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Lists of Heads of Government and Heads of State

AnActualFam

Well-known member
Location
Somewhere at Sea
Pronouns
He/Him
A rather messy layout of a TL I was trying to figure out

Hello From The Gutters - America in the Age of the Satanic Panic

1974-1975: Gerry Ford/George Bush

- Replaced Richard Nixon following the Watergate Scandal.
- Assassinated by Squeaky Fromme, member of the Charles Manson cult.


1975-1985: George Bush/Abraham Beame
defeated Jimmy Carter/Walter Mondale
defeated
Gary Hart/Reubin Askew, John Anderson/Percy Greaves Jr.
- Opened a minor federal investigation into links between David Berkowitz and the Process Church of the Final Judgement. Subsequent revelations lead to widespread action against the Church of Scientology and the establishment of the Countercult Crimes Branch within the FBI.
- Mass suicide of the Peoples Temple cult in San Francisco results in unwarranted scepticism towards civil rights activism.
- Scandal involving illegal arms trade to Iran to fund the Contras is completely forgotten in wake of religious fervour.


1985-1989: Jerry Brown/Dick Lamm
defeated Abraham Beame/Bob Dole
- During governorship, launched Federal Guard offensive against the Rajneeshpuram following their terrorist attack in California.
- FBI began investigating links between John Wayne Gacy, Dean Corll and Elmer Wayne Henley in a possible satanic trafficking ring.
- Outrage over perceived 'interference' in the McMartin Preschool trial weakens trust in the Brown administration.


1989-1993: Pat Robertson/Trent Lott
defeated Jerry Brown/Dick Lamm
- Preacher with no political experience, ran on platform of 'moral hygiene' and traditional christian values.
- RNC Chairman Lawrence E. King, former National Security Advisor Donald Gregg and Republican lobbyist Craig Spence arrested as suspected trafficking ringleaders following the Franklin Credit Union scandal. Former President George Bush and former Chief of Staff Dick Cheney are subsequently named directly in testimony supplied by Paul Bonacci. Public opinion in the Republican party plummets. Verdict remains 'inconclusive' due to reported jury tampering.
- A sting-turned-siege at Ruby Ridge, Idaho leaves one entire family and seven US Marshals dead, mobilising domestic White Supremacist militias nationwide. Approval ratings reach single digits.


1993-2001: Art Bell/Joe Lieberman
defeated Trent Lott/Bob Dornan, Ted Gunderson/various
defeated Dan Quayle/Duke Cunningham,
Bo Gritz/various
- An independent probe is launched following the Waco massacre. Distrust in the government reaches an all-time high.
- Damien Echols, Jessie Misskelley Jr. and Jason Baldwin are sentenced to death in Arkansas following an apparent Satanic ritual murder.
- Ted Kaczynski mails his manifesto to FBI Director Louis Freeh, lauding the actions of "
welfare leaches, youth gangs, cultists, satanists, nazis, radical environmentalists, militiamen, etc.", resulting in greater government crackdowns on white militias.
- Oklahoma City Bombing and the Columbine High School Bombings occur in rapid succession, links involving satanism are purported for both.
- Attempted assassination of Vice President Gore by Aum Shinrikyo whilst attending the Asian Pacific Economic Forum leads to tightened military tensions.


2001-????: Ernie Chambers/Ralph Nader
defeated Joe Lieberman/Bob Kerrey, Alan Keyes/Joe Arpio, various minor parties
- first Independent to win the Presidency since George Washington.
- Y2K panic sees thousands commit acts of shooting, mass suicide and riots nationwide, despite lack of actual fault.
- Investigation into the Franklin scandal was set to be reopened prior to the September 11th Terrorist Attacks.
This might be one of the more interesting "Republican Party collapses" TLs I have seen. Chambers and Nader is an amazing ticket as well.
 

Anarcho-Occultist

Well-known member
A rather messy layout of a TL I was trying to figure out

Hello From The Gutters - America in the Age of the Satanic Panic

1974-1975: Gerry Ford/George Bush

- Replaced Richard Nixon following the Watergate Scandal.
- Assassinated by Squeaky Fromme, member of the Charles Manson cult.


1975-1985: George Bush/Abraham Beame
defeated Jimmy Carter/Walter Mondale
defeated
Gary Hart/Reubin Askew, John Anderson/Percy Greaves Jr.
- Opened a minor federal investigation into links between David Berkowitz and the Process Church of the Final Judgement. Subsequent revelations lead to widespread action against the Church of Scientology and the establishment of the Countercult Crimes Branch within the FBI.
- Mass suicide of the Peoples Temple cult in San Francisco results in unwarranted scepticism towards civil rights activism.
- Scandal involving illegal arms trade to Iran to fund the Contras is completely forgotten in wake of religious fervour.


1985-1989: Jerry Brown/Dick Lamm
defeated Abraham Beame/Bob Dole
- During governorship, launched Federal Guard offensive against the Rajneeshpuram following their terrorist attack in California.
- FBI began investigating links between John Wayne Gacy, Dean Corll and Elmer Wayne Henley in a possible satanic trafficking ring.
- Outrage over perceived 'interference' in the McMartin Preschool trial weakens trust in the Brown administration.


1989-1993: Pat Robertson/Trent Lott
defeated Jerry Brown/Dick Lamm
- Preacher with no political experience, ran on platform of 'moral hygiene' and traditional christian values.
- RNC Chairman Lawrence E. King, former National Security Advisor Donald Gregg and Republican lobbyist Craig Spence arrested as suspected trafficking ringleaders following the Franklin Credit Union scandal. Former President George Bush and former Chief of Staff Dick Cheney are subsequently named directly in testimony supplied by Paul Bonacci. Public opinion in the Republican party plummets. Verdict remains 'inconclusive' due to reported jury tampering.
- A sting-turned-siege at Ruby Ridge, Idaho leaves one entire family and seven US Marshals dead, mobilising domestic White Supremacist militias nationwide. Approval ratings reach single digits.


1993-2001: Art Bell/Joe Lieberman
defeated Trent Lott/Bob Dornan, Ted Gunderson/various
defeated Dan Quayle/Duke Cunningham,
Bo Gritz/various
- An independent probe is launched following the Waco massacre. Distrust in the government reaches an all-time high.
- Damien Echols, Jessie Misskelley Jr. and Jason Baldwin are sentenced to death in Arkansas following an apparent Satanic ritual murder.
- Ted Kaczynski mails his manifesto to FBI Director Louis Freeh, lauding the actions of "
welfare leaches, youth gangs, cultists, satanists, nazis, radical environmentalists, militiamen, etc.", resulting in greater government crackdowns on white militias.
- Oklahoma City Bombing and the Columbine High School Bombings occur in rapid succession, links involving satanism are purported for both.
- Attempted assassination of Vice President Gore by Aum Shinrikyo whilst attending the Asian Pacific Economic Forum leads to tightened military tensions.


2001-????: Ernie Chambers/Ralph Nader
defeated Joe Lieberman/Bob Kerrey, Alan Keyes/Joe Arpio, various minor parties
- first Independent to win the Presidency since George Washington.
- Y2K panic sees thousands commit acts of shooting, mass suicide and riots nationwide, despite lack of actual fault.
- Investigation into the Franklin scandal was set to be reopened prior to the September 11th Terrorist Attacks.
Oh nooo. This is going to get worse huh.
 

Excelsior

Active member
If you went to school at any time since the late 80s, you probably learned at some point that every president has shared his name with another. Now that we've got the first new presidential name in 80 years, let's look at all the presidential names ordered by frequency.

John (5): Jay, Marshall, Calhoun, McCain, Edwards
Charles (5): Adams, Hughes, Curtis, Dawes, McNary
Robert (4): La Follette, Taft, Kennedy, Dole
George (3): Washington, Clinton, Wallace
Thomas (3): Jefferson, Watson, Dewey
William (3): Crawford, Bryan, McAdoo
Henry (3): Clay, Wilson, Wallace
Winfield (3): Scott, Scott Hancock, Dunn
James (3): Blaine, Farley, Florio
Levi (2): Lincoln, Morton
Millard (2): Fillmore, Tydings
Hiram (2): Grant, Johnson
Benjamin (2): Butler, Harrison
Alfred (2): Smith, Landon
Huey (2): Long, Newton
Wendell (2): Willkie, Anderson
Kirsten (1): Gillibrand

I doubt our current president will have a name buddy any time soon, unless there's some new state senator on the rise that I haven't heard of.
 

