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To wit, the other post-1900 countrywide elections, held in 1911 with councils elected by the 40-point franchise:
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Max's election maps and assorted others
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I talked to @Heat a while ago about the possibility of mapping the State Duma elections in the Russian Empire, and well, today I found the electoral law in a source citation on the Russian Wikipedia. Turns out it's quite a simple affair, because the elections were held in the individual guberniyas (provinces), which were for the most part not subdivided into constituencies. The exception was that the 20 principal cities of the empire formed separate constituencies, which used a distinct voting method from the "rural" constituencies. Both, however, were indirect - there was a highly conservative four-class franchise that looked quite a lot like something @Ciclavex might use in his TL. The following groups were entitled to choose electors:
- Landowners who held more than a certain amount of land (the limit was between 100 and 650 desyatiny, or about 250 and and 1500 acres) depending on where you were) or held immovable property worth at least 15,000 rubles formed the first curia, which chose one elector per 2,000 voters.
- Urban voters, who either owned immovable property above a certain limit or met certain other specifications (which presumably also differed from place to place), formed the second curia, which chose one elector per 4,000 voters.
- Self-owning peasants above the age of 25 who did not hold enough land to qualify for the first curia formed the third curia, which met in the volosts (traditional self-government units) and chose representatives to uyezd-level (between a guberniya and a volost in size, about the same as a modern raion or a German Landkreis) assemblies who in turn chose one elector per 40,000 voters in the uyezd.
- Workers above the age of 25 employed in businesses with at least 50 employees formed the fourth curia, which chose representatives for each individual enterprise who in turn chose one elector per 90,000 voters.
Obviously, this left out a fair few people. Women, most notably, but also small business employees, anyone below 25 who didn't own large amounts of property, some classes of civil servants (most notably the police and military), and of course, every group that was usually disqualified from voting in systems like this - anyone bankrupt, anyone convicted by a criminal court, anyone under legal guardianship, and so on.
The electors all then met in an electoral assembly (all four curiae in the rural constituencies, only the second and fourth in the cities), and chose as many deputies as the guberniya was entitled to send, which was anywhere from one to fifteen. The discrepancies between this and the Constituent Assembly apportionment were such that I think both of them can't have been purely by population, and well, I trust the Provisional Government over the Tsarists on that particular score.
You'd expect this system to return a massively right-wing assembly, wouldn't you? Well, not in Russia. Remember that there had just been a revolution on, which was the reason they were even holding elections at all. Before this they'd chugged along "fine" under the mostly-appointed State Council, and many conservatives made it very clear that they preferred it that way by abstaining from the Duma elections. Most of the left, too, were upset by the lack of genuine democracy, and sat the election out (although the very moderate Trudoviks did stand and formed the second-largest party, and a few Social Democrats won election as independents). The result was that the Duma as elected was more or less Peak Radical Centrism, with the Constitutional Democratic Party (or Kadets for short), sometimes also called the Party of People's Freedom, as by far the largest party with 179 of 478 seats. Including the Trudoviks to their left and the Progressives and Democratic Reformists to their right, a liberal-democratic bloc held a large majority in the First Duma.
The majority elected Sergei Muromtsev, a law professor and prominent Kadet, to the Presidency of the Duma, and he tried his very best to control proceedings, but it was a complete write-off from the start. The deputies were all very angry, might've disagreed on what they were angry about, but did mostly agree that the Tsar was to blame. They passed resolutions calling for freedom of the press, freedom of assembly and the immediate release of political prisoners, and over three hundred grievances were brought against the government by individual deputies. The Tsar dissolved the Duma within two months of its session, but a group of Kadets including Muromtsev moved their session up the rail line to Viborg, where they signed the "Viborg Appeal" calling for the Tsar to respect the democratic process. For their trouble, they were thrown in jail and barred from participating in the next election, which ended up looking quite different as a result.
