Lists of Heads of Government and Heads of State

The Spirit of '32

1929-1931: Ramsay MacDonald (Labour)
1929 (Minority) def. Stanley Baldwin (Conservative and Unionist), David Lloyd George (Liberal)
1931-1931: Ramsay MacDonald (National Labour Organisation leading National Government with Conservative and Unionists and Liberals)
1931-1936: Stanley Baldwin (Conservative and Unionist)
1931 (Majority) def. Arthur Henderson (Labour), David Lloyd George (Liberal), Ramsay MacDonald (National Labour Organisation)
1936-1937: Stafford Cripps (Labour)
1936 (Majority) def. Stanley Baldwin (Conservative and Unionist), David Lloyd George (Liberal)
1937-1943: Stafford Cripps (Labour leading Emergency Administration)
1943-1948: Stafford Cripps (Labour)
1943 (Majority) def. Harold Macmillan (Democratic), William Beveridge (Liberal), Winston Churchill (Constitutional League)

So what happens here is that Lloyd George successfully manages to prise away the Liberals entirely from the National Government and MacDonald's government falls before it can go to the country. Baldwin leads the Tories to a comfortable majority but there is no landslide as IOTL. The Labour left secures its hold on the party and Cripps leads Labour to a majority of their own in 1936 whereupon he passes an Enabling Act in order to allow him to carry out the reforms necessary to establish socialism without the bother of parliamentary democracy. His Emergency Administration is continually extended, first as he extends the hand of friendship to the Republicans in the Spanish Civil War, then to the Populists in the French Civil War, and finally taking the country to war proper against the restored Kaiserreich of Oskar I. The war ends in 1943 and so does the Emergency Administration.

The Conservative Party has been destroyed by the experience of the Emergency Administration, its hardliners imprisoned and the remnant split against itself. Macmillan's Democrats have come out in favour of the new economic order though want to restore traditional liberties. The Constitutional League by contrast think everything has gone wrong and wants to go back to 1926 and sort out Labour properly with tanks and machine guns. The Liberals are very confused.
 
Ooh, nice choice of colours.

Here's a random list just to test it out.

Prime Ministers of the Kingdom of Randomia (4122-4200)
Elizabeth Moon (Liberal Democratic Congress majority) 4122-4130
Talia Vander Jagt (Conservative majority, then minority) 4130-4137
Rebekka Land (Liberal Democratic Congress-Agricultural and Mechanical Workers' Union coalition) 4137-4141
Talia Vander Jagt (Conservative majority, then Conservative-Social Credit coalition) 4141-4146
Will Dangerfield (Social Credit-Conservative coalition, then Credit Tory majority) 4146-4161
Lia Summerset (Liberal-Labour majority) 4161-4167
Tom Vander Jagt (People's Independent-Credit Tory coalition, then People's Independent majority) 4167-4175
Ed Bacon (Liberal-Labour majority, then Liberal-Labour-THINK! coalition) 4175-4178
P. B. M. Joyce (People's Independent majority) 4178-4193
Ada Huettler (People's Independent majority) 4193-4195
Mellie Shipstead (Democratic majority) 4195-present
 
Turquoise Blue said:
Ooh, nice choice of colours.

Here's a random list just to test it out.

Prime Ministers of the Kingdom of Randomia (4122-4200)
Elizabeth Moon (Liberal Democratic Congress majority) 4122-4130
Talia Vander Jagt (Conservative majority, then minority) 4130-4137
Rebekka Land (Liberal Democratic Congress-Agricultural and Mechanical Workers' Union coalition) 4137-4141
Talia Vander Jagt (Conservative majority, then Conservative-Social Credit coalition) 4141-4146
Will Dangerfield (Social Credit-Conservative coalition, then Credit Tory majority) 4146-4161
Lia Summerset (Liberal-Labour majority) 4161-4167
Tom Vander Jagt (People's Independent-Credit Tory coalition, then People's Independent majority) 4167-4175
Ed Bacon (Liberal-Labour majority, then Liberal-Labour-THINK! coalition) 4175-4178
P. B. M. Joyce (People's Independent majority) 4178-4193
Ada Huettler (People's Independent majority) 4193-4195
Mellie Shipstead (Democratic majority) 4195-present
Click to expand...
this just looks like a typical Canadian list tbh
 
Heat said:
this just looks like a typical Canadian list tbh
Click to expand...
Actually, yeah, it does. Here's a more "straight" version of it.

Prime Ministers of Canada (1935-present)
William Lyon Mackenzie King (Liberal majority) 1935-1945
John Bracken (Progressive Conservative majority, then minority) 1945-1948
Louis St. Laurent (Liberal-Cooperative Commonwealth coalition) 1948-1951
John Bracken (Progressive Conservative majority, then Progressive Conservative-Social Credit coalition) 1951-1956
Réal Caouette (Social Credit-Progressive Conservative coalition, then Credit Conservative majority) 1956-1973
Pierre Trudeau (Liberal-Labour majority) 1971-1977
Ernest Manning (Reform Alliance-Credit Conservative coalition, then Reform Alliance majority) 1977-1985
Pierre Trudeau (Liberal-Labour majority, then Liberal-Labour-Green coalition) 1985-1989
Preston Manning (Reform Alliance majority) 1989-2002
Stephen Harper (Reform Alliance majority) 2002-2005
John Tory (Democratic majority) 2005-present
 
