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Tibby's Graphics and Grab-Bag Thread.

Turquoise Blue

Tsundoku Tibby
Patreon supporter
The Land of the Trembling Star (UK)
alberta 1990.png
{{Infobox election
| election_name = 1990 Alberta general election
| country = Acadia
| type = parliamentary
| ongoing = no
| party_colour = no
| party_name = no
| previous_election =
| previous_year = [[1949 West German federal election|1919 (Election)]]<br>{{nowrap|← [[1949 East German Constitutional Assembly election|1986 (Allocation)]]}}
| next_election =
| next_year = [[1937 Ontario general election|1995]]
| seats_for_election = 83 seats in the [[i|Alberta Supreme Council]] <br /> 42 seats were needed for a majority
| election_date = 13 August 1990
| image1 = [[File:Stephen Harper by Remy Steinegger Infobox.jpg|x160px]]
| colour1 = ff6e40
| leader1 = [[i|Manuel Gensch]]
| leader_since1 = [[Ontario Liberal Party leadership elections#1930 leadership convention|17 August 1989]]
| party1 = [[i|Farmer-Socialist]]
| leaders_seat1 = [[Elgin (electoral district)|Ost-Kaltergarten]]
| last_election1 = 67 seats
| seats1 = '''35'''
| seat_change1 = {{decrease}}32
| popular_vote1 = '''526,238'''
| percentage1 = '''30.83%'''
| image2 = [[File:Stephen Harper by Remy Steinegger Infobox.jpg|x160px]]
| colour2 = 7986cb
| leader2 = [[George Stewart Henry|Michael Hummel]]
| leader_since2 = [[i|3 January 1990]]
| party2 = [[i|Conservative]]
| leaders_seat2 = [[York East (provincial electoral district)|Pappelhain]]
| last_election2 = ''pre-creation''
| seats2 = 27
| seat_change2 = {{increase}}27
| popular_vote2 = 485,102
| percentage2 = 28.42%
| image3 = [[File:Stephen Harper by Remy Steinegger Infobox.jpg|x160px]]
| colour3 = ffc400
| leader3 = [[i|Angelica Gold]]
| leader_since3 = [[i|14 February 1990]]
| party3 = [[i|Democrats '90]]
| leaders_seat3 = [[i|Zentral-Edmonton]]
| last_election3 = ''pre-creation''
| seats3 = 12
| seat_change3 = {{increase}}12
| popular_vote3 = 339,844
| percentage3 = 19.91%
| image4 = [[File:Stephen Harper by Remy Steinegger Infobox.jpg|x160px]]
| colour4 = 4db6ac
| leader4 = [[i|Anselm Bohn]]
| leader_since4 = [[i|19 April 1988]]
| party4 = [[i|United Farmers]]
| leaders_seat4 = [[i|Medizinkopf]]
| last_election4 = 31 seats
| seats4 = 6
| seat_change4 = {{decrease}}25
| popular_vote4 = 161,985
| percentage4 = 9.49%
| image5 = [[File:Stephen Harper by Remy Steinegger Infobox.jpg|x160px]]
| colour5 = e57373
| leader5 = [[i|Niko Leverenz]]
| leader_since5 = [[i|22 March 1990]]
| party5 = [[i|Liberal Democratic]]
| leaders_seat5 = ''Ran in [[i|Edmonton Matsch]] (lost)''
| last_election5 = ''pre-creation''
| seats5 = 3
| seat_change5 = {{increase}}3
| popular_vote5 = 91,831
| percentage5 = 5.38%
| title = Chairman
| posttitle = Chairman after election
| before_election = [[George Stewart Henry|Manuel Gensch]]
| before_party = [[i|Farmer-Socialist]]
| after_election = [[i|Tobias Faust]]
| after_party = [[i|Farmer-Socialist]]
The only election Alberta had as part of the UAIC [after many decades of having its legislature - the Supreme Council - chosen by a complicated allocation system and before it entered Confederation for the second time] was a fairly contentious one.

Chairman Manuel Gensch, chosen in an abrupt leadership struggle, was known as a hardliner who, out of all the Farmer-Socialist Party's provincial leaders, sincerely believed in this socialism thing, and opposed the government's democratisation process, declaring once that it would lead to the bourgeois east taking over. An old hand and known to be terrible at public speaking, he was often shuffled behind the scenes in favour of some vaguely younger (below 60!) people who could not alienate people through speaking.

His opponent, the Conservative leader Michael Hummel, was in every way a neoliberal. Young, telegenic, willing to sell off his grandmother for a packet of cigarettes. While Gensch fearmongered the idea of unification as bringing doom to Alberta, Hummel embraced it, declaring that the fears were overblown and that as part of Canada once more, Alberta would be great.

In between Gensch's hardline socialism and Himmel's "fuck UAIC actually" neoliberalism, there is of course Democrats '90. A young movement filled of idealistic social democrats, they hoped to make the UAIC a true democracy on the... Eastern(?) model. Parliamentary democracy, workers' rights but not like old socialism, etc. They saw themselves as the "Left of the Future" and the FSP as the "Left of the Past". Their leader Angelica Gold was very much of this vein, calling herself a "Canadian-style social democrat".

The United Farmers Organisation was still around, even if democratisation meant that they wouldn't be afforded their insanely-inflated representation on the old Supreme Council, they still had an unbeatable organisation that could deliver them many rural voters. However, that rural vote was deflated by the increasing weakness of the rural communes and increasing disinterest in supporting UFO.