I wasn't able to find information for the Caucasus, Central Asia (mostly) or eastern Siberia, because elections there were held under special legislation and the electoral law made no specific apportionment for them (this is probably also true of western Siberia, only I found a separate document for the elections there). That said, those should amount to about 50-60 seats, so we have the vast majority shown. It's also worth noting that only some of the brown little mans are actually independents - probably the majority are cases where I wasn't able to find anything out, either because I was unable to parse the blurb in the Russian-language catalogue of deputies I used to work out party affiliations, or because they just straight-up weren't listed.
- Landowners who held more than a certain amount of land (the limit was between 100 and 650 desyatiny, or about 250 and and 1500 acres) depending on where you were) or held immovable property worth at least 15,000 rubles formed the first curia, which chose one elector per 2,000 voters.
- Urban voters, who either owned immovable property above a certain limit or met certain other specifications (which presumably also differed from place to place), formed the second curia, which chose one elector per 4,000 voters.
- Self-owning peasants above the age of 25 who did not hold enough land to qualify for the first curia formed the third curia, which met in the volosts (traditional self-government units) and chose representatives to uyezd-level (between a guberniya and a volost in size, about the same as a modern raion or a German Landkreis) assemblies who in turn chose one elector per 40,000 voters in the uyezd.
- Workers above the age of 25 employed in businesses with at least 50 employees formed the fourth curia, which chose representatives for each individual enterprise who in turn chose one elector per 90,000 voters.
Obviously, this left out a fair few people. Women, most notably, but also small business employees, anyone below 25 who didn't own large amounts of property, some classes of civil servants (most notably the police and military), and of course, every group that was usually disqualified from voting in systems like this - anyone bankrupt, anyone convicted by a criminal court, anyone under legal guardianship, and so on.
The electors all then met in an electoral assembly (all four curiae in the rural constituencies, only the second and fourth in the cities), and chose as many deputies as the guberniya was entitled to send, which was anywhere from one to fifteen. The discrepancies between this and the Constituent Assembly apportionment were such that I think both of them can't have been purely by population, and well, I trust the Provisional Government over the Tsarists on that particular score.
You'd expect this system to return a massively right-wing assembly, wouldn't you? Well, not in Russia. Remember that there had just been a revolution on, which was the reason they were even holding elections at all. Before this they'd chugged along "fine" under the mostly-appointed State Council, and many conservatives made it very clear that they preferred it that way by abstaining from the Duma elections. Most of the left, too, were upset by the lack of genuine democracy, and sat the election out (although the very moderate Trudoviks did stand and formed the second-largest party, and a few Social Democrats won election as independents). The result was that the Duma as elected was more or less Peak Radical Centrism, with the Constitutional Democratic Party (or Kadets for short), sometimes also called the Party of People's Freedom, as by far the largest party with 179 of 478 seats. Including the Trudoviks to their left and the Progressives and Democratic Reformists to their right, a liberal-democratic bloc held a large majority in the First Duma.
The majority elected Sergei Muromtsev, a law professor and prominent Kadet, to the Presidency of the Duma, and he tried his very best to control proceedings, but it was a complete write-off from the start. The deputies were all very angry, might've disagreed on what they were angry about, but did mostly agree that the Tsar was to blame. They passed resolutions calling for freedom of the press, freedom of assembly and the immediate release of political prisoners, and over three hundred grievances were brought against the government by individual deputies. The Tsar dissolved the Duma within two months of its session, but a group of Kadets including Muromtsev moved their session up the rail line to Viborg, where they signed the "Viborg Appeal" calling for the Tsar to respect the democratic process. For their trouble, they were thrown in jail and barred from participating in the next election, which ended up looking quite different as a result.
I wasn't able to find information for the Caucasus, Central Asia (mostly) or eastern Siberia, because elections there were held under special legislation and the electoral law made no specific apportionment for them (this is probably also true of western Siberia, only I found a separate document for the elections there). That said, those should amount to about 50-60 seats, so we have the vast majority shown. It's also worth noting that only some of the brown little mans are actually independents - probably the majority are cases where I wasn't able to find anything out, either because I was unable to parse the blurb in the Russian-language catalogue of deputies I used to work out party affiliations, or because they just straight-up weren't listed.