Time Enough

"Enthusiastic Cis Male Partner"
Pronouns
He/Him
The Commonwealth Calls

1945-1949: Herbert Morrison (Labour)

1945 (Majority) def: Winston Churchill (Conservative), Archibald Sinclair (Liberal), Richard Acland (CommonWealth)
1949-1956: Anthony Eden (Conservative leading National Coupon)
1949 (‘National Coupon’) def: Herbert Morrison (Labour), Archibald Sinclair (Liberal), Richard Acland (CommonWealth), Megan Lloyd George (Radical)
1953 (Majority) def: Herbert Morrison (Labour), Archibald Sinclair (Liberal), John Loverseed-Honour Balfour (CommonWealth-Radical Alliance)

1956-1958: Rab Butler (Conservative leading National Coupon)
1958-1964: Evan Durbin (Labour)

1958 (Majority) def: Rab Butler (Conservative), Roedric Brown (Liberal), John Loverseed (CommonWealth)
1963 (Minority) def: Peter Thorneycroft (Conservative & National), Ernest Millington-Elaine Burton (CommonWealth)

1964-1968: Peter Thorneycroft (Conservative & National)
1964 (Majority) def: Evan Durbin (Labour), Ernest Millington-Elaine Burton (CommonWealth)
1968-1975: Anthony Crosland (Labour)
1968 (Majority) def: Peter Thorneycroft (Conservative & National), Elaine Burton (CommonWealth), Desmond Donnelly (National Democratic)
1972 (Majority) def: Julian Amery (Conservative & National), Illtyd Harrington (CommonWealth), Desmond Donnelly (National Democratic)

1975-1977: Eric Varley (Labour)
1977-1987: Peter Walker (Conservative)

1977 (Majority) def: Eric Varley (Labour), Illtyd Harrington (CommonWealth), Trevor Jones (Liberals 77’)
1981 (Majority) def: Eric Varley (Labour), Illtyd Harrington (CommonWealth), Trevor Jones (Liberals)
1986 (Minority) def: Shirley Williams (Labour), Hilary Wainwright-Viv Bingham (CommonWealth), Jerry Hayes (Liberals)

1987-: Shirley Williams (Labour)
1987 (Coalition with CommonWealth) def: Peter Walker (Conservative), Hilary Wainwright-Viv Bingham (CommonWealth), Jerry Hayes (Liberals)

The History of the Left in Britain has been one of a large Social Democratic Party having to deal with both the hegemony of the Conservative & National Party (later turned back into the Conservative’s following first the National Democratic and then Liberal 77’ splits) but also a Radical Democratic Socialist party on the side. A gaggle of Libertarian Socialists, Former Liberal Radicals and small c Communists, the CommonWealth party is a strange beast, United by a sense of Common Ownership, Industrial Democracy and Equal Rights for all.

The person that made the CommonWealth party what is today is probably Illtyd Harrington, who managed to cause a party which had been meandering in the 5-10 seat range to rocket to winning a incredible 42 seats in 1977 as discontent with the Labour Government reached it’s peak. Even in the 81 election that number would only go down by 2 as Walker stormed through.

This stationary total of around 40 would become a big bear towards forming a new government in 1986/87 in the aftermath of those elections, eventually leading to Shirley Williams forming the ‘First True Democratic Government’ with promises of Industrial Democracy and Electoral Reform on the cards.
 

Major Crimson

Here occasionally and quietly
The Commonwealth Calls

1945-1949: Herbert Morrison (Labour)

1945 (Majority) def: Winston Churchill (Conservative), Archibald Sinclair (Liberal), Richard Acland (CommonWealth)
1949-1956: Anthony Eden (Conservative leading National Coupon)
1949 (‘National Coupon’) def: Herbert Morrison (Labour), Archibald Sinclair (Liberal), Richard Acland (CommonWealth), Megan Lloyd George (Radical)
1953 (Majority) def: Herbert Morrison (Labour), Archibald Sinclair (Liberal), John Loverseed-Honour Balfour (CommonWealth-Radical Alliance)

1956-1958: Rab Butler (Conservative leading National Coupon)
1958-1964: Evan Durbin (Labour)

1958 (Majority) def: Rab Butler (Conservative), Roedric Brown (Liberal), John Loverseed (CommonWealth)
1963 (Minority) def: Peter Thorneycroft (Conservative & National), Ernest Millington-Elaine Burton (CommonWealth)

1964-1968: Peter Thorneycroft (Conservative & National)
1964 (Majority) def: Evan Durbin (Labour), Ernest Millington-Elaine Burton (CommonWealth)
1968-1975: Anthony Crosland (Labour)
1968 (Majority) def: Peter Thorneycroft (Conservative & National), Elaine Burton (CommonWealth), Desmond Donnelly (National Democratic)
1972 (Majority) def: Julian Amery (Conservative & National), Illtyd Harrington (CommonWealth), Desmond Donnelly (National Democratic)

1975-1977: Eric Varley (Labour)
1977-1987: Peter Walker (Conservative)

1977 (Majority) def: Eric Varley (Labour), Illtyd Harrington (CommonWealth), Trevor Jones (Liberals 77’)
1981 (Majority) def: Eric Varley (Labour), Illtyd Harrington (CommonWealth), Trevor Jones (Liberals)
1986 (Minority) def: Shirley Williams (Labour), Hilary Wainwright-Viv Bingham (CommonWealth), Jerry Hayes (Liberals)

1987-: Shirley Williams (Labour)
1987 (Coalition with CommonWealth) def: Peter Walker (Conservative), Hilary Wainwright-Viv Bingham (CommonWealth), Jerry Hayes (Liberals)

The History of the Left in Britain has been one of a large Social Democratic Party having to deal with both the hegemony of the Conservative & National Party (later turned back into the Conservative’s following first the National Democratic and then Liberal 77’ splits) but also a Radical Democratic Socialist party on the side. A gaggle of Libertarian Socialists, Former Liberal Radicals and small c Communists, the CommonWealth party is a strange beast, United by a sense of Common Ownership, Industrial Democracy and Equal Rights for all.

The person that made the CommonWealth party what is today is probably Illtyd Harrington, who managed to cause a party which had been meandering in the 5-10 seat range to rocket to winning a incredible 42 seats in 1977 as discontent with the Labour Government reached it’s peak. Even in the 81 election that number would only go down by 2 as Walker stormed through.

This stationary total of around 40 would become a big bear towards forming a new government in 1986/87 in the aftermath of those elections, eventually leading to Shirley Williams forming the ‘First True Democratic Government’ with promises of Industrial Democracy and Electoral Reform on the cards.
>20+ Years of post war Labour government
>A C L A N D
>Successful CommonWealth
>Industrial Democracy
>Electoral Reform led by Labour
>"First True Democratic Government"

1622507091816.png



Honestly its just nice to read a PMs list that doesn't make me sad.
 

Tsar of New Zealand

Fear, Loathing, and 16 Tons of Number 9 Coal
Location
Where people are one and they get things done
Pronouns
He/him/his
I want to see more of these Turtledove decon-recons

A Thoroughfare for Freedom

Presidents of the United States of America


1913 - 1924: Theodore Roosevelt (Unionist)
1912 (with Thomas Marshall) def. Eugene Debs / Robert La Follette (Labor), William Bryan / Eugene Foss (Populist)
1916 (as National Union supported by Populist, Prohibition) (with Thomas Marshall) def. Eugene Debs / William Green (Labor)
1920 (with Warren Harding †) def. Hiram Johnson / Lynn Frazier (Labor), Gilbert Hitchcock / Arthur Townley (Populist)

1924 - 1925: Henry L. Stimson (Unionist)
1925 - 0000: Upton Sinclair (Labor)
1924 (with J. Griffith Chaney) def. Leonard Wood / Frank Lowden (Unionist), Walter M. Pierce / Prescott F. Hall (Populist)

Presidents of the Confederate States of America

1910 - 1916: Thomas Woodrow Wilson (Democratic)
1909 (with Gabriel Semmes) def. John M. Parker / Henry W. Grady (Radical Liberal)
1916 - 1922: Gabriel Semmes (Democratic)
1915 (with Joseph C. S. Blackburn) def. Jose Arango / Louis Brandeis (Radical Liberal)
1922 - 1923: Jacob Featherston (Freedom)
1921 (with William Knight) def. Wade Hampton V / William B. Bankhead (Democratic), Ainsworth Layne / Plutarco Elías Calles (Radical Liberal)

1923 - c. 1924 (DISPUTED): "The Punitive Expedition" and The Backwoods War
1923 - ????: Jacob Featherston (Freedom) ['Legitimist' or 'Phantom' Government]
1923 (Aug - Dec)(claimed): William Knight (Freedom) ['Redeemer' or 'Usurper' Government]
1923 (Aug - Nov): James Ewell Brown Stuart II (C.S. Army leading Government of National Reconciliation) ['Reconciliation' or 'Traitor' Government]


1923 - 1925: William B. Bankhead ('Reconciliationist' Democratic) †
1923: Presidential Succession Act 1923 provides for contingent Presidential and Vice-Presidential elections in case of dual vacancy
1923 emergency presidential contingent election: William B. Bankhead (Democratic, 9 votes) def. Joseph T. Robinson (Radical Liberal, 3 votes),
abstentions (Mississippi, South Carolina)
1925 - 0000: Westmoreland Davis (Democratic)



While the Treaty of Arlington and Redemptionism are usually (correctly) identified as the structural causes of the Punitive Expedition and the Bloody Twenties that followed, it was the Kimball Scandal of October 1920 that lit the tinder. Public outrage in the U.S. gave Roosevelt a slender majority, though he remained saddled with a Labor-dominated Congress. He then successfully demanded the extradition of Roger Kimball, whose execution in turn inflamed Confederate Redemptionism, allowing Jake Featherston to ride a wave of nationalist fury all the way to the Gray House in November 1921.

Having only existed since the Armistice, the Freedom Party lacked much Congressional presence, or for that matter much in the way of a policy platform beyond rearming and (somehow) making the nation great again. With the Red Rebellions beaten down by 1919, such a plan as existed was to use the Mexican Civil War as a proving ground for new tactics, training, and technology, to rebuild the C.S. Army and learn how to fight and win a modern war.

What actually happened was that Roosevelt shipped Colonel Zapata trainloads of Army surplus as Featherston found that the easy cash from London and Paris had dried up and - most importantly - the average Mexican despised the Confederates and everyone who sucked up to them.

By the 1923 midterms, the Imperial Government was on the run, the Geronimo Legion was in captivity or the grave, U.S. 'advisors' stood on the Rio Grande, the CS grayback was plummeting, the Democrat-held Senate kept on blocking the President's public works plans, and a sense that events were conspiring to keep the South from rising again. Something needed to be done to save the nation's honour, and Featherston had the perfect idea: stop paying reparations. Roosevelt could meddle in Mexico all he liked, but the cowardly Reds in Congress would never have the stomach for a real war, not with the U.S. Army tied down from the Rappahannock to the Yukon.