The Liberal Democratic Party was those who wanted neoliberalism, but not quite to the level of the Conservatives. Their leader was a city councillor who achieved election as an independent as part of the First Democratisation.

Gensch managed to deny Hummel victory and mobilised voters to back the FSP, but in doing so alienated himself from the rest of the parties. The Non-Partisan Labour Organisation ["The O"] completely failing to achieve any seats shocked everyone. The arithmetic was clear. Even with the UFO backing him, he was one seat off a majority. This simple fact called time on the hardliner staying in power.

Tobias Faust, a more "opportunistic" sort, moved to install himself in power with the agreement of moderate FSP people and the silent consent of the Tories and Democrats '90. Gensch, bitter about this, would end up leading the Alberta Communist Party for a brief time in the late 1990s before his death, always condemning many of the decisions as "capitalists exploiting our people".

One of the first things Faust did was change the flag to a less... socialist flag and upon the Grand Circle voting to disband itself, Faust successfully oversaw Alberta entering Confederation for the second time. Reports of him receiving huge bribes for doing so is of course overblown, don't you know?
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These Fair Shores: The Locust Years (1938-1946)

Turquoise Blue

Tsundoku Tibby
Patreon supporter
The Land of the Trembling Star (UK)
The History of the United Kingdom of
Great Britain, Ireland and Hong Kong

The Locust Years (1938-1946)

British history after the Third Union can be summed up quite succinctly, as in 1889 and All That (the thrilling sequel to 1066 and All That) as “Napoleon and debris”. British history classes love to cover the many Napoleons and how they all affected British foreign policy, culminating in the Continental War.

Like any good movie, they end just as the final victory is gained. Everything that was sacrificed for that victory, the classes tend to cover fairly quickly, as if unwillingly and begrudgingly. But one cannot separate Britain of the 2020s from its past. The doors of the old House of Commons were broken not once, but twice. The first in glory and revolution in 1889, the second in destitution and ruin in 1931.

King George VI had a high task ahead of him, to declare victory in war while reassuring his people that the peace would be bright.

As the sun rose on a broken kingdom triumphant, the King wished to speak to his people. He was already known for his steely resolve, but his talent in public speaking was still green and untested. The speech would have to one of a victorious leader, but not too arrogant. He still could remember seeing the ruins of Parliament and having to flee Buckingham Palace. He still could remember receiving the news of his father dying. That was an unpleasant surprise, but even more unpleasant was when he was acclaimed King while at Balmoral. He believed that his elder brother could ride out the war. After all, he was young still, and could have had children.

But history was to end Edward IX and make George VI. The abrupt news combined with his stutter meant that the first speech was to put it charitable – average. It was through his actions that the public would be won over. Even though his father and brother perished, he refused to flee. It was his duty to lead his people through their darkest hour. And it was the darkest hour. The clouds always rang of the sound of bombs, France amplified the bombings as the tide of war turned against them.

The Tempest, as Britain called the on and off French bombings during the Great Continental War, took its toll on many British cities.

He knew his people suffered. He knew they still suffered. Many cities bombed to ruins. He even was appalled to hear that the Bristol Corporation went so far to declare that Bristolians would have to eat insects and other vermin to survive. To have a triumphant and joyful speech was right out. Triumphant yes. But humble. Consulting with the BBC writers and his own gut instinct, he worked out what would go down in history as the “Rex Populi” speech.

It started off matter-of-factly, announcing the end of the war and the acceptance of France’s surrender. Then the speech moved on to a quiet tribute to all soldiers of the Empire and its allies, “both those alive and those taken from us”. Finally, it spoke of the sacrifices made on the Home Front and how “in the time of unbridled war, everyone fought in their own way for this prized moment”, and concluded that “if our United Kingdom and its Empire lasts for thousands of years, men will still say that this war was where we steeled ourselves and fought every day as if it was our last. Truly they will say it was Britain’s finest hour.”

But finest hour or not, it still left gaping scars. Every city had rubbles, some even just were rubbles. The Ministry of All the Talents, the tripartisan coalition of the Tories, Liberals and Labour, refused to disband until the acute crisis was dealt with. First of all, food. The war forced the implementation of rationing, but even rationing had its limits when infrastructure were bombed. Herculean efforts to restore infrastructure and feed people, including feeding them relatively unfamiliar food that were easier to procure, were afoot. The Earl Woolton, pushed to his limits, would force the National Loaf and make the ‘Woolton pie’ a thing. But he would also acquire immense shipments of rice from Britain’s colonies (helmed by British men eager to feed the Old Country) that would be incorporated in many different meals for people to ensure they would get nutrition.

A 'meal box' would typically be made out of rice, meat (often beef or pork), vegetables and rarely (as seen here) boiled eggs.

The “meal box”, a borrowing from Britain’s increasingly-distant Japanese ally, would find itself accepted in a society struggling to get enough nutrition. Rice, slices of beef, or other heavily-rationed meat, and vegetables like carrot, would be a regular worktime meal for many decades for British people. Rice (traditionally restricted to sweets such as rice pudding) came in its own with Britain at the most dire time in its cuisine, where rationing for years and years strangled many old traditions and the government was willing to try anything to feed its subjects.