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Helsingborg, in spite of a great part of its surface area turning yellow on the map, had a very dull election. The Alliance stayed put, the Social Democrats and the Left stayed put, the only significant change was that SD gained three seats off the Greens. Oh, and like a lot of other places, they abolished the council constituencies.
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I entitle this work "Hungary in 1900, or How Far East Did the Counter-Reformation Reach?"
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And with the key:
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I'm sure we can all agree that this was long overdue.
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And here they are.
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Speaking of Centre Parties...
I came across a map of interwar Estonia's administrative divisions on Wikimedia Commons the other day, and as one does, I was struck by an overwhelming desire to draw over it. So here's the situation as of 1937:
On independence, Estonia created a local government system that was pretty clearly inspired by Sweden and Finland, with eleven provinces (singular maakond, plural maakonnad) partially based on the old Russian uyezds (subdivided in some places) and 365 parishes (vald/vallad) below them alongside twenty towns (linn/linnad) and fifteen boroughs (alev/alevid) covering urban areas (all numbers stated are as of 1937 - my understanding is that there were about 380 parishes on independence). These all had councils, with provincial councils led by provincial elders (maavanem/maavanemad), larger town councils led by mayors (linnapea/linnapead), smaller town and borough councils led by town elders (linnavanem/linnavanemad), and parish councils by parish elders (vallavanem/vallavanemad).
The parishes were all based on old ecclesiastical parish lines, which were essentially "what if you take the worst aspects of Swedish/Finnish parish boundaries and throw in some German nobles". Because if there's one group of people who know how to draw sensible lines on a map, it's German nobles. The result was a staggering number of exclaves, particularly in what had been Livonia - these are pictured below. Towns and boroughs are all coloured white to avoid confusion - none of them had any exclaves, thank God.
Now, these boundaries as well as the small size of some parishes posed administrative problems, so when Konstantin Päts brought in authoritarian rule through a self-coup in 1934, one of the many changes he brought in was a thorough reform of parish boundaries. Started in 1935, passed into law in 1938 and coming into force on 1 January 1939, the reform lowered the number of parishes to 248, most of which had above 1500 inhabitants, and all of which had regular, exclave-free boundaries. Which made things more logical, but frankly also a great deal more boring.
The towns were unchanged by the reform, except insofar as all the boroughs (except Narva-Jõesuu for some reason - it may have been raised, deprived of town status under the Soviets and then elevated again, I wouldn't know if so) were elevated to town status.
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1864-1866: Robert Georg Wrede (Hat majority)
1866-1871: Robert Georg Wrede (Hat leading War Government with War Caps)
1869: "National Unity" (254; Hat 210, War Cap 44), Peace Cap (53), New Liberal (3)
1871-1875: Robert Georg Wrede (National majority)
1874: National (204), Liberal (104)
1875: National (201), Liberal (112)
Still rated high on the list of Chancery Presidents by most historians, Baron Wrede is perhaps less known to the general public than the war he led Sweden through. Started over religious politics in the Middle East, the war of 1866-69 saw Russia attack the Ottoman Empire and then face a coalition of Turkish, French, British and Swedish forces, which inflicted a sound defeat on it and came close to capturing St. Petersburg. The peace treaty saw the recovery of the far more defensible 1721 boundary in Karelia, along with the islands of Hogland, Tyterskär, Seitskär and Lövskär, giving Sweden essentially its modern-day borders.