For a moment, it seemed like it was working. The U.S. Ambassador sent some sternly-worded letters, the Arbitration Board wrung their hands, and little else happened for two months. Then Teddy took the gloves off, and a lot of things started happening very quickly.

The Punitive Expedition was not, Roosevelt stressed, a war. A war required Congressional approval, the commitment of millions of men under arms, and a national sacrifice of blood and treasure. The Expedition was simply a police action to remind the Confederates of the obligations they had agreed to in 1916. The distinction was lost on the Confederates, who simply saw a Yankee invasion.

For all Featherston's bluster, the vestigial C.S. Army was brushed aside by a few divisions of Pershing's finest, striding toward Richmond. As Congress reconvened to discuss terms and found General Stuart's loyalists blocking the doors, and USS Remembrance anchored off Hampton Roads with what seemed like half the U.S. Navy, Featherston had the good sense to leave Richmond by the backdoor and disappear into the backwoods.

From there, things got messy. Pershing had neither the reach nor the mandate nor the will to apprehend the vanished President, but was eventually able to squeeze renewed reparations payments from the Confederacy. On the other side, the interim government under General Stuart that agreed to these terms then faced the task of building itself enough legitimacy to govern as Featherston (or somebody doing a good job of pretending to be him; nobody has seen Featherston in person since 1925, though the voice on the wireless is, his acolytes claim, unmistakably his) resurfaced in Mississippi, preaching resistance. Some hastily-written legislation was forced through and a new President and Vice-President elected by Congress, who then implemented Stuart's "recommendations" on how to conduct the counterinsurgency campaign.

By 1926, the situation had attained a fragile stability, give or take a dead President, even if the 1925 midterms had had to be "curated" and wide areas outside the towns in the Deep South remained no-go areas for the Federal Government. The Davis Administration had regained a tenuous grip on the situation and things were improving, just in time for the 1927 elections. It was unclear if the President could run for re-election but, whoever the Democrats stood, it was imperative that they win a convincing mandate to put the legitimacy question to bed once and for all. Provided there were no further setbacks, they ought to be able to keep the Rad Libs and the myriad feuding successors of the Freedom Party at bay.

That summer, heavy rain began falling in the Cumberland Valley, and spread across the Mississippi basin. The levees had been neglected through three wars and a depression, but should hold out if the wet season were within normal bounds.

It would not stop raining for another nine months.
 

Time Enough

"Enthusiastic Cis Male Partner"
Pronouns
He/Him
>20+ Years of post war Labour government
More because Labour is more Centrist in tone for longer. Think just eternal Croslandism versus the Jayites essentially as the argument of the day.
>A C L A N D
>Successful CommonWealth
>Industrial Democracy
>Electoral Reform led by Labour
>"First True Democratic Government"
A successful Commonwealth that isn’t just ‘Bennites or CND plus’. Also I used Shirley Williams because she had discussed the idea of Industrial Democracy and Social Market ideals in the Social Democratic manifesto and was definitely on the Left of that party.

Essentially Britain turns into a rather, European style Social Democracy in the long run.
 

Sideways

"A classic of the genre" --Kathleen Stock
Published by SLP
Location
Teignmouth, Devon
Pronouns
She/Her
Part I: The Birth of the Federation
pacific201-05.jpg
The Integrity Class, launched 2295, represents the first Starfleet vessel to outperform Vulcan ships of the same type. In doing so it established Starfleet as the premier space force within the UFP.

2162-2164: Thomas Vanderbilt (Human)
"The most boring father of any nation in galactic history"

Earth's former defense secretary was responsible for the Daedalus Project during the Romulan War, which gave Earth a cheap, modular, fast to build starship.

He was an expansionist and a military man, who bought Vega Colony and Rigel into the Federation, expanding it to seven members.

Vanderbilt was elected by the council rather than the people, and was always seen as an administrator rather than someone whose personality defined the Federation.

2164-2172: Haroun al-Rashid (Human)
"His vision of a united and harmonious federation survived the brutality of interstellar realpolitiks, for months."

Earth's first Federation Council member was elected in a close election on a Federalist ticket against Anlenthoris ch'Vhendreni - they represented opposing visions of the Federation - Rashid's was federal, united, and peaceful. Thoris wanted an alliance of mutual defence. Under Rashid, the Federation Cuncil began meeting permanently and mechanisms for monetary exchange were established to allow capitalist and post-scarcity communities to interact. This was meant to be a transitional step towards a combined economic policy, but the early dominance of Federalists instead created a working but loose federal structure that they were never able to unify much further.

The Earth Kzinti Wars of 2169-2173 demonstrated the Federation's failure as a defensive organisation. Earth colonies were attacked without the support of the fleets from other worlds, who viewed the Earth colonies as aggressors for moving into former Kzinti space and disrupting the slave trade. The Kzinti were already a society in decline but the war was still an existential threat to the Federation - what the organisation meant was deeply threatened by its inability to act with unity.

2172-2176: T'Maran (Vulcan)
"The Vulcan who accidentally invented starfleet"

The election of a Planetaryist dismayed Earth, which voted by an absolute majority for their own, Federalist, candidate. But the other member species were tired of the Federation being ran from Earth, by Earth and for Earth. Of course, announcing this didn't make the primary political problem go away - Earth had been attacked and nobody had defended it. A unified fleet was needed but the Planetaryists saw this as a step towards the Federation becoming an actual state, which was something they did not want.

The answer was simple, and terrible - Earth wanted a unified fleet, and the other planets feared the formation of an overarching military organisation. Since the Romulan Wars, Earth's Starfleet had become a majority non-military organisation. Therefore, the military wing of Starfleet was separated into a small Earth Defense Force, and the other member planets opted to pay in a small amount to Starfleet. Earth had, and was the primary people to pay for, a combined fleet that only it wanted, and it was avowedly non-military. The idea was that it would never be better armed or prepared than the fleets of the member states, but could render assistance where needed.

On paper, this came to be seen as the point when Earth became, permanently, the capitol of the Federation. But at the time it wasn't seen like that. Earth had just lost 90% of its fleet in the creation of a joint run organisation that was neither as well funded as the Andorians and Tellarites, nor as technologically advanced as the Vulcans. And at the same time, the concept of a joint Federation military had been put to rest permanently. T'Maran was pleased with the logic of the solution.

T'Maran also moved the office of the President to Vulcan, and was the last president to attempt this. The oppressive heat of the city of ShirKahr made things impossible for the Andorian and Tellarite delegations and difficult for the Humans. It became a tradition for the president to build an official presidential residence on their home planet, but they never again permanently hosted the Office of the President

2176-2184: Avaranthi sh'Rothress (Andorian)
"The Andorian Compromise"

Avaran was elected to pursue a moderate path between the Planetaryism of Vulcan, Andoria and Tellar and the growing federalism of their fringe worlds but he had grand ambitions. He had noted that as the Federation's members expanded populations mingled and trade became more easy. There was, therefore, a permanent drive towards federalism. He predicted it could be stemmed by welcoming new member worlds into the Federation, who would be distant, more distinct, and keen to maintain their own independence. Avaran's expansion would take in five new worlds, but he would only oversee two entreants - the Loktarians and the Denobulans but the general logic - of an expanding Federation being a looser Federation, would continue.

Avaran's Ice Palace is one of the grandest presidential residences and has, as yet, not been utilised by any Vulcan president.

2184-2192: Jonathan Archer (Human)
"The Human Planetaryist."

Opinion is divided on whether Archer was a Planetaryist or a Federalist and his administration is seen by some as the point where the initial dichotomy of Federation politics broke down. He pursued policies of expansion and cultural distinctiveness, and frequently deferred to Earth's Prime Minister on internal matters. On the other hand, he saw Starfleet as central to the Federation's diplomacy and defense and began work on the Integrity Class - the first Starfleet ship that could match the Vulcans technologically.

During his time in power the Federation expanded to include the Ithenites, Makusians, Caitians, and Rigellians. The Caitians required a second conflict to free them from the Kzinti and in this Archer rallied support from the whole Federation and reduced the Kzinti to a small, compulsorily de-militarised minor power. Rigel was a more difficult win. The system came with multiple worlds and a GDP comparable to the entire rest of the Federation. It's entry meant that Rigellian vessels suddenly passing through Vulcan space with impunity and almost bought the two planets to war.

Archer, ever the explorer, was uninterested with the state of the Federation behind his frontiers, seeing them as the business of individual governments.

2192-2196: Greshlahrigm (Tellarite)
"The man who saved the Federation and hated every minute of it"

Over four years Greshlahrigm spent much of his time negotiating a deal between Rigel and Vulcan, Vulcan and Andor, Earth and its colonies and, in general, everyone and everyone. He was indefatigable, literally. Tellarites can manage on eight hours sleep in a thirty six hour day, but Greshlahrigm was a polyphasic sleeper and managed on about four. He also never adapted to Paris' sleep schedule. This meant that nobody was ever sure when he'd be awake, and whenever he was awake he might show up. In the space of four years he attended something like 20,000 meetings and had a bank of administrators simply to get him on the table.

His interactions were not always welcome, long, or thought through, but he did ensure that every decision made, every internal diplomatic matter, involved the office of the president. The result was, at best, people being forced to pull together for the common good rather than reaching bipartisan deals. At worst he gave the various planetary factions a common enemy.

Greshlahrigm advocated strongly for more military funding for Starfleet while by the time he left office it was still less well funded that the Rigellian Imperial Navy, new ship designs and technological developments made it the most effective military in the Federation.