Mumby said:
The Spirit of '32

1929-1931: Ramsay MacDonald (Labour)
1929 (Minority) def. Stanley Baldwin (Conservative and Unionist), David Lloyd George (Liberal)
1931-1931: Ramsay MacDonald (National Labour Organisation leading National Government with Conservative and Unionists and Liberals)
1931-1936: Stanley Baldwin (Conservative and Unionist)
1931 (Majority) def. Arthur Henderson (Labour), David Lloyd George (Liberal), Ramsay MacDonald (National Labour Organisation)
1936-1937: Stafford Cripps (Labour)
1936 (Majority) def. Stanley Baldwin (Conservative and Unionist), David Lloyd George (Liberal)
1937-1943: Stafford Cripps (Labour leading Emergency Administration)
1943-1948: Stafford Cripps (Labour)
1943 (Majority) def. Harold Macmillan (Democratic), William Beveridge (Liberal), Winston Churchill (Constitutional League)

So what happens here is that Lloyd George successfully manages to prise away the Liberals entirely from the National Government and MacDonald's government falls before it can go to the country. Baldwin leads the Tories to a comfortable majority but there is no landslide as IOTL. The Labour left secures its hold on the party and Cripps leads Labour to a majority of their own in 1936 whereupon he passes an Enabling Act in order to allow him to carry out the reforms necessary to establish socialism without the bother of parliamentary democracy. His Emergency Administration is continually extended, first as he extends the hand of friendship to the Republicans in the Spanish Civil War, then to the Populists in the French Civil War, and finally taking the country to war proper against the restored Kaiserreich of Oskar I. The war ends in 1943 and so does the Emergency Administration.

The Conservative Party has been destroyed by the experience of the Emergency Administration, its hardliners imprisoned and the remnant split against itself. Macmillan's Democrats have come out in favour of the new economic order though want to restore traditional liberties. The Constitutional League by contrast think everything has gone wrong and wants to go back to 1926 and sort out Labour properly with tanks and machine guns. The Liberals are very confused.
Click to expand...

So is Britain a full on republic here, or A Monarchy that's tempered with Republican Equality?
 
The Oakport Council
Some 200 miles north-west of the peculiar city of Wokenfield lays its twinned city of Oakport, an ancient settlement on the Manx sea nestled comfortably between Liverpool and Hartlepool. Founded by Norsemen historians labelled Vikings and settled by Scots and Southerners to neither pleasure, though not as big or industrious as its neighbours, Oakport is still a unique fragment of England's northern provinces. Part of its legacy- for better or worse- is its council. Formed under the Local Government Act 1972, since the Council took control in 1974 it has had a reputation for political fluctuation, with little voter loyalty on a local level (nationally Oakport Constituency have been more uniform to the national trend then its neighbour in East Anglia), resulting in a situation in local government so unique that even experts struggle to explain why it is as it is...

1974-1980: William Rowe (Liberal)
def. 1973 (Conservative Coalition): Patrick Darcy (Labour), John Wales (Conservative)
def. 1975 (Conservative Coalition): Patrick Darcy (Labour), John Wales (Conservative)
def. 1976 (Conservative Coalition): Patrick Darcy (Labour), John Wales (Conservative)
def. 1978 (Conservative Coalition): Iain Askin (Labour), John Wales (Conservative)
def. 1979 (Conservative Coalition): Iain Askin (Labour), John Wales (Conservative)
def. 1980 (Majority): Iain Askin (Labour), Edgar Bauld (Conservative)

1974 was a tumultuous year for Oakport. Rocked by recent memories three-day week and mass unemployment, the question of 'Who Governs Oakport?' was a difficult one. Labour was distrusted and the Tories hated. In these conditions, the Liberal Party flourished. Elected on the back of good fortune and a promise for radical local governance, William Rowe found himself in a difficult position, forced to work with the Tories in an anti-socialist coalition to deliver on his radical proposals for Oakport. Compromising for the next seven years on everything from budget to contracts, the Liberals and Conservatives ran a productive but frictional council, with Rowe at the neck of his partner Wales over steering the ship of local Government. 1980 would prove to be a breaking point for the Liberals; forced to make thousands of redundancies, they pinned all blame on their Conservative allies and ran under the banner: No More Coalition. Though hollow for some, the one-third election gave the Liberals their long sought Majority. Oakport was poised for Liberal radicalism, however, on the eve of the inauguration of the new council, Rowe was found dead in his home, having suffered a massive heart attack.

1980-1983: Nicholas Williamson (Liberal)
def. 1982 (Minority): Edgar Bauld (Conservative), Iain Askin (Labour)

Rudderless, the Liberal Majority turned to Nicholas Williamson, a far less radical figure. Williamson was never a true Liberal at heart, and the city new it. Neoliberalism, privatisation, and cuts to the public services followed. It was a betrayal for many, a let down for those promised truly radical local politics. For They would have their revenge at the ballot- in 1982, the Liberals failed to retain a single seat. The shockwave was palpable at City Hall, and the Liberal caucus was set to launch a coup against Williamson- but Williamson survived, perhaps out of apathy more than anything else, and led the Liberals to their landslide defeat in 1983.