In those years, the bald simple fact that Britain long outgrew its natural food output and was an importer country for centuries, was made painfully aware to its inhabitants. The rationing were insufficient even as rice and other foodstuff flowed in as the structure struggled to function with weak infrastructure and high demand, and many turned to the black market. Spivs thrived in the 1930s, and the end of war did not stop them. Everyone, from the Prime Minister to a lowly civilian, participated in illegal activity to acquire food to survive. “In those days, you either were a criminal, or you were dead.” Perhaps this led to the blasé attitude to low-level corruption we see today.

Not all crime was the black market for in the Locust Years, violent crime ran rampant. Most of them were your standard low-level thugs, seeking to profit from a country in crisis. A few were more structured and became gangs that terrorised urban areas as policing struggled. It became almost accepted that certain areas were the domain of certain gangs. Most of those would fade away, collapse to renewed police efforts, or go ‘legitimate’ by the 60s, but there were a few that had… an ideology, a greater purpose.

Thankfully for Britain, the Red Flag Brigade was merely one of a few ideological militias and not reflective of a wider trend.

The Mosleyite Independent Labour Party (ILP) was loosely associated with Labour and also loosely associated with the ‘Red Flag Brigade’, a bunch of angry and deeply ideological primarily-young people who had read the Communist Manifesto and going off incomplete information about the regime east of Portugal, declared that in this clear crisis of imperialist capitalism, that they should rise up and take over the country and declare a restored Commonwealth on socialist principles. All grand ideas, but the execution was… lacking.

For you see, while young people were angry, they also were resigned, and many had a distrust of the weirdos with dog-eared red books shouting at them. In the end, the Brigade fled to the Pennine Mountains with stolen guns from the Home Guard after getting few people interested, and lasted a few years doing their quixotic ‘resistance’ before inevitably splitting and being cracked down by the Army. The connections to ILP and thus to Labour was a major embarrassment for Prime Minister Malcolm MacDonald who was forced to cease his party’s connection with the ILP to save face.

Never was Britain more in ‘splendid isolation’ than in the Locust Years. The Empire still ran like clockwork, the Prime Minister and King still signed off on foreign treaties especially when it came to finalising the long-sought-after peace, but the government was fundamentally disinterested in foreign affairs when Britain was still bombed. Ireland was for a time the more prosperous part of the Home Isles due to being bombed far less, and the Parliament of Ireland led by Lord Lieutenant William Norton (in one of the rare non-Tory governments) used this to squeeze concessions for Irish industries and interests, and his successor Joseph Martin continued such tactics upon his victory in the 1944 election.

The 1941 election was long overdue, with the last election being held in 1924. There were plenty of calls for the “Longest Parliament” to have an election before 1941, but the Ministry of All the Talents closed ranks and declared that the country was not ready for elections. At any other time, this would have been decried as dictatorial, but outside of Mosleyists and the hard-right nobody seriously opposed the sudden consensus between the country’s three major parties. The country won the war, but it was sickened in the process, and the 1938-1941 period needed to be a period of healing, or so that was the rhetoric. There were reshuffles to reorient focus on internal matters and the beefing up of the Ministries of Fuel and Power, Labour and National Service, National Insurance, and most significantly the position of First Commissioner of Works.

Even now, the De La Warr Pavilion in the District of East Sussex, along with others, pay tribute to the 'Man Who Rebuilt Britain'.

‘Buck’ De La Warr, the ninth Earl De La Warr, was First Commissioner of Works during the last Ministry of All the Talents (and later on the MacDonald government), and was by far the most powerful First Commissioner yet. Still in his thirties, and with a keen fascination for ‘decorativist’ architecture from his youth, he was given carte blanche to rebuild Britain as ‘a country that rises from the ruins’. At every turn, he prioritised building proposals that in his words, ‘will lead to the growth, prosperity and the greater culture of our nation’, hence modernist and decorativist.

Urban buildings, which he deemed to need the more ‘modern’ appearance, were far more emphasised on ‘decorativism’, and he implemented guidelines that would shape urban Britain’s look. Meanwhile as a country earl he wished for rural Britain to be rebuild in its own way to ‘capture the essence of deep England’, hence arts and crafts enjoyed a second wind in rural areas. This was a deeply quixotic approach in mixing two architecture styles, and more than once he was mocked at Cabinet for it, but his quick wit and charming personality ensured he could complete what he deemed his ‘project’, to make a new Britain from the ruins.

As a committed socialist (but far from the Mosleyists), he pushed hard for social housing, aka housing where the state owns it but people live there on the state’s agreement. This was something the Tories shied away from, preferring to commit to the late Noel Skelton’s ‘property-owning democracy’, and there was significant push-back. Cheap but purchasable housing was the watch-word up until 1941, then MacDonald permitted him to expand on his social housing policy as part of his grand plan to house as much Britons as possible. This would see the Tories push back eventually in reaction under Attlee and Salisbury, but the Earl got his way during 1941-1946, seeing the rapid growth of social housing as a thing in Britain. By the end of the Locust Years (commonly defined as the election of Clement Attlee), social housing was approaching 20% of all households, and despite the Conservatives’ efforts, this would only grow.