It is impossible to characterise Greshlahrigm as a Federalist or Palanetaryist. The labels were breaking down in any case as planet turned against planet, and he was, mostly, indiscriminate in who he shouted at.What was clear was that the various schirmishes between Federation members had been extinguished, by sheer force of personality. Greshlahrigm refused to stand for a second term, declaring that the Federation was a doomed project and anyone who tried to prove him wrong is a naive imbecile who shouldn't be allowed to run a bath. He refused to move out of the new presidential residence on Tellar until his death, in 2205.
 

Sideways

"A classic of the genre" --Kathleen Stock
Published by SLP
Location
Teignmouth, Devon
Pronouns
She/Her
A successful Commonwealth that isn’t just ‘Bennites or CND plus’. Also I used Shirley Williams because she had discussed the idea of Industrial Democracy and Social Market ideals in the Social Democratic manifesto and was definitely on the Left of that party.
I love the way your lists always feel like every single person is perfectly chosen and curated and so often phresh. You are right in meshing multiple ideologies into Common Wealth and it creates something really interesting. Especial favoured pick here is Elaine Burton, who is, of course, the murder superfan who tried to marry Charles Manson while he was in prison and I'm certain this is the Elaine Burton you meant
 

Bolt451

BOOK IT, TONY!
Location
Sandford, Gloucestershire
Pronouns
She/Her
The OTHER other electoral reform POD
2007-2012: Gordon brown (Labour & Lib Dem coalition)

Gordon Brown’s gamble to hold an election the autumn after he became Labour leader was a success insofar as he remained in No. 10. A series of gaffes meant he lost any lead he had over the summer but the world wasn’t quite in love with David Cameron either. Instead Nick Clegg was the golden boy of this election, wowwing the public in the party leader’s debate against the surly Brown and inauthentic Cameron. Despite losing the popular vote to the Conservatives, Labour came out the biggest party on 304 seats but quite a distance from a majority. Instead they turned to the Liberal Democrats and their 61 seats to form a coalition.

2008 Electoral Reform Referendum: STV: 51% FPTP: 49%

Ten percent of the seats on twenty four percent of the vote. The Lib Dems were screaming for electoral reform and it was their main demand from Labour who begrudgingly accepted, assuming Single Transferable Vote would be unpopular. In fact the no campaign pushed its campaign that at the time of financial instability we don’t need a new electoral system. This was something the odd bedfellows of Nick Clegg and Nigel Farage pushed back at. They hooked onto a populist current, demanding a greater say for the Lib Dems and UKIP, the latter of whom were rising in the polls ahead of the 2009 European elections. A surprising number of Conservatives backed STV after the mismatch between votes and seats in the last election and the party backed the system by a narrow margin in May 2008.

Brown and Darling (and Chief Secretary to the Treasury, Vince Cable) reacting to the financial crisis was okay. Nothing mind blowing or controversial. They bailed out the banks when needed and invested in recovering the economy but this left them open to attacks on two matters. Not enough was being done to punish the bankers who caused the crisis (the Lib Dem proposal of a transaction tax was voted down by Labour and the Conservatives) and any dramatic proposals coming out of the ascending Green Party were ignored. They were also spending a LOT of money as Theresa May was very quick to point out on any opportunity and this wounded the reds and oranges in a way they never recovered from. Trimming the fat of government was the mood of the day and it carried Theresa May into Downing Street, but she wasn’t alone.

2012-2017: Theresa May (Conservative & UKIP Minority Coalition)

Fatigue with fifteen years of Labour and general disatisfaction with the Status Quo (at least as represented by Labour and the Lib Dems) was enough to get Theresa May into power. Under the new system the Greens rose to over fourty seats and UKIP to almost three digits. Theresa May formed a formal coalition with UKIP (with Nigel Farage as Deputy Prime Minister) with supply and confidence variously with Plaid Cymru, UUP the DUP and various independence for increased spending on Wales, Northern Ireland and various pet projects.

UKIP Agreed to the Conservative platform of austerity in exchange for a referendum on the UK’s membership of the European Union

2013: UK EU Membership referendum 53% Remain 47% Leave

With Ed Miliband, Theresa May, Ed Davey and Caroline Lucas all campaigning on the same side alongside others such as Mayor of London Boris Johnson and First Ministers Alex Salmond and Carwyn Jones there was a reasonably united front against leave who was spearheaded by Nigel Farage and several pro-leave Tories. In the end the leavers were in the minority but by a closer amount that predicted by the polls.

Various voices in UKIP called for them to withdraw from the coalition but Farage held firm despite an increasing number of rebellious backbenchers over the years following. Several MPs just moved to the Tories but more crossed the floor to form their own parties such as the Patriot Party, One Nation and a slight revival in the BNP who had secured a single seat at the last election. To maintain the government May reached out to each of the parties in turn and made bigger and bigger concessions to each party involved, affecting their austerity plan and alienating their more centrist supporters. This in turn lead to several MPs leaving to form the “National Liberal” party under Nick Boles. The Nat Libs alongside several of the UKIP splinter parties would support a Labour vote of no confidence in the summer of 2016 when the Tories refused to concede legislation to them and this new, chaotic Commons went to the polls.


2016-2021: Ed Miliband (Labour-Lib Dem-Green coalition)

Under STV Labour were never going to win a majority but they still had momentum as one of the two top tier parties (the second tier got more vague with the splintering of UKIP and the rise of the Greens). What Labour-Tory swing voters there still were under STV swung towards Labour and they were helped to the role of biggest party by a fractured right (and centre-right, to the Lib Dems’ benefit). What they had suffered with however was being outflanked on the left from the Greens who had set themselves up as the party of dissatisfaction with austerity and the status quo. When the dust settled they had just shy of two hundred seats with the Lib Dems and Greens on just over a hundred seats. In the send rather than try and pick which party to form a coalition with and which to speak to on supply and confidence they decided to form a broad, 399 seat coalition that was broadly anti austerity and pro environment. Labours more centrist (or as some would say, right wing). To some Lib Dems’ annoyance a 50% rate on earnings over £150,000 was introduced. A transaction tax would finally be introduced and the bedroom tax was to be scrapped. In the area of left wing populism a 20:1 maximum wage would be introduced in the public sector. Funding for the NHS and Social care was to be increasedWhile scrapping tuition fees (a Green policy) wasn’t introduced grants were brought back and further increases in fees were scrapped. The minimum wage was introduced to £10 and free childcare expanded on a platform of getting Britons working. The Greens, unsurprisingly were given the Environment and Energy briefs and the “Traffic Light Government” would ensure that 60% of uk energy would come from zero carbon or renewable sources by 2030. To the green party’s annoyance however the government would go ahead with new nuclear power stations. Another area of contention was the support for HS2, like nuclear power it was an area Labour and the Lib Dems could rely on default Tory support. Other areas such as reform of the Gender Recognition Act got through with support of "friendly" opposition parties such as PC or the Alliance.

The government was quite popular and the Tory party (and the broader right) still in disarray. As the UK entered the 2020s and with just over a year until the next election. Things were looking bright for the Traffic Light Coalition
 
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Time Enough

"Enthusiastic Cis Male Partner"
Pronouns
He/Him
I love the way your lists always feel like every single person is perfectly chosen and curated and so often phresh. You are right in meshing multiple ideologies into Common Wealth and it creates something really interesting. Especial favoured pick here is Elaine Burton, who is, of course, the murder superfan who tried to marry Charles Manson while he was in prison and I'm certain this is the Elaine Burton you meant
I use Gay Labour superstar Illtyd Harrington as leader of the Commonwealth party and this is the thanks I get, oy.
 

Time Enough

"Enthusiastic Cis Male Partner"
Pronouns
He/Him
An idea for a Story setting;

Leaders of the Nottingham Municipal Corporation Board:
1907-1930: Sir Jesse Boot, 1st Baron of Trent (Liberal endorsed by Progressives & Liberal-Labour)

1907 def: Tom Proctor (Labour), Henry Cavendish-Bentinck (Conservative)
1917 def: Seymour Cocks (Ind. Labour), George Jarrett (National Democratic)
1927 def: Seymour Cocks (Labour), Cecil Caporn (Conservative)

1930-1948: John Campbell Boot, 2nd Baron of Trent (Independent endorsed by Conservative & Liberal)
1930 def: Frank Cousins (Labour), Leslie Hale (Municipal Reform), D.H. Lawrence (Social Credit)
1940 def: Hugh Lawson (Ind. Labour), Leslie Hale (Municipal Reform), Geoffrey Trease (Ind. Socialist endorsed by CPGB)

1948-: Henry Norman Smith (Labour-Municipal Reform)
1948 def: Frank Markham (Independent National), John Peck (CPGB)

The idea is a simple one, Jesse Boot, owner of the Boots Pharmacy Corporation and a donor to the Liberal Party, decides that he could also achieve good through the Municipal running of Nottingham City and essentially uses his connections to buy out Nottingham City Council and turn it into the Nottingham Municipal Board which is mainly ran on Corporatist grounds with very little Democratic input apart Board elections.

Whilst the Socialists of Labour try to break up the corporate stranglehold on Nottingham City and the Conservatives use it as a way to promote there own candidates across Nottinghamshire (before just deciding to support John Boot), the Boots continue to win, with there promises of Social Welfare and Medical Insurance easily appealing to the public who vote for kindly coporstist family who have been a stable of Nottinghamshire.

Things change in 1948, as the Boots finally leave the Board and the opposition finally nominate a candidate who promises Reform and Left Wing values with Henry Norman Smith who runs on a fusion ticket, his only opposition being the tired remnants of the National Government and a young fiery Communist.

The Attlee Government hopes that Smith running Nottingham will ensure a return to normality, but Smith, an advocate of Social Credit, Left Wing causes and one of the few opposed to the Bretton-Woods system that is emerging has his own ideas on the future of Nottingham...
 
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iupius

Is it future or is it past?
Elderly singles in YOUR area!