1983-1986: Edgar Bauld (Conservative)
def. 1983 (Majority): Nicholas Williamson (Liberal), Iain Askin (Labour)
def. 1984 (Majority): Ed Fort (Liberal/SDP Alliance), Mark Clarke (Labour)

Edgar Bauld did not want to become a politician, but felt forced into the job when he was elected to fight the Liberals planned expansion of the Oakport Ringway. Only 34 at the time of his electoral victory, Bauld was intellectually a 'red Tory', a social democrat in pin-strip. This would prove both problematic but fortunate for both the Conservative Majority and Bauld, creating ideological barriers that became difficult to navigate, but sucked the life from the potentially threatening Liberal/SDP Alliance. For many, Bauld was an oddity- a Thatcher-era Tory who was winning elections in the North of England while opposed the neoliberal consensus being forged. Indeed, Bauld's opposition to the Conservative Government's policies was so great that he took his council into the 1985 Rate-Capping Rebellion, a move that some view as entirely pragmatic- a security of the Conservative Party victory in 1986 by riding on a wave of moral indignation. However with a council without money to spend, it was increasingly difficult to ask the electorate to support the measures being taken. The Council slipped back into no overall control in the 1986 election, with the Labour Party coming to power with the support of the Liberal/SDP Alliance.

1986-1988: George Sandgate (Labour)
def. 1986 (Minority with Alliance s/c): Edgar Bauld (Conservative), Ed Fort (Liberal/SDP Alliance)
def. 1987 (Minority with Alliance s/c): Edgar Bauld (Conservative), Ed Fort (Liberal/SDP Alliance)

George Sandgate was always honest. This may have been an issue. The Labour Party was never going to solve Oakport's problems- mass unemployment, a devastated financial situation, the loss of jobs and capital, and Sandgate knew this. Indeed, his leadership in the Council can be characterised as a crisis management. Although at the time, Sandgate was seen as too meek and too open about the situation- after all, where was the fighting spirit as seen under Bauld?- in recent years since his death he has become regarded as one of Oakport's more competent administrators. Indeed, by the the time the Tories swept back into power, Sandgate had mostly fixed their mess. Not that the public appreciated his effort, with some admonishing the lengths he went for "the public good", as he was so often saying. But as a statue is erected in Milton Gardens, perhaps it's clear that his efforts were appreciated, even if it took Bauld's return to put it into perspective.
 
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1988-1990: Edgar Bauld (Conservative)
def. 1988 (Majority): George Sandgate (Labour), Ed Fort (Social & Liberal Democrats)
1990-1995: Edgar Bauld (Social Democrats)
def. 1990 (Minority): John Rose (Labour), none (Conservative), Joseph Marshal (Liberal Democrats)
def. 1991 (Minority): John Rose (Labour), Alfred Christian (Conservative), Joseph Marshal (Liberal Democrats)
def. 1992 (Minority): John Rose (Labour), Alfred Christian (Conservative), Joseph Marshal (Liberal Democrats)

The return of Edgar Bauld to the leadership of Oakport's council was not exactly celebrated, even by the Conservative Party. But he was back. Older and perhaps wiser, would the rebel with a cause fall into line for the Tories, or at least not cause a national scene? Not likely. Instead on the eve of the Poll Tax riots, Bauld quit the Conservative Party, alongside twenty-six fellow Conservative Councillors. Instead he joined the Continuity SDP, and he and his fellow councillors made history. Although it would not save the party on the national level, Oakport seemed to prefer this change. A radical, new kind of governance with a familiar face, running Social Democratic policies. In essence, no real difference to what Bauld had done before, only now with purple on his rosette instead of blue. With tacit support from the Tories and Liberals, Bauld was able to prop up his minority administrations for eight long years. These were not good times for the cities. As Liverpool to its south during the 1970s, the docks of Oakport finally began to rot as business went elsewhere. Companies left the city, dockwork dried, shipbuilding was shifted north and south. As the recessions of the Major Government hit, Oakland felt hit the hardest, unemployment tripe that of the national average. Bauld, in an attempt to save what he could, authorised mass privatisation, handing over public and social services contracts to private companies. This would only worsen the situation as the companies refused to hire local. Attempts to move the unemployed into the service industry failed, many unable to adapt. By 1995, Bauld was leader of a Council ranked as the worst in the country, and with no way out, he resigned. Unlike Sandgate, there would be no statues for him- instead the only memorial left is the carcass of Oakport Docks.

1995-1998: Warren Golding (Social Democrats)

For Golding, becoming Leader of the Council would have been a lifelong dream. But as he was handed a city rotting away and facing down an election wipeout, it was clear that his dream became a nightmare. Nothing more than the scapegoat, he was remarkably positive about the 1998 Council election- in his diaries, he called it a "bloodletting" and noted "we need this to come back again in the future". The SDP would not come back, and by 2000 had lost all Council level representation.