Thanks to the untiring efforts of the Earl De La Warr, the government of Prime Minister Malcolm MacDonald could champion that it all but ‘solved’ the housing crisis and rebuilt most of the cities in far less time than anticipated and in a very unique image that was then forever associated with the scarred defiance of post-war Britain and the declaration of a country in modernity, one transgressing old social boundaries to form something new. Before the Tempest, the South of England was widely seen as more prosperous than the North, with the South associated with leafy green and comfortable rural middle-class and the North a more working-class culture. The Tempest changed that, and many people moved north (some would say ‘fled’), and it was a keen emphasis of the Amery and MacDonald governments to build more houses in the South to get people to move back, and this was something Attlee would continue. The South would be shaped by this legacy, with many social housing in leafy grove and some craters if you know where to look.

As a consequence of all this, many of the old stratified class boundaries were shook up and people who came from ‘middle-class’ families and others from ‘working-class’ families would be thrown into the same mix, affected by the non-discriminative destruction of the Tempest and the movements of people north and then south again. The strong class stratification that defined the England that Karl Marx visited was if not obliterated than deeply blurred. The literati of this time period wrote of a ‘new society’ free from the idea of social class, but this new society was not seeping through to politics any time soon. The literati noted however, that eventually it would.

The 1945 general strike was in many ways the scream of a frustrated Britain, and by far its most impactful labour action.

The Red Flag Brigade was a humiliation to the Prime Minister, but a greater moment would come to the labour movement in 1945. Union membership was soaring, and union leaders were dissatisfied with the ‘moderate’ Labour leader who refused to go after the rich and even worked extensively with the Opposition. After much haggling and negotiation, and growing discontent over insufficient workers’ pay for a standard of living, the unions led by the TUC and their firebrand General Secretary James Maxton declared a general strike. The “Red Summer” it was called, and it was a great test of the reconstructed Britain’s so-called stability. The TUC issued a list of demands including better workers’ pay, but fatally overreached to including appointing union people to the House of Lords.

The workers that struck were less than expected despite the unpleasantly low wages, Maxton knew this, but he persisted. Eventually things would budge and the government would give in. But MacDonald stood up with a steely face in the Commons, and declared that while he was a socialist, he would never give in to “a reign of terror by radical councilists of the likes of Americans and Spaniards”. Standing firm, he declared that Britain have had enough of people who seek to divide the country, and pledged to implement a satisfactory minimum wage if the strike ended. In a sense, this was conceding the original demand without ceding power or ground to Maxton and the ‘councilist threat’. This was aired nation-wide, and was a major blow to the “Red Summer”.

Maxton however, refused to budge, and under great pressure the greater TUC organisation buckled, removing Maxton and replacing him with the more ‘constructive’ Walter Citrine. This major defeat for the labour movement at such an inopportune time led to people increasing moving from the ‘big’ unions to small unions, or to the cooperatives which saw a major boom in the aftermath. MacDonald however, would see the Party mutter about him going against the unions, and Mosley would make hay out of him betraying the workers. In the end, the event defined Malcolm MacDonald and took him from helming an incoherent and weak government with success primarily off great negotiations with the Liberals and Conservatives, to a good Prime Minister. However, the Party was starting to fall apart as a result of this as left and right tore each other apart, and the 1946 election was a foregone conclusion.

Still, the Houses of Parliament were close to completion (done up in the old arts and crafts style over the Earl’s private objections), people were reasonably housed and fed, cities were rebuilt (unrecognisably so) and the Downing Street Complex was finished a month before the election. In the end, the locusts died after eight years of turmoil, and after a handshake with the old Prime Minister and a visit to the King in the rebuilt Buckingham Palace, the new Prime Minister was ready to make changes of his own. The time of Clement Attlee was here.​
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Turquoise Blue

Tsundoku Tibby
Patreon supporter
The Land of the Trembling Star (UK)
Major political parties of the Dominion of Canada

can tory.png

Progressive Conservative Party of Canada
LEADER: Prime Minister Jaime Magalhães, of Bacalhau

Canada's party for all politics conservative, it advocates a fiscally conservative attitude to the economy, prioritising reducing deficits over anything the left would advocate like fixing social inequalities. On social matters, it has proven to be somewhat of an uncomfortable broad tent, containing everyone from unrepentant urban liberals who just want a tax cut to die-hard western social conservatives who disliked DPP for whatever reason. The current leader is noted to be a moderate in the camp, preferring to unite the party rather than shift too "Red Tory" or "Blue Tory".

It has its roots in the United Loyalists of the late 18th century and their strong defence of loyalty to the monarchies while advocating further colonial cooperation, in reaction to the Patriots. For quite a while, from 1841 to 1910, they had people stand as "Liberal-Conservatives" [hence why on some statistics you have "Conservative & Liberal-Conservative"] due to a fair few Conservatives coming from a more traditionally Liberal background, often when they were not Protestant. The party merged as the Conservative Party in 1910, and rebranded as the Progressive Conservatives in the 40s as a bid to rebuild their appeal against a popular Liberal Prime Minister. After reunification, there were talks of rebranding once more as "Conservative" to take advantage of the sprouting harder-right movements, but this was clamped down and the party survived as PCs.

can liberal.png
Liberal Party of Canada
LEADER: Leader of the Official Opposition Fieke Rademaker, of New Netherland

Canada's so-called 'natural party of government', it combines a vague socially-liberal stance with deliberately-mushy and opportunistic fiscal policies. Often the party allied with the middle-class interests when the Tories sound too 'Red Tory', they also get plenty of working-class voters because of promises of welfare policies. Currently out of power thanks to Magalhães and his cursed ability to appeal to 'core' Liberal voters (they exist?).