Presidents of the Commonwealth of Great Britain and Northern Ireland since 1999

1999-2004: Betty Boothroyd (Independent)
1999 def. Robert Kilroy-Silk (Independent), Rhodes Boyson (Independent), Arthur Scargill (Socialist Labour)
2004-2009: Michael Heseltine (Conservative)
2004 def. Frank Dobson (Labour), Paddy Ashdown (Liberal Democrats), Nigel Farage (UKIP), Robert Kilroy-Silk (Independent)
2009-2014: Malcolm Rifkind (Conservative)
2009 def. Glenda Jackson (Labour), Paddy Ashdown (Liberal Democrats)
2014-2019: Margaret Beckett (Labour)
2014 def. Alan Haselhurst [replacing Malcolm Rifkind] (Conservative), Peter Whittle (UKIP), Derek Wall (Green)
2019-2020: Anne Widdecombe (Brexit) *
2019 def. Simon Hughes (Liberal Democrats), Maxine Peake (Labour), Andrew Boff (Conservative), Derek Wall (Green)
2020-2021: Damian Green (Conservative), Acting
2020; Presidential election postponed due to Coronavirus pandemic
2021-0000: William Hague (Conservative)
2021 def. Harriet Harman (Labour), Molly Scott Cato (Green), Simon Hughes (Liberal Democrats), Piers Corbyn (Independent)

Buckingham Palace fucks up the response to Diana’s death even worse than OTL, and results in Blair smashing the glass and holding a referendum on the future of the monarchy. It passes (barely), and Betty Boothroyd sails into Clarence House without the need for transfers. Her boredom in the role results in her declining to seek re-election, and leads to the first partisan presidential campaign in 2004, although most of the attention was on Kilroy’s vanity bid as Heseltine easily dispatches Frank Dobson. An ill-timed heart attack convinces Heseltine to follow in his predecessor’s footsteps, and Cameron’s worries about nominating John Major leads to the relative calm presidency of another 90s Tory cabinet minister.

Rifkind’s cash-for-access scandal breaks just as his re-election campaign is heating up, and he suspends his bid after CCHQ throws him overboard. Alan Haselhurst tries his best, bless him, but Margaret Beckett sails into office as everyone tries to ignore that Farage would almost certainly have made the second round if he’d stood. Everyone seems prepared to let President Beckett trundle along, right up until the UK votes to leave the European Union and Miliband’s membership reforms result in her unexpected reselection defeat to a True Believer.

It was just poor luck that the 2019 campaign came when it did. Brexit remained stubbornly unresolved, both the PM and the leader of the opposition remained deeply unpopular, and the public had a populist itch that needed scratching. An attempt by the PM to postpone the election until the autumn was roundly shouted down, and the victory of Ann Widdecombe is generally accepted as the death knell for Johnson’s ailing premiership. Not that Widdecombe’s tenure in the top seat would last that long.

The Conservative landslide, the beginning of the pandemic, the imposing of the biggest restrictions on normal life in living memory. That was the plan, at least, right up until President Widdecombe refused to sign various pieces of lockdown legislation and prompted another constitutional crisis. Unlike in the United States though, as even witness testimony proved unable to bring down Donald Trump, it proved surprisingly easy to impeach a British president. A two-thirds vote in the Commons – many noted the slight smirk on the PM’s face when she called the decision a "regrettable act" – sent Widdecombe packing just a year into her tenure, and the succession clause in the 1999 legislation saw Damian Green fill in as acting president. The election wouldn’t come within six months as scheduled, however, due to emergency measures pushed through by the government’s substantial majority.

Keir Starmer’s leadership is on the line after the elections last month. The Tories swept through the north and William Hague won on the first ballot. It’s not a good time to be on the left, although we can be grateful that Jacob Rees-Mogg’s application for the Conservative nomination didn’t gain any traction.
 
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claybaskit

Well-known member
George Rhumes Independent Eugene Mcarthy
Def: Robert Francis Kennedy Democratic John Connloy
Richard M. Nixon Republican John Volpe

George Rhumes was born in 1924 . became Governor of Alabama in 1958. famous for his segregation never speech.
 

Edmund

政治ギャル、永田町を叱る!
Location
Tynemouth
Pronouns
he/him
"Here were dreadful forewarnings come over the land of Northumbria, and woefully terrified the people: these were amazing sheets of lightning and whirlwinds, and fiery dragons were seen flying in the sky."

1955-1979: Mylnhus Francssun Nicssun (Folclic)

1955. In this year the Northumbrians chose Mylnhus Francssun Nicssun as their leod, and he expelled the Mercians from their land.
1963. In this year leod Nicssun cancelled September's choosing, and led an army to Munster, where he slew that country's king Eóin Ó Cinnéide.
1964. In this year Nicssun won choosing unanimously, so awed were the Northumbrians by his feats.
1965. In this year Nicssun won choosing unanimously.
1973. In this year the former leod of the Northumbrians died at his estate, and Nicssun won choosing unanimously.
1974. In this year Nicssun led an army to Deira and slew Haraldr Vilhjálmrsson.
1978. In this year Nicssun won choosing unanimously.

1979-1984: Yacob Yacobssun Wægnere (Scipfyrd)

1979. In this year in the land of the Northumbrians the heretoga Yacob Yacobssun Wægnere overthrew the tyrant Nicssun, who had many times falsely claimed leodship of that people, and citing the threat still posed by the late tyrant's loyalists cancelled September's choosing
1980. In this year Wægnere, citing the threat still posed by the late tyrant's loyalists, again cancelled September's choosing.
1983. In this year Wægnere, citing the threat still posed by the late tyrant's loyalists, again cancelled September's choosing.

1984-1994: Hreodleah Francssun Pehting (Rihtnes)

1984. In this year the Northumbrians overthrew the tyrant Wægnere, and chose the democratic activist Hreodleah Francssun Pehting as their leod.
1985. In this year Pehting won choosing.
1989. In this year the cathedral at Hexham burned and was rebuilt.

1994-1994: Lintun Lintunssun Leah (Rihtnes)

1994. In this year the Northumbrians chose Lintun Lintunssun Leah to succeed their leod Hreodleah Francssun Pehting.
1995. In this year Leah raised many new taxes, and sent an army to Illyria.
1997. In this year Leah sent an army to Mesopotamia.

1998-1998: Yasmin Palsdohtor Hrothgaring (Cnihtengild)
 
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Time Enough

"Enthusiastic Cis Male Partner"
Pronouns
He/Him
Political History of Dermot Arthur (From 1979-2001)
1979-1983: Nottingham City Councillor, Byron Ward, Labour

1979 def: Small G. (Conservative)
1983 (Kilbourne G., Conservative) def: Dermot A. (Labour), Warrington P. (Alliance)

1979-1983: Chairman of Transport for Nottingham City Council
1983-1984: Private Citizen, Labour
1984-1987: PPC for Nottingham East, Labour
1987-2001: Member of Parliament for Nottingham East, Labour

1987 def: Michael Knowles (Conservative), Stephen Parkhouse (Liberal), Kenan Malik (Red Front)
1991 def: Gary S. Mond (Conservative), Timothy Ball (Liberal Democrats), Andrew Jones (Green), Mark Roylance (Liberal), John Ashforth (Natural Law)
1992 def: Gary S. Mond (Conservative), Timothy Ball (Liberal Democrats), John Peck (Green)
1997 def: Andrew Raca (Conservative), Kevin Mulloy (Liberal Democrats), Dave Cook (Leeds Left Alliance), Alan Sked (Anti-Federalist League)

1988-1990: PPS for Kevin McNamara
1990-1991: Shadow Secretary for Northern Ireland
1991-1994: Northern Ireland Secretary
1994-1997: Secretary of State for International Development and Cooperation
1997-1998: Shadow Secretary for International Development and Cooperation


—///—

1979-1988: Margaret Thatcher (Conservative)
1979 (Majority) def: James Callaghan (Labour), David Steel (Liberal), William Wolfe (SNP)
1983 (Majority) def: Michael Foot (Labour),
Roy Jenkins-David Steel (Liberal-SDP Alliance)
1987 (Majority) def: Neil Kinnock (Labour), David Owen-David Steel (Liberal-SDP Alliance)
1988-1991: Paul Channon (Conservative)
1991-1997: Neil Kinnock (Labour)

1991 (Liberal Democrats Confidence & Supply) def: Paul Channon (Conservative), Paddy Ashdown (Liberal Democrats), David Owen (Social Democrats)
1992 (Majority) def: Tom King (Conservative), Paddy Ashdown (Liberal Democrats), Mike Thomas (Social Democrats)

1997-: Francis Maude (Conservative)
1997 (Majority) def: Neil Kinnock (Labour), Simon Hughes (Liberal Democrats)
2001 (Majority) def: John Prescott (Labour), Simon Hughes (Liberal Democrats)


A possible alternate history for my Grandad, with everything from 79’ to 84 being OTL. In OTL he was declined the PPC for Nottingham East (probably down to an affair he had with a another Labour Party member that started at a Labour Conference) but here this isn’t found out so becomes the candidate and with no controversy over the candidacy for Nottingham East, my Granddad gets in.

From there he raises up the ranks, and despite being a Northern Irish Catholic would probably be a better choice for Northern Irish Secretary than McNamara, given his brother is a Professor on the Troubles and all that. My Grandad stands down following an awkward divorce and becoming a Grandad etc.
 

tukarambhakt

Well-known member
Presidents of Argentina: 1938-2021

(Notes: The material up until ca. 1990 comes from a series of worldbuilding posts I made for the excellent Washington Wouldn't, Grant Couldn't back on the other site, what comes after is newly written)


Roberto Ortiz (National Democratic)
1938-1942


Dead Man Walking

Heavily diabetic and fraudulently brought into office by the very establishment forces he promised to fight, President Ortiz’s administration was both mercifully brief and deeply controversial. What reformist agenda the President had was quickly vetoed by his conservative backers, and by the time he resigned to die in peace (having spent a full half of his time in office in a sickbed) the country let out a collective ”finally”.