1998-2004: John Rose (Labour)
def. 1998 (Majority): Warren Golding (Social Democrats), Harold Cole (Conservative), Josh Fisher (Liberal Democrats)
def. 1999 (Majority): Warren Golding (Social Democrats), Josh Fisher (Liberal Democrats), Harold Cole (Conservative), Sarah Mead (Green)
def. 2000 (Majority): Sarah Mead (Green), Harold Cole (Conservative), Josh Fisher (Liberal Democrats)
def. 2002 (Majority): Sarah Mead (Green), Edward Stewart (Conservative)
def. 2003 (Majority): Paul Adams (Liberal Democrats), Edward Stewart (Conservative), Sarah Mead (Green)

John Rose's election was a turning point in Oakport's history. The former MP who had quit Westminster to save his hometown, for many he was fighting a noble cause. For others he was clearly angling for as much power as he could get. Regardless, Rose would preside over the end of the century and an explosion of regeneration. Launching expensive projects to, in the words of his campaign slogan, Save Oakport, many were willing to overlook the higher rates if it meant services and jobs would come back. Voting Labour was an investment, and a glimmer of hope after a decade of poor management. And with money from a Labour Government that viewed the city as a worthwhile investment, Oakport's future moving into the millennium looked was secure. The full council election of 2000 was a triumph for Labour; snatching over three quarters of the seats, it seemed like Labour had secured itself for a generation. This would not be the case- indeed, they would not even secure themselves for half a decade. But with his thumping majority John Rose's administration was productive, and with the introduction of the Cabinet system he felt free to pursue his agenda. Economically, Oakport was healthy, recovering from its years of misgovernment, with growth in its fledging service industry. School and hospitals were being run efficiently, and the Council was more than willing to provide local businesses with contracts when needed. With the emergence of the local Larson Technology in the area and the decision by Microsoft to use Oakport as manufacturing hub for Microchips (due to Oakport's desperation, Microsoft was able to buy the dockland property for cheap), Rose felt confident in the future of his city, and his party, declaring that Oakport would become the 'Silicon Pennines'. It was, for all intents and purposes, a Council being run well, however the electorate was growing weary of Labour, and with the selling of dockland property to a foreign company, suspect. It is said that national events impact local elections more than local events. For Oakport, this proved to be the case. Despite Rose's personal popularity, 2003 was rough for the party, with unpopularity of Labour in the run up to the Iraq War a rallying point for the opposition- a visit by Tony Blair only seemed to make Labour's position more dire. The Liberal Democrats, having bailed out of the council only a year earlier, sprung back into the Council in a near clean sweep. 2004 was dire for the party; although they remained the largest group on the council, Labour came back with the fewest seats. Rose would, in later years, following his return to the Commons, note that although he had been defeated, Labour was still ahead of the Liberals by three seats- but it wouldn't matter. Labour was tossed back into opposition, and by 2008 out of the Council entirely.
 
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2004-2007: Paul Adams (Liberal Democrats)
def. 2004 (Conservative Coalition): John Rose (Labour), Edward Stewart (Conservative), Sarah Mead (Green)
def. 2006 (Majority): Edward Stewart (Conservative), Mary Stanton (Green), Laurence Palter (Labour)

The Liberals were back. It had taken two decades, but they had retaken Oakport in a national wave. Although at first they were reliant on a coalition with the Conservative Party, by 2006 Paul Adams was running the Council with a slender majority of the seats. Like Labour in 2000, it seemed like the Liberals had cemented themselves as the party of Oakport. And yet by 2015 they weren't even the second largest party in the Council, although doing far better than their Labour counterparts. The reason for the sudden rise and sudden fall of the amber wave may have to do with Adams himself. A local celebrity who had first come to fame by representing Oakport Polytechnic on University Challenge, later as a news presenter, and later yet through his charitable drives during the Bauld years, Adams' leadership for the Liberals was initially a blessing, and gave them the credence to pull back out of their death drive. However, Adams was a second rate intellectual used to a television camera, not a man of governance- indeed, he felt more that his role was to step aside and allow his lackeys to really run the council. Deregulation was the name of the game- the dockland was sold off the private companies for regeneration, and contracts increasingly went to Larson Technology as they upper their game in the world of commercial services. The money going into the local economy was a boost, at first- but quickly became a boon. Although his successor helped put a lot of things into perspective, and has saved Adams from being remembered as a failure, for Oakport he remains, for all his supposed personality, a lost three years.

2008-2011: Joseph Johnston (Conservative)
def. 2007 (Minority): Paul Adams (Liberal Democrats), Mary Stanton (Green)
def. 2008 (Majority): Joseph Hurtubise (Liberal Democrats), Mary Stanton (Green)
def. 2010 (Majority): Joseph Hurtubise (Liberal Democrats), Mary Stanton (Green)
def. 2011 (Minority): Mary Stanton (Green), Joseph Hurtubise (Liberal Democrats)

Many were quick to forget and forgive the Tories for Edgar Bauld- after all, as their leaflets proudly proclaimed, they had been out of power for 18 years, and with Labour and the LibDems failing to provide an alternative, and with the Greens surely not up for it, surely Oakport needed some good old fashioned Tory power? The electorate agreed, and in 2007 Joseph Johnston was leader of the Council, and by 2008 had his first majority. In later years, this majority would become known as the 'Larson Majority'. As the tech firm grew, increasingly City Hall handed it more and more power. Everything from the water to the bin collections to the dockyard regeneration was handled by the company. Johnston had a vision: a whole city run by a company, with the Council money otherwise wasted used elsewhere. But it didn't add up. In 2010, after a few years of relative insulation, the recession hit Oakport, hard. By December of that year, Larson Technology had collapsed, and Johnston was forced to give his contracts to Carillion, despite his belief they were a 'statist front'. His relationship for Larson would later be explained in a Guardian expose that revealed he had taken money from company to give it the contracts, Larson hoping to prove to investors what it could do with public services. Johnston stepped down following the Conservative wipe-out in the 2011 local elections. He is currently awaiting sentencing for corruption charges.