It has its roots in the Patriot movement of the late 18th century and their desire for "power in the old country and the new" - i.e. representation in the old world legislatures and establishment of accountable colonial legislatures in the new. This often touched on dangerous republican ideas but never embraced it. As the Conservatives and ex-Patriot defectors [the so-called 'Liberal' Conservatives] seized on the idea of Confederation and took it to an extent the original Founders never intended for, the Liberals became the party of sceptical sorts, and ultimately for the nebulous concept of 'provincial rights'. This would later shift away to a general support for civic liberties as the firebrand Aleisandr Bendith took over in the late 1890s, but until then, the people who voted Liberal very much tended non-Established Protestant, often gathering together Catholics, Muslims and Dissenters.

can dpp.png
Democratic Progressive Party
LEADER: Member of Parliament Klaus-Peter Lenz, of Nebraska

Formerly the Farmer-Socialist Party, it was once the dominant party of the West when it was an independent socialist republic, and with the humiliating end of that, it fell apart with many careerists abandoning it. But some stuck around and as people grow disgruntled of the new status quo, the FSP made gains. Eventually in the early 2010s it merged with a primarily-Quebecois Eastern-based socialist movement (the Workers' Alliance) to form the Democratic Progressive Party. Even now, it is primarily seen as the more socially conservative but economically left-wing party.

The ultimate origin of the Farmer-Socialists, and hence the DPP, is with the older Socialist movement and the 1919 convention which proved... acrimonious. The radicalised rural Western aspect, originally developed from the older Populist movement, pushed to commit the party to "consider all options to end capitalism" while the urban and eastern aspect bitterly opposed such radical thoughts and wished to keep the party 'revisionist'. In the end, the split occurred, and not long after that, the Farmer-Socialists took up arms and the Canadian Civil War started.

can sdp.png
Social Democratic Party
LEADER: Member of Parliament Liselot Penrhys, of New Netherland

The "Conscience of the Nation" as a former (not-SDP) Prime Minister once described them, the SDP is seen as an urban party strongly tied to trade unions and immigrant minorities, the ones who take the Liberals and Tories to account. Often the ones who champion once-fringe social ideas before the Liberals and PCs even consider them, they championed the NHS as an idea [even implementing it in Talossa and Michigan] before the Liberals implemented it in the 1960s. However, the Canadian people are strongly of the view that they are the "heart", not the "head", of Canada, and not to be trusted with actual governance, much to their frustration every election.

Their origin comes from the other side of the Socialist split, with the rump Socialist Party continuing keeping the name for a bit, but then rebranded as Social Democratic to distance themselves from the Farmer-Socialists. Reunification led to the return of those tensions, and apart from one unusually successful electoral alliance [the SDP-Labour Alliance between SDP, DPP and Workers' Alliance was a last-minute attempt to unify the left in 2011 and it managed to catapult them to second-place... up until it fell apart in bitterness and incrimination] it has absolutely nothing to do with its long-lost sibling.

can green.png
Green Party of Canada
LEADER: Member of Parliament Tegid Muin, of Avalon

The "fifth among equals", it is primarily here because of strong local focus on several provinces (and the FD) that has managed to ensure it dominates those to a reasonable level. Avalon regularly returns its popular Member of Parliament Tegid Muin as one of a few Greens and their leader. The Greens overall are not comparable to even the SDP, but it can and often have squeezed significant concessions out of either the Tories or Liberals. The slogan they use, "planet before profit", suggests they're very left-wing, but in practice they're centrist as long as it gets them concessions.

The western Greens are widely integrated within the GPC, but has a different institutional legacy, being the ultimate and final form of the Western Youth League, the official youth group for the UAIC. Even now, the "Young Greens" are dominated by Westerners despite the party normally doing poorly there thanks to the institutional focus on recruiting young people. There have been talks of distancing the party from the "Green" label there and going for a more 'neutral' label such as "Alliance", but the Eastern-dominated establishment has long been sceptical of the idea.