Ramón Castillo (National Democratic)
1942


A Bridge Too Far

Having already served as acting President since 1940, Vice President Castillo was as prepared as they came when he finally took over from the dying Ortiz. More conservative than his predecessor, he immediately provoked the outrage of the opposition when he tapped a sugar magnate to run to succeed him in the upcoming election (the Argentine constitution barring the President from succeeding himself). Having already provoked the pro-Axis military leadership by bringing the country closer to the US (who favored Argentine joining the Allies), the implosion of what popular support the government had gave a clear path forward for the military to clean house, and on December 2nd 1942 General Pedro Ramirez, the Minister of War, had loyal troops occupied Buenos Aires and declared the President deposed.

Pedro Ramirez (Independent)
1942-1949


El Generalissimo

Although aligned with the Germans through both marriage and ideological inclination, President-General Ramirez was not entirely without political acumen. To keep OSS funding and guns away from any intrepid opposition groups he kept towing the neutrality line, and was as gracious as can be towards Ambassador Collins, all while discreetly telegraphing to all affected parties that Argentine had an excellent climate, a friendly people, large German and Italian communities, an underdeveloped extradition program and wouldn’t ask any questions of immigrants with capital, military or scientific experience and a sudden need to relocate. On the domestic front, Ramirez’s agenda would be increasingly dominated by the Secretary (later Minister) of Labor, Colonel Juan Peron. Peron quickly established close relations with all major trade unions, and in exchange for industrial peace (and, it would turn out, personal loyalty) he promised government recognition, support and a pro-labor social program. Ramirez went along at first, since he frankly didn’t need any more enemies, but as events progressed and Peron came to increasingly eclipse his peers and his boss as the most prominent man in politics, the President decided to act. Turning to Peron’s ideological counterpoint within the administration, the fiercely pro-German (even by the standards of the uniformly Germanophile junta) General Perlinger for support, the President launched a (mostly) bloodless self-coup against his own government in March 1947 to remove “anti-state elements”. A number of labor and left wing leaders were arrested, Peron was driven into exile, his supporters within the junta were purged and much of his program was rolled back. The reminder of Ramirez’s time in office would be spent in an increasingly paranoid hunt for enemies, both real and imagined and would come to an end after General Perlinger finally put an end to years of speculations and retired his master.


Luis Perlinger (Independent)
1949-1950


Too Fascist By Half

“Not exactly a nazi, but” is about the best that can be said for Luis César Perlinger. Having seized power with his hard-right faction mostly thanks to the general disillusionment of the rest of junta, the general spent his seven months in power trying to “eradicate international communism” and making a hash of it, offending his domestic supporters and terrifying his international backers. Anti-communism is all well and good, but when you’re doing more to drive the Argentine people into the arms of Stalin than any dastardly agitator ever could something has to be done. The wheels started to turn in both Washington and Buenos Aires, and the days of the Perlinger regime were counted.


Domingo Mercante (Independent)
1950-1951


The People's Placeholder

Just as for his two immediate predecessors, the end of the Perlinger Presidency came in the form of an armed putsch. On the morning of March 21st 1950 the President, his cabinet and the military high command (the same people, really) found themselves under arrest, and as key locations in Buenos Aires came under military occupation the city and the country held their breaths. The unions kept quiet, the liberal opposition kept quiet, and they all held their breath as the plane of the new President made its way up from Ushuaia. Colonel Domingo Mercante had not been the mastermind of the coup (that honor fell to a troika consisting of the General Staff, the US State Department and the General Confederation of Labor), but as a respected military officer untainted by the worse parts of the Junta and whose connections to the unions could only be rivaled by the Big Man himself he made a perfectly suitable figurehead. An old associate of Juan Peron who had been exiled to a dead-end assignment down south after the ‘47 purge, he was well in the clear that his mandate began and ended with the calling of free elections as soon as possible. President Mercante did just that, and while his own government would among the shorter ones in national history he paved the way for perhaps the most influential Argentinian politician since the war of independence.

Juan Peron (Labor)
1951-1974


The Peron

1951: def. Ricardo Balbin (Authentic Radical Civic Union), Vincente Lima (National Democratic)
1957: def. Ernesto Bravo (Communist)
1963: def. Arturo Frondizi (Radical Civic Union)
1969: def. Ricardo Balbin (Radical Civic Union), Silvio Frondizi (Popular Republican)

Having gone into exile in Mexico after being forced from office in 1947, Colonel Juan Peron had nevertheless managed to preserve a major presences in Argentine politics. Although not a socialist by any means, he had used his position within the military government to maneuver himself into the position as the premiere champion of the large Argentine labor movement. Nominated for the presidency by the newly formed Labor Party he united the unions, the left and reform-minded liberals into an unstoppable coalition that gave him a landslide victory in the 1951 election, the last Argentinian election in the 20th century to go by without serious controversy or allegations of fraud.

The first term of the Peron Presidency would be dominated by the first, and most ambitious of the Argentinian Five Year Plans. The central bank was nationalized, followed by a number of infrastructures and industries. Favorable policies saw a massive expansion of union membership. Social security reached widespread coverage and through a mix of public, union and employer insurances Argentine would become the first country in Latin America to archive something close to universal healthcare. As the five years approached their end the strong post-war economy and the nation’s unbombed industrial base even allowed Peron to boast of the achievement of full employment without fudging too much with the numbers. Far more controversial was the proposed Constitution of 1956. It guaranteed a number of civil, political rights such as freedom of speech, the right to vote (enfranchising Argentinian women for the first time), the right to organize and the right to social security, education and healthcare. While most of this of course would be dismissed as more socialistic drivel by the usual suspects it was more-or-less in line with the “social democracy with the red rose badly painted over” thing the Labor Party had going for it and was far less controversial than the rest of the constitution. Authority was further centralised into the office of the Presidency, and the sacrosanct one-term limit was removed, enabling Peron to set himself up as President for life (or so the opposition claimed). The outrage grew so large that all serious opposition parties boycotted the 1957 elections, declaring that they would lend no legitimacy to the dictatorially inclined President. And thus Juan Peron won his first reelection by a overwhelming margin (if with an embarrassing turnout), facing only token resistance from the communists.

The protests surrounding the constitution and the election made the surviving anti-Peron faction within the military smell blood. Minister of Defense Mercante had replaced most of the high command, but within the officer corps at-large not much had changed since the days of military government. Clandestine meetings were held and feelers were sent out to the opposition and the Americans. Ambassador Wetherby and the major Argentine financial interests were on board for a coup, but as the set date approached someone within the liberal opposition or the US State Department got cold feet (documents declassified last year points to Secretary Douglas himself), and the plan leaked. What followed would not be pretty. With a well organized coup of the menu a series of minor risings, mutinies and attacks took place as the government struck back hard. President Peron abolished the army-aligned Gendarme by decree and created a new National Guard, whose Laborite members soon had arrested over seventeen thousand individuals suspected of treason and sedition. Most were soon released, but by 1965 the number of Argentinians who had sought political asylum in Stroesser's Paraguay, Franco's Spain and von Thadden's Germany could be counted in the tens of thousands. A third of the officer corps was dismissed, and the trials that were held against the thousand or so accused conspirators (a mix of the more annoying opposition figures and actual coup-plotters) could have carried out with more attention given to judicial procedures. The low-water mark would be Bloody Friday, October 28 1960, when nineteen men and three women were executed by firing squad at the National Penitentiary in Buenos Aires. The Red Years of the late fifties and early sixties did more than anything to secure Peron’s position as the Great Satan of the Argentine right. They also made him all but untouchable, with an opposition so browbeaten that not even a clearly aging President, a stagnating political project where each five year plan turned out less ambitious than the last and a political party which grew increasingly fat and corrupt could do much to prevent him from defeating the Radicals in crushing landslides in both 1963 and 1969.

During his quarter-century reign he had not only for better or worse reshaped Argentine society, he dominated it so thoroughly that to this day the one political question that matters is if one is for or against him. He was hated, and not unjustly so, by a large section of his people, not only by the special interests but also by liberals and democrats disgusted by his authoritarian leanings. But to another demographic, among the rural poor and the urban working class, he is revered almost as a saint. On the international stage he clad himself in the mantle of the third world hero, a champion of the global south in general and Latin America in particular against imperialist machinations, but in practice he would always work hard to maintain strong relation with the United States behind the scenes, a fact which surely contributed to the survival of his regime (rumors of UNIT blacksites on Tierra del Fuego are just that, no you’re not allowed to see those documents and that picture of Nixon saluting the President's grave is both slanderous and taken out of context). On August 8, 1974 President Juan Domingo Peron, the Father of the Nation, entered immortality. Argentina will never see his like again.


Deolindo Bittel (Labor)
1974-1975


The People's Placeholder 2.0

As the Big Man’s health had begun to deteriorate in the late 60’s, the Labor Party nomination for Vice President suddenly became very attractive. With bitter factional lines deepening within the ruling party a compromise was hashed out. The left, upset about the increasingly centrist leanings of the government, would get the position to tide them over, but only if they could put forward a man who would be no threat to anyone in the big free-for-all everyone planned for once Peron was safely in the ground. That man was Deolindo Bittel, and he knew his place. A longtime Senator and former Governor from the northern Chaco province, he had been a staple of the socialist-ish wing of the party for decades and had no ambitions whatsoever for national power. As what in a more peaceful country would have been the fight of the century took place in every union hall, province capital and party headquarter in the country he oversaw the daily affairs of the nation, and when the time came to step aside he did so happily.