2011-2012: James Kat (Conservative)

Decidedly less corrupt, but no less conservative, Kat's time in office was short. So short, in fact, it's not even worth talking about.

2012-2016: Mary Stanton (Green)
def. 2012 (Majority): James Kat (Conservative), Joseph Hurtubise (Liberal Democrats)
def. 2014 (Majority): Joseph Hurtubise (Liberal Democrats), Raymond Peters (UKIP), John Dunne (Labour)
def. 2015 (Liberal Democrats Coalition): Raymond Peters (UKIP), Joseph Hurtubise (Liberal Democrats)

The Green Council was truly a radical change for Oakport. A rejection of the three main parties, Oakport had elected a truly alternate governance (Bauld's SDP administrations Tory in all but name), and without Mary Stanton that would not have been possible. The former Labour Council member had the experience and credentials to convince Oakport to take its great leap into the dark- but could she govern? The question was yes, although like its sister to the south in Brighton, the Oakport Green Council was hardly a model for the national Greens. Money would be wasted on boondoggles and restoration projects that went nowhere, public services groaned under Stanton's desire to spend and tight Government set budgets, and public service strikes against the Council over bin collection became common place, but yet people felt empathetic for the Green Party. The Dockland regeneration was finally complete under Stanton, and the local economy was growing. Larson's collapse saw an unemployment spurt, however it was short lived as companies rushed in to fill the void. Microsoft left a year after Stanton came into power, citing how her protectionist policies were making it difficult to do business in the city. Solar panels and insulation became more common on and in housing. The city centre was, controversially, shut down and turned into a pedestrian only area- yet residents preferred it once the noise had settled. Bike lanes were invested in, and even the UKIP opposition had to be positive towards this as the local party shifted into a more metropolitan tone. Despite teething issues and public service strikes, the Greens had done a fine job with the city, and unlike Labour and the Liberals, secured their position in the community. But they lost in 2016- some were simply bored and wanted change. Others opposed the Green Party. Though many were thankful for the reduction in Oakport's carbon footprint, others saw the Greens more socially progressive stances as overtly PC or, as Raymond Peters would accuse Stanton of being, 'SJWy'. None the less, their legacy would be far better than elsewhere, and even as the Greens coil back across the country, they'll always find a place in Oakport's northern docks.

2016-2018: Raymond Peters (UKIP)
def. 2016 (Majority): Mary Stanton (Green), Joseph Hurtubise (Liberal Democrats), Stephane Michelle (Labour), Alan Zabik (Conservative)
2018-20??: Raymond Peters (Oakport Independents)

UKIP's victory in Oakport was a surprise for outsiders, but for those who were aware of the situation, it was clear what had happened. Elected in the lead up to the EU Referendum, UKIP was a natural reaction against the Green Council in a city where none of the big three were going anywhere. Raymond Peter has been leader of the council for two years now, and as the 2018 elections approach, the question is just how big will UKIP's- or National's- wipe out be? The whole council group had quit over Henry Bolton, and now it was testing ground for survival. Brexit is already hitting Oakport hard- even though they voted for it 2 to 1- and Peters has become the face for a coalition of parties vying to push back the purple wave from its high water mark. Oakport is a radical city- who knows who they'll elect in UKIP's place?
 
Leaders of the Christian Coalition
1996-2001: Graeme Lee (Christian Democrats) and Graham Capill (Christian Heritage) [1]
2001-2003: Ewen McQueen (Christian Heritage) and Murray Smith (Christian Democrats) [2]

[1] - With the advent of MMP, the pre-existing Christian Heritage Party was both hopeful and wary. It was a fundamentalist Christian party modelled on the Canadian party of the same name and the 'testimonial' Christian parties in the Netherlands which advocate their socially conservative views but refuse to descend to the grubby business of participating in Government. One of these parties was still ambivalent about the concept of female suffrage at this point. It was therefore fair to say that the CHP's brand of Christian politics was probably a bit too niche to beat the newfangled electoral system.

It was too niche also for Graeme Lee, a National MP who had been strongly opposed to the legalisation of homosexuality and Michael Laws' euthanasia bill. Lee's vision was for a party which espoused right-wing views but didn't actually forbid non-Christians from becoming members, and he therefore created his own Christian Democratic Party. As the 1996 election grew closer, though, it became apparent that neither of these parties was capturing the public imagination, and they therefore formed the 'Christian Coalition' to fight the election together.

The 1996 election saw the Coalition enter the House of Representatives with 5.3% of the vote and 7 seats - these seats making it impossible for Winston Peters to act as Kingmaker without including either the Alliance or ACT as a third member. Hating neoliberals slightly more than he hated Jim Anderton, Peters therefore reluctantly plumped for Labour, ushering in twelve years of the Clark government. Within the Christian Coalition, however, there were ructions. Lee thought that more could have been done to sell a National-NZ First-Christian government to Winston, but Capill was intransigent about refusing to participate in Government. Over the next three years, most of the moderate members of Christian Heritage crossed over (some quietly, some loudly) to the Christian Democrats, including the MPs John Jamieson and Peter Yarrell. This imbalance within the Coaliton caucus was only slightly redressed when the Alliance's Frank Grover crossed the floor to join the CHP.