Turquoise Blue

Tsundoku Tibby
Patreon supporter
The Land of the Trembling Star (UK)
fbu 2018.png
{{Infobox election
| election_name = 2018 Franco-British general election
| country = United Kingdom
| type = parliamentary
| ongoing = no
| party_colour = no
| party_name = no
| previous_election =
| previous_year = [[1949 West German federal election|2013]]
| next_election =
| next_year = ''[[1937 Ontario general election|Next]]''
| seats_for_election = All 919 seats in the [[i|Common Assembly]] <br /> 460 seats were needed for a majority
| election_date = 1 May 2018
| image1 = [[File:Stephen Harper by Remy Steinegger Infobox.jpg|x160px]]
| colour1 = FFD600
| leader1 = [[i|Emmanuel Macron]]
| leader_since1 = [[Ontario Liberal Party leadership elections#1930 leadership convention|6 April 2016]]
| party1 = [[i|Kingdom's Progress!]]
| leaders_seat1 = [[Elgin (electoral district)|Somme]]
| last_election1 = 100 seats, 11.08%{{efn|As [[i|Radical-Liberals]]}}
| seats1 = '''447'''
| seat_change1 = {{increase}}347
| popular_vote1 = '''34,782,205'''
| percentage1 = '''44.93%'''
| swing1 = {{increase}}33.85[[i|pp]]
| image2 = [[File:Stephen Harper by Remy Steinegger Infobox.jpg|x160px]]
| colour2 = 0087DC
| leader2 = [[George Stewart Henry|Dominic Grieve]]
| leader_since2 = [[i|23 August 2013]]
| party2 = [[i|Conservative]]
| leaders_seat2 = [[York East (provincial electoral district)|Buckinghamshire]]
| last_election2 = 303 seats, 30.91%
| seats2 = 247
| seat_change2 = {{decrease}}56
| popular_vote2 = 20,801,198
| percentage2 = 26.87%
| swing2 = {{decrease}}4.04[[i|pp]]
| image3 = [[File:Stephen Harper by Remy Steinegger Infobox.jpg|x160px]]
| colour3 = ED1651
| leader3 = [[i|David Miliband]]
| leader_since3 = [[i|25 September 2010]]
| party3 = [[i|Socialist Labour]]
| leaders_seat3 = [[i|Tyne and Wear]]
| last_election3 = 412 seats, 42.83%
| seats3 = 110
| seat_change3 = {{decrease}}302
| popular_vote3 = 10,714,126
| percentage3 = 13.84%
| swing3 = {{decrease}}28.99[[i|pp]]
| image4 = [[File:Stephen Harper by Remy Steinegger Infobox.jpg|x160px]]
| colour4 = 6AB023
| leader4 = [[i|Yannick Jadot]]
| leader_since4 = [[i|20 November 2015]] ''([[i|Assembly Leader]])''
| party4 = [[i|Greens]]
| leaders_seat4 = [[i|Aisne]]
| last_election4 = 36 seats, 7.39%
| seats4 = 35
| seat_change4 = {{decrease}}1
| popular_vote4 = 4,668,076
| percentage4 = 6.03%
| swing4 = {{decrease}}1.36[[i|pp]]
| image5 = [[File:Stephen Harper by Remy Steinegger Infobox.jpg|x160px]]
| colour5 = 1C9A99
| leader5 = [[i|Christian Troadec]]
| leader_since5 = [[i|12 August 2014]]
| party5 = [[i|Alliance of Nations]]
| leaders_seat5 = [[i|Finistère]]
| last_election5 = 14 seats, 1.52%
| seats5 = 20
| seat_change5 = {{increase}}6
| popular_vote5 = 1,679,888
| percentage5 = 2.17%
| swing5 = {{increase}}0.65[[i|pp]]
| image6 = [[File:Stephen Harper by Remy Steinegger Infobox.jpg|x160px]]
| colour6 = 70147A
| leader6 = [[i|Neil Hamilton]]
| leader_since6 = [[i|26 September 2016]]
| party6 = [[i|British Independence]]
| leaders_seat6 = [[i|Monmouth]]
| last_election6 = 20 seats, 1.27%
| seats6 = 17
| seat_change6 = {{decrease}}3
| popular_vote6 = 781,883
| percentage6 = 1.01%
| swing6 = {{decrease}}0.26[[i|pp]]
| image7 = <span style="line-height:150px; vertical-align:center; text-align:center; color:#DD0000; font-size:37px;"> '''LU/UG'''</span>
| colour7 = DD0000
| leader7 = ''[[i|Unity Committee]]''
| leader_since7 = ''N/A''
| party7 = [[i|Left Unity]]
| leaders_seat7 = ''N/A''
| last_election7 = 14 seats, 2.10%
| seats7 = 15
| seat_change7 = {{increase}}1
| popular_vote7 = 1,525,059
| percentage7 = 1.97%
| swing7 = {{decrease}}0.13[[i|pp]]
| image8 = [[File:Stephen Harper by Remy Steinegger Infobox.jpg|x160px]]
| colour8 = 004A77
| leader8 = [[i|Marine Le Pen]]
| leader_since8 = [[i|12 August 2011]]
| party8 = [[i|National Front]]
| leaders_seat8 = [[i|Pas-de-Calais]]
| last_election8 = 8 seats, 0.93%
| seats8 = 14
| seat_change8 = {{increase}}6
| popular_vote8 = 952,194
| percentage8 = 1.23%
| swing8 = {{increase}}0.30[[i|pp]]
| title = [[i|Prime Minister]]
| posttitle = Subsequent [[i|Prime Minister]]
| before_election = [[i|David Miliband]]
| before_party = [[i|Socialist Labour]]
| after_election = [[i|Emmanuel Macron]]
| after_party = [[i|Kingdom's Progress!]]

As the Franco-British Union [more formally the United Kingdom of Great Britain, France and Northern Ireland] lurches forward in its sixth decade of existence despite the multitude of politicians calling for an end to this "abomination of history", the latest election proves... interesting.
The Nautilus: Astra Lion-Core

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Tsundoku Tibby
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The Land of the Trembling Star (UK)

Name: Astra Nielsen (known colloquially by some as 'Astra Lion-Core')
Age when becoming leader: 16
Leadership Style: Temporally she will cooperate with the existing structures while still their master, spiritually she will assert her authority as High Calixte.
Leader Personality: Privately sociopathic, but with a streak of self-awareness and revulsion at such, she presents a serious, but humble, front to the public. She will seek to cultivate her image as a 'consul of the people' above all, one who listens to the masses.
Biography: What can one say about Astra Nielsen? Only that she is truly a product of her society. From an early age, she was noted to be somewhat reclusive, easily taking to books and (somewhat concerning) talking to herself. Always a quick reader, she found the books to be a ‘fun distraction’ from the disturbing reality she realised early on, and pushed hard to read some of the… archived books seized from the Pequod, and eventually received such.