Ricardo Cano (Labor)
1975-1981


Too Little, Too Late

1975: def. Rogelio Julio Frigerio (Radical Civic Union)

Although originally of the same ideological leanings as his predecessor, President Cano could not have been more different from President Bittel. A surprisingly skilled inter-factional knife fighter, the Cordoba governor had not only united the left around him but also defeated the more right-wing elements of the party which had dominated the later Peron years. In the general election he dispersed the fears that without Peron the liberal right would see a resurgence (and that the Peronist right would bolt the party) by defeating the the old centrist warhorse the Radicals put up after a nomination contest whose bitterness was rivaled only by its Labor equivalent. In office he would do his best to revive the old quasi-social democratic Labor ideals of full employment and social justice, and for the first time in at least a decade some signs of life and renewal could be seen in the bloated corpse of the Labor Party. Unfortunately for him, signs were all they were. Ricardo Cano might have been of the left, but despite claiming the party’s nomination he still existed within a party and government bureaucracy dominated by men like Lorenzo Miguel, the conservative chief of the General Confederation of Labor. Single payer healthcare died after the unions told him to back off, universal child benefits perished in the Social Welfare Ministry’s consultative committee and the very impressive Southern Irrigation Board was very quickly forgotten when the IMF got nervous about how its funding would impact Argentines credit rating. As the term progressed, what momentum existed turned into a slow crawl towards reelection. A stagnating economy, the wear and tear of four decades of government and the candidacy of perhaps the most formidable poltician since Peron’s glory days would crush and crush hard any plans Labor might have had to retain power. Ricardo Cano would become the first Argentinian President to lose reelection, and he did it in a landslide.

Ernesto Guevara (Radical Civic Union)
1981-1987


The Reformer

1981: def. Ricardo Cano (Labor)


Doctor Ernesto Guevara first rose to prominence during the last days of the military regimes of the 1940’s, when he had been a leader of the student opposition to President Pellinger in Buenos Aires. Like most of the rest of the liberal intelligentsia he had supported Peron’s return and first landslide election, but by the time of the President's reelection he had become thoroughly entrenched in the Radical Civil Union. Bouncing back between the Chamber of Deputies and the Cordoba governorship, Guevara first became a contender for the Presidency in 1969 and would remain one from that point on. Dismissed as too left-wing by party powerbrokers he would be exiled to the position of internal opposition leader throughout the 70’s and before the introduction of a Radical primary election ahead of the 1981 Presidential contest he was expected by everyone to stay there. The replacement of the selection convention with a primary election was the result of the tireless work of the reform movement within the Radical Civic Union, and allowed Guevara to swamp his opponents with grassroots support. An all-night party conference prevented any major split, and with a united party and an electrifying campaign of renewal and change he crushed President Cano, 57% to 38%. The President Guevara that took office in 1987 was a very different man than the quasi-socialist troublemaker that had first entered politics four decades earlier. While he didn’t fiddle with the tax rate as much as some of his more conservative supporters might have wanted, his labor reforms, deregulations and privatizations of publicly held industries did much to attract the foreign investments that helped kick off the Argentinian Miracle of the 1980’s. Growth skyrocketed and a new generation of young, educated and well-off professionals would turn Buenos Aires the cultural and nightlife capital of Latin America (or so the Ministry of Tourism claims). A restructured civil code prove less popular in some quarters, but despite pressure from the Church and other political and social groups the President would insist on carrying on with both the introduction of no-fault divorces and strengthening the de-facto legalization of same-sex relations which had been on the books since 1887. With approval ratings in the low 60s, it’s likely that the President would have been easily reelected but with his health failing and an old promise to reintroduce the one-term limit resurfacing (the proposed constitutional reform died in committee in 1985 and was not resurrected), Ernesto Guevara decided to not seek a second term.

Antonio Cafiero (Labor)
1987-1999


The Great Adapter

1987: def. Alejandro Armendáriz (Radical Civic Union), Agustin Tosco (Authentic Labor)
1993: def. Facundo Lastra (Radical Civic Union), Guillermo Estévez Boero (Broad Patriotic Front)



The 1987 election season would go down as one of the more chaotic and farcical in Argentine history. Two bloody, free-for-all nomination contests provided as much fodder for the tabloids as all of the Guevara administration had. The President of the Bank of Argentina was arrested for taking cash from French and Spanish businessmen, as were half a dozen senior labor leaders. The bosses then leaned on half a dozen more who got caught embezzling millions. The original frontrunner to the Radical nomination shot himself after his wife left him for his mistress and fled to Europe with his undisclosed Swiss bank account. The Labor convention crashed after a delegation of leftists unionists and activists simply up and left and sat up shop across the street to nominate their own candidate. The eventual major-party nominees, two senior, serious and centrist political veterans were so boring in their own right that all attention fell on the mud-slinging their far more interesting supporters engaged in. The three-way slugfest came down to the wire, with Labor (or Orthodox Labor, as they were commonly known) and the Radicals clocking in at just under 40% each. The result would be a disappointment for Agustin Tosco’s Popular Movement (Authentic Labor), which when the final vote was counted and Governor Cafiero was declared the victor had proved unable to break out of its base of socialist union workers into the left-liberal middle class or the broader working class. President Cafiero, a pragmatic man if there ever was one, did what was expected of him and after he had reinstated all the right people from the right organizations to the right jobs he went on to do not much at all. Why fix what’s not broken, he wondered, and while the labor movement might complain that they weren’t getting quite the same say as before and more ideologically committed Laborites wonder why the renationalizations aren’t proceeding like they had hoped Antonio Cafiero couldn’t care less. He have foreign investors to keep happy and generous and a boom he can’t afford to end. What’s good for the companies is good for the economy, says President Cafiero, and what’s good for the economy is good for the workers.

And it worked, more or less. How much of that comes down to Cafiero's leadership is debatable, with even the man himself accepting that the opening up of new markets after the admission of the Soviet bloc into the United Nations and the US construction and IT boom was key. But he was a steady hand on the rudder of state, maneuvering his divided country through the end of the first cold war and the start of the second. Although hated (as any Labor President is) by the pro-Franco-Chinese right and despised by the socialist left his death in 2014 would prove a surprisingly genuine moment of collective grief. In a nation marked primarily for its bitter political divide, he would in the end become the closest thing Argentina had to a broadly respected statesman.

Mario Negri (Radical Civic Union)
1999-2005


The Protege

1999: Felipe Solá (Labor), Aldo Rico (Realignment), Patricio Echegaray (Communist)

Mario Negri had always been President Guevarra's man, and while it might've been an insult coming from the mouths of Laboristas or the growing Catholic, anti-UN/pro-ROC right the young President embraced it. He had been his senior aide back in Cordoba since the late 70s, he had organized Dr. Guevarra's victory in the Radical primary back in 1980 and in 1984 he would become the youngest cabinet minister in living memory. Throughout the Cafiero years he had been the champion of the liberal wing of the URC and after a valiant (if failed) stint as Lastra's running mate in 93 he had paid enough dues to take a serious shot at the Radical nomination. On the young side for Argentine politics, he nevertheless (or perhaps thanks to) emerged as the natural successor to what was now being called the Guevarra-Cafiero or Post-Peron consensus. With the right mix of dynamic, safe, fresh and experience he cleaned the board with his far grayer Labor competitor (who had to face off a surprisingly strong communist challenger to his own left) and could waltz into the Casa Rosada with an enviable mandate.

What happened then is a tale that can be told in two ways. One is that of a competent, reform-minded statesman whose many accomplishments in transforming a mid-century economy into one ready to face the internet era and reestablishing Argentina as a serious and constructive player on the international scene (Negri got on particularly well with President Ivins, and would deliver a eulogy on her 2009 funeral) was swept aside by economic forces outside of his control and an almost outright anti-democratic opposition. The other tells the story of an arrogant and elitist technocrat more interested in making fancy friends in Washington, New York, Berlin and Tokyo than looking out for the common man. A man who failed to see the natural consequences of two decades of deregulations. Perhaps if the Labor candidate had been literally any other man government might've been able to sell its own version of events. But he wasn't, so they didn't.



Diego Maradona (Labor)
2005-2021


The Diego

2005: def. Mario Negri (Radical Civic Union - 'Unity for Democracy'), Aldo Rico (Realignment)
2011: def. Gustavo Obeid (Realignment - 'For the Course of the Nation), Roy Nikisch (Radical Civic Union)
2017: def. Marcos Peña (Radical Civic Union - Opposition Labor), Margarita Stolbizer (Radical Civic Union - Socialist), Gustavo Obeid (Realignment)

“In Argentina there is only one God, and His name is Diego,” a Canadian journalist once wrote, and while that’s obviously not correct it does get the general point across. The greatest football player of his generation, possibly ever. An icon by the age of 20, his profile would only grow over the years as he carried Leeds United to back-to-back victories in what was then the Grand League, became the uncrowned king of Sevilla and spearheaded the team that turned A.C. Milan into the champions of european football through the late 80s and early 90s. Then came los hermosos cinco, the five final minutes that turned the outplayed and outmatched Argentinian national team from sure losers to clear winners at the 1990 world cup finale against the gigantic German team. In the words of another commentator, Diego Maradona walked in as a hero among men and walked out the second son of God.