The next election saw a modest increase for the Coalition, however, as they were distanced from both the government and from Jenny Shipley's uninspiring opposition. National's hopes for government were ended for good when ACT fell below the threshold and out of Parliament (they later merged with United to form 'ACT Liberal!') so the balance of argument within the Coalition fell ever more towards Lee's pragmatic, pro-participation Christian Democrats. But the internal turf war exploded in 2001, when an anonymous leaker spread the word that Graham Capill had engaged in numerous acts of paedophilia. Capill could do nothing but resign and face the music, and Lee followed in his wake after having received death threats from numerous people who had got their Graham/Graemes mixed up.

[2] - The Coalition limped on under Ewen McQueen and Murray Smith (virtually the only members of caucus not to announce their resignations when the abuse scandal engulfed the CHP) and only remained in Parliament thanks to the help of Australian political strategist David Elliott, who proposed the novel idea that they actually campaign for votes in an electorate. They chose Wairarapa, in order to unseat the world's first transgender MP, Georgina Beyer. Merepeka Raukawa-Tait, Christian Heritage Party candidate and director of a women's refuge, defeated her in a narrow victory aided by a national swing against Labour after their second term, and the Coalition retained five seats overall.

But very soon, it became apparent that Capill would be found guilty, so it was decided by McQueen that the only chance Christian politics had was if Capill's bad press were limited to the CHP, so he led his party out of the Coalition so that the Christian Democrats might save themselves. The CHP got 256 votes in 2005.
 
Leaders of the Christian Democrats
2003-2006: Murray Smith [3]
2006-2010: Judy Turner [4]
2010-2012: Paul Adams [5]
2012-2016: Colin Craig [6]
2016-present: Denise Lee [7]

[3] - Murray Smith understood his role as saving the CDP. His rump caucus consisted of the reasonably capable MPs Larry Baldock and Judy Turner, who weathered early criticism that now that they weren't tied to the Wairarapa electorate seat they had no business sitting in Parliament and worked to oppose the left's anti-smacking bills and civil unions and legalisation of prostitution. This gained them the support of conservatives who were unimpressed by the continued leadership of Bill English, and netted them 7 seats. Helen Clark continued in government with support from NZ First, the Greens, and Anderton's rump Alliance, while Smith stood aside for fresh leadership untainted by the Capill incident.

[4] - Judy Turner, the first female leader and probably the most liberal member of the caucus, was seen as the person to lead the Christian Democrats kicking and, in many cases, screaming into the 21st century. In the event, though, she failed to replace the conservative white men in her caucus (people like Richard Lewis of Destiny Church, the Catholic Gordon Copeland and City Impact's Paul Adams) with moderates, only adding Denise Lee to the team in the 2008 election. Also added was Taito Phillip Field, the former Labour MP for Mangere who had been expelled from Labour for corruption and then started an evangelical and socially conservative Pacific Party. For 2008, the Pacific Party was folded into the Christian Democrats, and although Field only came second in Mangere, he was elected from the common list.

This was, in hindsight, a mistake. Before long, Field was found guilty of all charges. Again, Christian politics was judged to be grubbier even than the secular kind, and the white men in caucus used Judy Turner as their scapegoat, even though she had initially been opposed to joining up with Field. In reality, they had been sharpening their knives ever since Turner had attempted to lead them into coalition with Labour after 2008, even though National had won the popular vote, the vast majority of the party preferred to deal with National, and some were still of the opinion that going into coalition would send them to Hell.

[5] - The plotters united around Paul Young, the most hard-line fundamentalist among them, and he rolled Turner at the next Party Conference. The new attitude of the Christian Democrats in this new, National-dominated Parliament, was to be intransigent on social issues in order to attract attention. The fact that National was supported by ACT Liberal! and Mana Motuhake made this very easy, and Adams found it very easy to shout about euthanasia bills, gay marriage and any money whatsoever being given to Maori. The party therefore expended a lot of energy staying afloat in mid-term and actually lost a seat on election day. Adams attempted to stay on, but his new recruits in Colin Craig, Leighton Baker and Paul Young were less loyal than their predecessors, and before long, they made their move.

[6] - The new Leader, Colin Craig, was the most charismatic they'd had in a long time and, moreover, had come along at exactly the right time. John Key's government was now dependent on the fickle support of Winston Peters and was therefore riven with internal disputes about everything from asset sales to the future of the Maori electorates. Meanwhile, the Labour-Green opposition seemed increasingly out of touch with the less progressive sections of the electorate, so Craig was the natural face of conservative discontent. He led the Christian Democrats to ever higher positions in the polls, while moderating the agenda to be less about the evils of gay marriage and more about how great a binding referendum on gay marriage would be. Liberal voices like that of Denise Lee were integral to this rebrand.