One night she could be found curling up with a book many would call heretical and almost was thrown into destruction, a book all about ‘ancient knights’. It portrayed a very strange world, one of men in charge, but even at that young age she dismissed that as just the book coming from heretics. Still, she had to admit, even the silly book managed to make them look quite admirable. Fighting for a cause greater than them, even if an ultimately wrong-headed one. The ‘rules of a knight’, it tapped something deep in her. Something that needed something to be latched on. It offered what she lacked in life – a sense of morality.

For you see, with her mother too busy with the war and her extensive attempts at reforms, there were often months where Astra was left with tutors, simpering servants, and the voices. The voices were always there, ringing around in her head. She disliked them. They were… demanding. They wanted her to be shaped into something she didn’t want to. The book, as abhorrent as it often was, offered her a way to fend them off. An idea. A sense of morality. She didn’t quite get why knights had to do what they did, but she understood that in some way it was… good?

Astra Nielsen would go from a reclusive and bookish girl to a martial figure eager to practise fighting with a sword, a gun, and what else she could wield. The tutors were given plenty of time to teach her, and she would now be an eager student. The simpering servants proved tiresome, but she grew to tolerate them. A true knight respects her inferiors after all. The voices proved as irritating as ever, unfortunately.

As her mother began to decay, Astra increasingly knew her time to lead was near. While she was never close to her mother, she still mourned when Victoria passed away, and once the funeral was finished, she looked up to the skies.

The Dain was up there. So was Primus. There was this one word she found difficult to understand in the book, but now comprehended to the full.



Core Goal
The Crusade
The Dain still looms large. As the ever-faithful servant and conduct of Primus, Astra cannot let this stand. Thus she will authorise the Crusade against the destructive forces of ‘Harmony’ and liberate, in the name of the Ever-Loving Primus, the benighted and broken remnants of humanity, as well as seize once and for all, the lost Erth.

Erth, once portrayed as the hell from where humans fled, will now be portrayed as humanity’s ancient home, and while Primus granted us this bountiful Paradise, we have an obligation to free our old home from the tyranny, and turn it towards the light. The final victory over the Dain will be when we liberate the broken Erth and make it anew, erase his final hiding place on this material plane and make it a bastion of none other than Faith.

The Crusade is nothing but a war of the heavens, the ultimate struggle between Primus and the Dain, and every Nautilien should steel themselves for this. Erth awaits for us to bring the light of Primus to its people. It is our destiny. It has always been our destiny.

[Oh, if this war succeeds, there'll be a custodian order in place to manage Sol, firmly in Nautilien hands, but given enough autonomy to work off]

Secondary Goal 1
A New, Knightly, Order
Astra has long been concerned about the attitudes of the Nautilien elite to their lowers, and will seek to change this. Not via law. Law is the hard hammer. But through the way of the spirit. She will release the ‘Five Conclusions’, which will delineate what she believes to be the ideal Nautilien.

1. Primus wished for everyone to be cooperative and work within the society for its greater survival. In those times, this rule is more acute than ever as we head towards the ultimate struggle. Hence any behaviour that goes against social cohesion and unity is against Primus’ will.

2. Authority is key to social cohesion, and everyone must pay respect to their superior. Men must pay respect to women, lower castes to higher castes, and everyone to the High Calixte.

3. No one but the High Calixte is immune to the Dain’s influence, hence everyone else must be conscious of their behaviour to anyone else. Would they consider such to be warranted towards a superior, or even to the High Calixte? If not, then that is the Dain at work and they must cease.

4. The ideal Nautilien is someone who is willing to give everything for Primus, including their very life. The expression of utter sacrifice for Primus is one the Dain cannot manufacture.

5. Only the person involved and the High Calixte can see if someone’s soul is that of a man, or that of a woman. If there is any doubt, the High Calixte (untainted by the Dain) can perceive the reality.

Building off this, she will seek to cultivate a specific military order to recognise those soldiers who have fought bravely for Nautilia and for Primus – the Order of the Round Table. She will also grant membership in the order posthumously of course, to anyone who performed great acts of heroism for the Crusade and for Primus. No matter their caste. Chivalry knows no social order in her eyes.

Secondary Goal 2
The Quiet Revolution
Building off the Third Conclusion, Astra will seek to (after the Crusade, so this is null and void if she loses) implement her own reforms to the Consultatium. It would not seek to undermine the agreement made with her mother. It would however, seek to acknowledge further the people who fought for Primus by granting each of the Knights of the Round Table a spot on the Consultatium for life.

Of course, the agreement to maintain the ¼ rule will be maintained, and carried out in full. Even as the Consultatium expands to take in the new Knight-Consultants, the sortition number will be expanded.

The new Consultatium will be turned to to help the Consul fulfil the First Conclusion in full in peacetime, including policies that seek to encourage social cohesion and curb any growing threats. The Dain, obviously now that he has lost his unjust possession of Erth, has sent more nebulous threats to us, like disease, unemployment, etc. Every industry will see state support to return to its pre-war state, and even further!

Minor Goal 1
A Consul and a Funeral
Early on in her time in power, she will seek to complete her dear mother’s plans for a memorial to herself (which Astra considers slightly vain, but she won’t say such). It will be the only expense she seeks before the Crusade.

