the democratic experience and bringing forward a 41-year single-party regime.

[1] An agreement between the Communist Parties, the People's Party, the National Socialists, the Social Democrats and the national Slovak resistance parties (Democratic Party & Freedom Party) and the Labour Party, a social democratic party created in Slovakia by the right-wing social democrats who refused to merge with the Slovak Communist Party in 1945. The Programme called for the expropriation of German- and Hungarian-owned industries and lands, to be nationalised and for the nationalisation of the 'commanding heights' of the economy, among other measures.
[2] Known after 1948 as Doctor Quislinguer, Fierlinger had been the Czechoslovak Ambassador to Moscow during WWII and was rumoured to be an NKVD operative. He was amongst the strongest proponents of the merger between the Communists and the Social Democrats.
[3] By late 1947, the anti-communists had come to dominate the party, replacing Fierlinger as party leader with Bohumil Lausman, a centrist social democrat (in terms of neither being on the right nor the left wing of the party). The left-wing Social Democrats, Fierlinger included, however, remained in the cabinet. And would play an important role in guaranteeing the Communist success in the 1948 coup.
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WIP List

Kings of Spain
1902-1906: Alfonso XIII (House of Borbon)
1906-0000: Alfonso XIV (House of Borbon)
1906-1918: Maria Cristina (House of Habsburg-Lorraine)

Presidents of the Council of Ministers of Spain
1906: Segismundo Moret (Liberal)
1906: Jose Lopez Dominguez (Liberal)
1906: Segismundo Moret (Liberal)
1906-1907: Antonio Aguilar y Correa, Marquess of Vega de Armijo (Liberal)
1907-1914: Antonio Maura (Conservative)
1907 (Conservative majority) def. Segismundo Moret (Liberal),
1911 (Conservative majority) def. Jose Canalejas (Liberal),

1914-1918: Jose Canalejas (Liberal)
1914 (Liberal majority) def. Antonio Maura (Conservative),
1918-1919: Eduardo Dato (Conservative)
1918 (Conservative majority) def. Jose Canalejas (Liberal),
1919-1920: Antonio Maura (Conservative)
1920-1924: Jose Canalejas (Liberal)
1920 (Liberal majority) def. Antonio Maura (Conservative),
1924-1925: Jose Sanchez-Guerra (Conservative)
1924 (Conservative minority with Lliga supply and confidence) def. Jose Canalejas (Liberal),
1925: Gabino Bugallal, Count of Bugallal (Conservative)
1925-1927: Eduardo Dato (Conservative)
1927-1929: Manuel Garcia-Prieto (Liberal)
1927 (Liberal-Socialist-Reformist coalition) def. Eduardo Dato (Conservative),
1929-1933: Niceto Alcala-Zamora (Liberal)
1931 (Liberal-Socialist-Reformist coalition) def. Jose Sanchez Guerra (Conservative),
1933-1937: Miguel Maura (Conservative)
1933 (Conservative-Social People’s-Lliga coalition) def. Indalecio Prieto (Spanish Socialist Worker’s), Niceto Alcala-Zamora (Liberal), Jose Calvo-Sotelo (Social People’s), Francesc Cambo (Lliga), Melquiades Alvarez (Reformist)
1937-1941: Indalecio Prieto (Spanish Socialist Worker’s)
1937 (Socialist-Liberal-Democratic coalition, then Socialist-Liberal-Democratic-Conservative-Lliga coalition) def. Miguel Maura (Conservative),
1941-1946: Diego Martinez Barrio (Liberal Democratic)
1941 (Socialist-Liberal-Democratic-Conservative-Lliga coalition) def.
1945 (Socialist-Liberal-Democratic coalition) def.

1946-0000: Indalecio Prieto (Spanish Socialist Worker’s)


Got to say, I love how the position of the cdH there makes it look as though there's a massive Luxemburgish secessionist movement as well.
It's really odd that the Christian Democrats have resisted so well considering how they collapsed in their other Wallonian main support area (Namur province), being replaced by the Liberals as the main non-socialist party. Until the 60s, there were two areas of Belgium where the Catholics were so strong that the Liberal and Socialist parties ran joint lists: Luxembourg and Limburg provinces, but they only remain dominant in Luxembourg.


A fun explanation for politics nerds. See the various communes surrounding Brussels but outside the thick border? That's the canton of Sint-Genesius-Rode. The 6 communes that belong to it are all majority French-speaking (by whopping margins in some cases) but are still in Flanders. Besides being filled with wealthy suburbanites who do their living in Brussels, these francophones are always a sore point in Belgium's politics and indeed were largely behind the government formation crisis of 2010. It was fought over the specific linguistic nature of the electoral district of Brussels-Halle-Vilvoorde, which no longer exists.

These municipalities are special. As a part of the compromise that consisted of the dissolution of the old Brussels-Halle-Vilvoorde and Leuven constituencies and their replacement with Vlaams-Brabant and Brussels-Capital, the inhabitants of these 6 French-majority communes kept the right to vote in either the new Vlaams Brabant or the Brussels constituency. If they chose the latter though, that meant losing the ability to vote for the Flemish Parliament.

And yet, more people in these communes actually voted for the Brussels MPs than for the ones in Vlaams-Brabant. Not that it mattered all that much as they are, much like the rest of Brussels's affluent periphery, a liberal bastion, whether MR, Open Vld or FDF (now Défi).
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Alex Richards

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A fun explanation for politics nerds. See the various communes surrounding Brussels but outside the thick border? That's the canton of Sint-Genesius-Rode. The 6 communes that belong to it are all majority French-speaking (by whopping margins in some cases) but are still in Flanders. Besides being filled with wealthy suburbanites who do their living in Brussels, these francophones are always a sore point in Belgium's politics and indeed were largely behind the government formation crisis of 2010, since it over the electoral districts of Brussels-Halle-Vilvoorde, which no longer exists.

But these municipalities are special. Part of the compromise that saw the dissolution of the old Brussels-Halle-Vilvoorde and Leuven constituencies and their replacement with Vlaams-Brabant and Brussels-Capital, the inhabitants of these 6 French-majority communes kept the right to vote in either the new Vlaams Brabant or the Brussels constituency. If they chose the latter though, that meant losing the ability to vote for the Flemish Parliament.

And yet, more people in these communes actually voted for the Brussels MPs than for the ones in Vlaams-Brabant. Not that it mattered all that much, since they are, much like the rest of Brussels's affluent periphery, a liberal bastion, whether MR, Open Vld or FDF.
The levels of Belgium in this post are dangerously high.


Wallonia 2014. These are to be the last elections with these constituencies, as in 2017, ECOLO and the PTB challenged the electoral constituencies before the Constitutional Court arguing that they hindered the representativity of the Wallonian Parliament. They won. As a result, the Wallonian Parliament passed a new electoral map merging the constituencies of the Luxembourg province and reworking those of the Hainaut province. However, the new division only passed with the support of PS, MR and cdH. ECOLO and PTB remain opposed to the new map.

Also, the longer the constituency's name, the smaller the number of deputies it elected.



WIP of a new project: Surviving Yugoslavia. This is OTL data though, as I'm making the map to show the % of the ethnic majority/plurality in each municipality in Yugoslavia according to the 1991 census. Finding the municipalities of Croatia was hard, even if the data was easy to come by if occasionally only available in Cyrillic.

The base maps add up to a pretty big map, that I also want to use for al alt-history electoral map and some other stuff.