But as the 2014 election came closer, the support in the early going proved ephemeral, and the seat count only increased to 11 while David Shearer's Labour Party took over with Green and Internet support. National actually topped the poll, but Labour's Ginny Andersen defeated Peter Dunne in Ohariu to deny ACT Liberal! the seats their 4% would have entitled them to, and NZ First likewise fell terminally below the threshold. Still, Craig had done a good job to grow the party, and it seemed likely that he would settle in for another term. It was not to be: a few botched media performances lost him the enthusiasm of his party members, and finally he was holed below the waterline by sexual harassment allegations from his press secretary, Rachel McGregor. Craig resigned in disgrace, while the pundits drew inevitable links to the Graham Capill case of the previous decade. Things looked bad.

[7] - Denise Lee, daughter of Graeme Lee, was the obvious choice to succeed the tainted Craig, being the party's longest-serving female MP and liberal enough to give lip service to the idea that sexism was in itself a bad thing. The run-up to the 2017 election was a tenser affair than the last one, and Lee was even reported to be pleading with National for a grubby electorate deal. In the end, 5.06% delivered 5 seats. With a resurgent National Party led by Amy Adams getting just short of a majority, and Mana Motuhake being cast out of Parliament, the only coalition option was for the Christian Democrats to - finally - participate in a governing coalition. After six months of the new government, Lee and her party are well on the way to delivering the policies they contributed to the coalition agreement: abolition of the Maori electorates, abolition of the Emissions Trading Scheme, and a programme of major tax cuts. There will also be a binding referendum on whether to ban gay marriage, but this is being derided as a waste of money with the result a foregone conclusion.

Against all odds, Christian politics in New Zealand has survived and, arguably, even thrived.
 
The Second Glorious Revolution
After the death of King Frederick I, it was thought that his fiercest rival - in good, Hanoverian tradition, his eldest son and heir - might be a change for the better for Great Britain. George III was seen as a thoughtful man, with an interest in agriculture, as well as being a proper Anglican who had been raised in Great Britain - the first British monarch to do so on both fronts in the better part of a century. Nevertheless, his father’s spendthrift rule and his constant loggerheads with Parliament had left a moribund government in London, thoroughly resented by nearly all comers, even by its own participants, and George III was little interested in governing; he left the government to his favorites from Parliament, now only rarely elected and, as had been since the fall of the First Commonwealth, as corrupt as one could imagine.

In 1789, just over a hundred years after the first Glorious Revolution, after a desperate, bitter dispute between the King’s ministry and Parliament over the country’s massive debt crisis left over from King Frederick’s rule, London burst out into revolt...

Heads of State of Great Britain, 1707 to present

King of Great Britain, France and Ireland (1707-1790)
Anne (House of Stuart) 1707-1714
George I (House of Hanover) 1714-1727
George II (House of Hanover) 1727-1727
Frederick I (House of Hanover) 1727-1778
George III (House of Hanover) 1778-1790

King of the Britons and the Irish (1790-1798)
George III (House of Hanover) 1790-1796
George IV (House of Hanover) 1796-1798

Speaker of the National Convention of Great Britain and Ireland (1798-1804)
John Cartwright (Radical) 1798-1799
Thomas Paine (Social Radical) 1799-1802
Thomas Hardy (Preservationist) 1802-1804

Consuls of the Commonwealth of Great Britain (1804-1807)
William Cobbett (Radical) 1804-1807; Thomas Cochrane (Radical); William Godwin (Radical) 1804-1807

Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of Great Britain (1807-1811)
Thomas Cochrane (Radical) 1807-1811

Emperor of the Britons (1811-1820)
Thomas I (House of Dundonald) 1811-1820

King of Great Britain, France and Ireland (1820-1835)
Frederick II (House of Hanover) 1820-1831
Ernest (House of Hanover) 1831-1835

King of the Britons and the Irish (1835-1860)
Charles III (House of Stuart) 1835-1860
James III (House of Stuart) 1860-1860

President of the Commonwealth of Great Britain (1860-1866)
Thomas Cochrane (United Popular Front) 1860-1866

Emperor of the Britons (1866-1888)
Thomas II (House of Dundonald) 1866-1888

President of the Commonwealth of Great Britain and Ireland (1888-1932)
Robert Gascoyne-Cecil (Liberal) 1888-1894
William Gladstone (Republican) 1894-1900
Arthur Balfour (Liberal) 1900-1906
Henry Campbell-Bannerman (Republican) 1906-1908
Herbert Asquith (Republican) 1908-1914
David Lloyd George (Republican) 1914-1920
Austen Chamberlain (Republican) 1920-1926
Stanley Baldwin (Liberal) 1926-1932
Ramsay MacDonald (British Section of the Workers’ International) 1932-1938
Neville Chamberlain (Republican) 1938-1943

Administrator of the British State (1943-1949)
Harold Harmsworth (National Union for Britain) 1943-1949

King of the Britons (1949-1983)
Edward VII (House of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha) 1949-1972
Elizabeth II (House of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha) 1972-1983

President of the Chartered Commonwealth of Great Britain (1983-2010)
Michael Foot (Democratic Socialist Chartists’ Party) 1983-1989
Neil Kinnock (Democratic Socialist Chartists’ Party) 1989-1995
Anthony Blair (Democratic Socialist Chartists’ Party) 1995-2001
Gordon Brown (Democratic Socialist Chartists’ Party) 2001-2007
David Cameron (Reformed Socialist Party of Great Britain) 2007-2010

Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of Great Britain (2010-present)
David Cameron (Reform for Britain) 2010-present
 
Ciclavex said:
The Second Glorious Revolution
After the death of King Frederick I, it was thought that his fiercest rival - in good, Hanoverian tradition, his eldest son and heir - might be a change for the better for Great Britain. George III was seen as a thoughtful man, with an interest in agriculture, as well as being a proper Anglican who had been raised in Great Britain - the first British monarch to do so on both fronts in the better part of a century. Nevertheless, his father’s spendthrift rule and his constant loggerheads with Parliament had left a moribund government in London, thoroughly resented by nearly all comers, even by its own participants, and George III was little interested in governing; he left the government to his favorites from Parliament, now only rarely elected and, as had been since the fall of the First Commonwealth, as corrupt as one could imagine.

In 1789, just over a hundred years after the first Glorious Revolution, after a desperate, bitter dispute between the King’s ministry and Parliament over the country’s massive debt crisis left over from King Frederick’s rule, London burst out into revolt...

Heads of State of Great Britain, 1707 to present

King of Great Britain, France and Ireland (1707-1790)
Anne (House of Stuart) 1707-1714
George I (House of Hanover) 1714-1727
George II (House of Hanover) 1727-1727
Frederick I (House of Hanover) 1727-1778
George III (House of Hanover) 1778-1790

King of the Britons and the Irish (1790-1798)
George III (House of Hanover) 1790-1796
George IV (House of Hanover) 1796-1798

Speaker of the National Convention of Great Britain and Ireland (1798-1804)
John Cartwright (Radical) 1798-1799
Thomas Paine (Social Radical) 1799-1802
Thomas Hardy (Preservationist) 1802-1804

Consuls of the Commonwealth of Great Britain (1804-1807)
William Cobbett (Radical) 1804-1807; Thomas Cochrane (Radical); William Godwin (Radical) 1804-1807

Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of Great Britain (1807-1811)
Thomas Cochrane (Radical) 1807-1811

Emperor of the Britons (1811-1820)
Thomas I (House of Dundonald) 1811-1820

King of Great Britain, France and Ireland (1820-1835)
Frederick II (House of Hanover) 1820-1831
Ernest (House of Hanover) 1831-1835

King of the Britons and the Irish (1835-1860)
Charles III (House of Stuart) 1835-1860
James III (House of Stuart) 1860-1860

President of the Commonwealth of Great Britain (1860-1866)
Thomas Cochrane (United Popular Front) 1860-1866

Emperor of the Britons (1866-1888)
Thomas II (House of Dundonald) 1866-1888

President of the Commonwealth of Great Britain and Ireland (1888-1932)
Robert Gascoyne-Cecil (Liberal) 1888-1894
William Gladstone (Republican) 1894-1900
Arthur Balfour (Liberal) 1900-1906
Henry Campbell-Bannerman (Republican) 1906-1908
Herbert Asquith (Republican) 1908-1914
David Lloyd George (Republican) 1914-1920
Austen Chamberlain (Republican) 1920-1926
Stanley Baldwin (Liberal) 1926-1932
Ramsay MacDonald (British Section of the Workers’ International) 1932-1938
Neville Chamberlain (Republican) 1938-1943

Administrator of the British State (1943-1949)
Harold Harmsworth (National Union for Britain) 1943-1949

King of the Britons (1949-1983)
Edward VII (House of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha) 1949-1972
Elizabeth II (House of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha) 1972-1983

President of the Chartered Commonwealth of Great Britain (1983-2010)
Michael Foot (Democratic Socialist Chartists’ Party) 1983-1989
Neil Kinnock (Democratic Socialist Chartists’ Party) 1989-1995
Anthony Blair (Democratic Socialist Chartists’ Party) 1995-2001
Gordon Brown (Democratic Socialist Chartists’ Party) 2001-2007
David Cameron (Reformed Socialist Party of Great Britain) 2007-2010

Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of Great Britain (2010-present)
David Cameron (Reform for Britain) 2010-present
Click to expand...
So is this, like, France but a bit different?

I like it a lot as a Frangleterre angle, but don't get the 1983-2010 L E F T B R I T A I N bit, or the monarchy coming back.
 
Meadow said:
So is this, like, France but a bit different?

I like it a lot as a Frangleterre angle, but don't get the 1983-2010 L E F T B R I T A I N bit, or the monarchy coming back.
Click to expand...
Redolegna said:
It's the restored monarchy as Fourth Republic which tripped me up.
Click to expand...

It’s initially a pastiche of France, as you can easily see, but as Redolegna points out, it has another monarchic restoration in place of the Fourth Republic. With this, it takes a hard turn away from France by then having the restored monarchy fall to another revolution from the Left, rather than the right-leaning coup that brought down the Fourth Republic IOTL, because the implication is intended to be that the restored monarchy is conservative to reactionary, so a different element reacted to it to form the next republic. At that point it becomes Leftists Only until the more moderate conservatives topple the system from within... and then don’t really stabilize as OTL France did and instead revert to the old conservative personal dictatorships of the 19th century, continuing the vicious cycle of revolution started in the 17th century.
 
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