Politically he had always aligned with the Labor Party and the left (in that order), but between a somewhat extravagant and indiscreet lifestyle and a lack of interest in the more serious matters surrounding political life it was probably destined to stay as a general interest. That is, until the machinations of the Labor Party intrigue turned their eyes on him. At the dawn of the 21st century the Peronista left had been on the defensive for a generation. They technically held a plurality of party offices, legislators and Labor-controlled provinces but between infighting, a few unfortunate splits and the tight alliances between the party technocrats, the state bureaucracy and the union leadership they always fell just about short. Tired of the post-Peron consensus (or just of being shut out of serious power) a clique of young(-ish) and ambitious left-leaning laborista politicians began to plot. An attempt to push senior union chief and powerbroker Raimundo Ongaro in 1999 had ended in disaster and none of them had the clout to make a run of their own, so they were forced to think outside the box. The idea to approach the football legend is commonly credited to the talented wife of a then-obscure provincial governor associated with the group, but no matter who supplied the suggestion feelers were sent out, and Maradona proved somewhat open to the idea. Getting him through the Labor nominating convention would prove hard, with both masterful backroom maneuvering and a spontaneous stampede by technically hostile delegates to Maradona after he made it clear that he would accept the Labor Party candidacy if selected.

Despite - or perhaps thanks to - a number of gafes which would kill any other candidate (the first in a long, long line) getting the most popular man in the country to destroy one of the least would prove an easy task. El Diego delivered a message that hadn’t been heard in Argentina with quite that fervor for 50 years that it made the great mass of voters ignore the warnings of Sensible Men in the media regarding his actual qualifications to run a nation and the integrity of the men behind him. And they were right, to a point. No one would ever claim that Diego Maradona was ever very involved with the actual running of government. He made public appearances (never with any cocaine in his bloodstream, that’s Radical slander), interacted with his people, played football with the Pope and Chancellor Stoiber, shook hands with President Huan, joked around with President Petty Wolf and publicly embarrassed Premiere Pugo. Public policy? He had people for that, all he had to do was fight for the people and the cause of old Juan and his Evita. And he did have people for that. First came Cabinet Chief Kirchener, then after his death (with his widow safely posted as Ambassador to Dublin) came Vice Presidents Bongiorno and the Gang of Three. They pursued a - in the non-partisan sense - radical agenda of renationalising much of Argentina’s natural resources, empowered the labor movement (run by their allies), oversaw a relatively consistent rise in the standard of living and effectively eliminated child poverty. That their economic policies missed almost as often as not, or that they lined their own pockets wherever they could (all charges dismissed by the supreme court) would not matter as much as one would expect. Perhaps it was because of the real results they delivered for the Argentinian working class, or perhaps it was due to the increasingly authoritarian methods and rank populism employed by the ruling party, but the Labor Party have enjoyed consistent majorities since 2005 and reelected President Maradona time and time again. The Radical line that all the government needs to do in the face of any scandal or difficult election is simply to send out the President to kick some ball is perhaps a tad unfair, but it’s not really inaccurate.

Unfortunately, building a political movement around a man with a at best distant relationship with his own health must always be a temporary project, and on January 21 2021 it came to an end. Diego Armando Maradona, a man loved and despised as few others faced his creator, and was escorted to his final rest by millions of mourners.


Juan Abal Medina (Labor)
2021-


The Partisan

Juan Medina have the movement in his blood, quite literally. His father was a key member of the last Peron administration, and he won his first election to the Chamber of Deputies at the age of 25. A junior member of the original Maradonaista clique, he had served loyally throughout several Major Domos (as the person holding real power in the Maradona governments were called) until he, as Government leader in the lower chamber took part in a coup against Vice President Bongiorno and took her place on the 2017 ticket. Forming the Gang of Three with the Goija brothers, he had already served as the de-facto leader of the country at the time of his ascension. But the role of the man behind the throne is quite different from that of the man who wears the crown, and few would call him a favourite for next year's Presidential election.
I was punching the air by the end of it
You seem to have built an argentina that's far better and far more interesting than otl lol
 

Bolt451

BOOK IT, TONY!
Location
Sandford, Gloucestershire
Pronouns
She/Her
The OTHER other electoral reform POD
2007-2012: Gordon brown (Labour & Lib Dem coalition)

Gordon Brown’s gamble to hold an election the autumn after he became Labour leader was a success insofar as he remained in No. 10. A series of gaffes meant he lost any lead he had over the summer but the world wasn’t quite in love with David Cameron either. Instead Nick Clegg was the golden boy of this election, wowwing the public in the party leader’s debate against the surly Brown and inauthentic Cameron. Despite losing the popular vote to the Conservatives, Labour came out the biggest party on 304 seats but quite a distance from a majority. Instead they turned to the Liberal Democrats and their 61 seats to form a coalition.

2008 Electoral Reform Referendum: STV: 51% FPTP: 49%

Ten percent of the seats on twenty four percent of the vote. The Lib Dems were screaming for electoral reform and it was their main demand from Labour who begrudgingly accepted, assuming Single Transferable Vote would be unpopular. In fact the no campaign pushed its campaign that at the time of financial instability we don’t need a new electoral system. This was something the odd bedfellows of Nick Clegg and Nigel Farage pushed back at. They hooked onto a populist current, demanding a greater say for the Lib Dems and UKIP, the latter of whom were rising in the polls ahead of the 2009 European elections. A surprising number of Conservatives backed STV after the mismatch between votes and seats in the last election and the party backed the system by a narrow margin in May 2008.

Brown and Darling (and Chief Secretary to the Treasury, Vince Cable) reacting to the financial crisis was okay. Nothing mind blowing or controversial. They bailed out the banks when needed and invested in recovering the economy but this left them open to attacks on two matters. Not enough was being done to punish the bankers who caused the crisis (the Lib Dem proposal of a transaction tax was voted down by Labour and the Conservatives) and any dramatic proposals coming out of the ascending Green Party were ignored. They were also spending a LOT of money as Theresa May was very quick to point out on any opportunity and this wounded the reds and oranges in a way they never recovered from. Trimming the fat of government was the mood of the day and it carried Theresa May into Downing Street, but she wasn’t alone.

2012-2017: Theresa May (Conservative & UKIP Minority Coalition)

Fatigue with fifteen years of Labour and general disatisfaction with the Status Quo (at least as represented by Labour and the Lib Dems) was enough to get Theresa May into power. Under the new system the Greens rose to over fourty seats and UKIP to almost three digits. Theresa May formed a formal coalition with UKIP (with Nigel Farage as Deputy Prime Minister) with supply and confidence variously with Plaid Cymru, UUP the DUP and various independence for increased spending on Wales, Northern Ireland and various pet projects.

UKIP Agreed to the Conservative platform of austerity in exchange for a referendum on the UK’s membership of the European Union

2013: UK EU Membership referendum 53% Remain 47% Leave

With Ed Miliband, Theresa May, Ed Davey and Caroline Lucas all campaigning on the same side alongside others such as Mayor of London Boris Johnson and First Ministers Alex Salmond and Carwyn Jones there was a reasonably united front against leave who was spearheaded by Nigel Farage and several pro-leave Tories. In the end the leavers were in the minority but by a closer amount that predicted by the polls.

Various voices in UKIP called for them to withdraw from the coalition but Farage held firm despite an increasing number of rebellious backbenchers over the years following. Several MPs just moved to the Tories but more crossed the floor to form their own parties such as the Patriot Party, One Nation and a slight revival in the BNP who had secured a single seat at the last election. To maintain the government May reached out to each of the parties in turn and made bigger and bigger concessions to each party involved, affecting their austerity plan and alienating their more centrist supporters. This in turn lead to several MPs leaving to form the “National Liberal” party under Nick Boles. The Nat Libs alongside several of the UKIP splinter parties would support a Labour vote of no confidence in the summer of 2016 when the Tories refused to concede legislation to them and this new, chaotic Commons went to the polls.


2016-2021: Ed Miliband (Labour-Lib Dem-Green coalition)

Under STV Labour were never going to win a majority but they still had momentum as one of the two top tier parties (the second tier got more vague with the splintering of UKIP and the rise of the Greens). What Labour-Tory swing voters there still were under STV swung towards Labour and they were helped to the role of biggest party by a fractured right (and centre-right, to the Lib Dems’ benefit). What they had suffered with however was being outflanked on the left from the Greens who had set themselves up as the party of dissatisfaction with austerity and the status quo. When the dust settled they had just shy of two hundred seats with the Lib Dems and Greens on just over a hundred seats. In the send rather than try and pick which party to form a coalition with and which to speak to on supply and confidence they decided to form a broad, 399 seat coalition that was broadly anti austerity and pro environment. Labours more centrist (or as some would say, right wing). To some Lib Dems’ annoyance a 50% rate on earnings over £150,000 was introduced. A transaction tax would finally be introduced and the bedroom tax was to be scrapped. In the area of left wing populism a 20:1 maximum wage would be introduced in the public sector. Funding for the NHS and Social care was to be increasedWhile scrapping tuition fees (a Green policy) wasn’t introduced grants were brought back and further increases in fees were scrapped. The minimum wage was introduced to £10 and free childcare expanded on a platform of getting Britons working. The Greens, unsurprisingly were given the Environment and Energy briefs and the “Traffic Light Government” would ensure that 60% of uk energy would come from zero carbon or renewable sources by 2030. To the green party’s annoyance however the government would go ahead with new nuclear power stations. Another area of contention was the support for HS2, like nuclear power it was an area Labour and the Lib Dems could rely on default Tory support. Other areas such as reform of the Gender Recognition Act got through with support of "friendly" opposition parties such as PC or the Alliance.

The government was quite popular and the Tory party (and the broader right) still in disarray. As the UK entered the 2020s and with just over a year until the next election. Things were looking bright for the Traffic Light Coalition
Wasn't sure what voting system to go for. AV as OTL (but successful) PR, AMS or STV, if PR, IDK how big the constituncies would be. (I hear @AndyC screaming "County PR!!!" from the other side of the Cotswolds.)
 
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