Minor Goal 2
Le Morte d'Astra
Unlike her mother, she will not seek to live forever. She will appoint a niece of hers as her heir, having no children of her own, and seek to train that niece as much as possible to be the new leader. Once she believes her time is somewhat near, she will make preparations for her own funeral.

It will not be a traditional Primusian funeral, but be a cremation like her mother's. Her body will be burnt, and the ashes scattered to the winds of Paradise. The person who will do the scattering will be specially chosen, a cleaner-caste orphan son of a posthumous Knight of the Round Table. If the preparations go well, he will scatter the ashes of Astra Nielsen on a windy day in front of a solemn audience.

She will make sure to write in her final letter that all this is the will of the Primus.

A cenotaph will be commissioned of course for the mausoleum her mother created.
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rando thing

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Tsundoku Tibby
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The Land of the Trembling Star (UK)
Washingtonian claimants to the American Empire - 1789-present
No. Someone else has, and there's conflicting claims, so no.

Adamsian claimants to the American Empire - 1797-present
John I (Adams) 1797-1826
John II and I (Adams) 1826-1848
[also claimant in his own right as John I from 1825]
Mary I (Adams) 1848-1859 [daughter of Prince John, who deceased before John II and I]
John III and II (Johnson) 1859-1938
William I (Johnson) 1938-1940
John IV and III (Johnson) 1940-1953
[brother of William I]
Winters (Johnson) 1953-2002
Eric (Johnson) 2002-present

Jeffersonian claimants to the American Empire - 1801-present
Thomas I (Jefferson) 1801-1826
Martha I (Jefferson) 1826-1836
Thomas II (Randolph) 1836-1875
George I (Randolph) 1875-1893
Francis I (Randolph) 1893-1922
[brother of George I]
Charlotte (Randolph) 1922-1935
Caroline (Rafferty) 1935-1995
Anne (Rafferty) 1995-2010
[sister of Caroline]
Sara (Barnes) 2010-present

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Tsundoku Tibby
Patreon supporter
The Land of the Trembling Star (UK)
Decided to do a quickie list of the Argentina governments. All those are broadly 'recognised' ones.

Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata - 1776-1814 (Spanish viceroyalty)
United Provinces of the Río de la Plata - 1810-1831
(monarchy, in personal union with Tawantinsuyu)
Argentine Confederation - 1831-1836 (monarchy, in personal union with Tawantinsuyu)
Argentine Confederation - 1836-1852 (theoretically 'regency', then republic after conclusion of civil war)
Argentine Kingdom - 1861-1880 (monarchy, in personal union with Tawantinsuyu)
Argentine Republic - 1880-1919 (parliamentary republic, then rule by executive decree from 1893)
Argentine Workers' Federation - 1919-1943 (workers' republic, theoretically anarchist, increasingly military-led)
Argentine State - 1943-1949 (military junta, theoretically 'transitional', fell in a civil war)
Argentine Republic - 1949-1955 (presidential republic, fell due to a coup)
Argentine State - 1955-1972 (military junta, then parliamentary republic, often propped up by Peruvian troops)
Argentine Republic - 1972-1978 (presidential republic)
Argentine State - 1978 (military junta)
Argentine People's Republic - 1978-1991 (communist dictatorship)
Argentine Transitional Government - 1991-1995 (shaky 'non-partisan' state)
Argentine Republic - 1995-present (parliamentary republic)

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Tsundoku Tibby
Patreon supporter
The Land of the Trembling Star (UK)
Monarchs of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland (-1920)
Victoria (Hanover) 1837-1901
Edward VII (Saxe-Coburg-Gotha) 1901-1910
George V (Saxe-Coburg-Gotha) 1910-1920

Monarchs of the Kingdoms of England, Scotland and Ireland (1920-1934)
Robert IV (Wittelsbach) 1920-1934
[also King of Bavaria]

Monarchs of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland (1934-)
George V (Saxe-Coburg-Gotha) 1934-


Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland (-1920)
Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury (Conservative) 1895-1902
Arthur Balfour (Conservative) 1902-1905

Edward Grey (Liberal) 1905-1918

Robert Crewe-Milnes, 1st Marquess of Crewe (Liberal) 1918-1920

Prime Ministers of the Kingdom of England (1920-1934)
Herbert Vivian ("Jacobite" Liberal) 1920-1927

Gilbert Baird Fraser (Tory) 1927-1931
Winston Churchill ("Jacobite" Liberal, then Liberal) 1931-1934

Prime Ministers of the Kingdom of Scotland (1920-1934)
Theodore Napier (Scottish Unionist) 1920-1924

Ruaraidh Erskine ("Jacobite" Liberal) 1924-1927
Reginald Lindesay-Bethune, 12th Earl of Lindsay (Scottish Unionist) 1927-1933
Noel Skelton (Scottish Unionist) 1933-1934

Prime Ministers of the Kingdom of Ireland (1920-1934)
W. B. Yeats (White Rose) 1920-1933
[symbolic: real power was in the "Jacobite Junto"]
William Redmond (Irish Parliamentary) 1933-1934

Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland (1934-)
Herbert Sackville, 9th Earl De La Warr (Liberal-Labour) 1934-

Write-up eventually coming. Hoping to submit this as part of the 10th challenge.