At home, Wrede was a champion of protectionist tolls designed to shore up domestic industry, an age-old Hat position that carried over into the new National Party formed out of the wartime coalition. The Peace Caps and New Liberals merged into a corresponding Liberal Party, whose main policy was free trade; this proved unable to break through Wrede's majority in 1874, and again when King Gustav V died and the Riksdag was dissolved in 1875. Having served for close to twelve years, Wrede declared that he would not carry on under Adolf II, retiring to his estates in Finland Proper where he died in 1884.
1875-1877: Johan August Bååth (National majority)
Bååth is, frankly, not one of our better-remembered heads of government. Tapped by the King to replace Wrede, he failed to win the confidence of Wrede's old lieutenants, and a cabinet revolt forced him out after a year and a half in office.
1877-1882: Mauritz Klinckowström (National majority)
1878: National (199), Liberal (117), Radical (2)
Klinckowström, who had been President of the College of War for the better part of a decade and served as a general in the Army before that, was a stronger leader than Bååth or arguably Wrede. A tall man with a strong voice and a legendary temper, he suffered only for his lack of real independent ideas. His disposition made him a good general and an excellent cabinet minister, but as head of government he was questionable at best. Indeed, his domineering style suppressed many initiatives from both the Riksdag and the world of letters, ensuring that very little policy got carried out and Sweden merely carried on for the five years he was in power. The electorate, happy to give the Nationals a chance when Klinckowström's leadership was new, turned away from them when King Adolf's death triggered an early dissolution in 1882.
1882-1886: Erik Gustaf von Ungern-Sternberg (Liberal majority)
1882: Liberal (169), National (145), Radical (7)
The first Liberal government ever, and the first government in thirty-five years not led by a Hat or National, came to power with a slim majority, and Ungern-Sternberg did all he could to make sure he didn't suffer the sort of split that had brought down his predecessors. He was aided in this by the fact that a left split, the Radical Party, had already taken hold. Like the New Liberals before them, the Radicals were formed by backbenchers angry with the leadership for their vacillation on one key issue - but this time it wasn't trade, it was the franchise. The Radicals were staunch proponents of universal suffrage, and the satirical press soon gave them the nickname "Phrygians", which would follow them throughout their existence.
None of this particularly concerned Ungern-Sternberg, a Livonian nobleman of ancient lineage who led his government from the Lords. Instead he focused on the old Liberal flagships: free trade and free enterprise. The ancient restriction of foreign trade to chartered staple ports was abolished, as were the few remaining guild privileges, the burgher franchise was brought into line with the rural one, and tariffs were lowered across the board. The reforms came after most other European countries had already abolished their tariffs, and indeed some were moving back toward protectionism, but nevertheless helped keep prices down for the burgeoning industrial classes. Satisfied with his achievements, Ungern-Sternberg asked the King to dissolve the Riksdag for an election in spring 1886. In hindsight, this was likely a mistake...
1886-1889: Gustaf Fredrik Carpelan (National majority)
1886: National (193), Liberal (119), Radical (12)
Two days after the Riksdag was dissolved, a platoon of Russian soldiers on maneouvre crossed the border at Nujama. Swedish border troops opened fire, killed two Russians, and had one of their men crippled by a shot to the hip in response. The Russian government issued a formal apology, claiming it had been a genuine mistake, and war would ultimately not come, but the incident showed tensions were on the rise again in the Baltic. After a chaotic campaign where the defence issue drowned out any other consideration, the Swedish voters saw fit to return the Nationals. The new Chancery President was of an old Finnish family (whose name was originally Karppalainen), and spent his three years in office strengthening Army recruitment and expanding the fortresses at Sveaborg and Fredrikshamn. He was effective at this, and many expected him to survive for a long time, until the release of incriminating documents forced his resignation in 1889.
1889-1895: Augustin Beck-Friis (National majority)
1890: National (203), Liberal (99), Radical (20), Finnish Tenants (9)
Carpelan was replaced by one of the most successful peacetime leaders in the National Party's history. Beck-Friis was an old-school Hat of the Wredean tradition, and while extremely conservative, saw the benefits of a strong state economically as well as socially. His government would raise tariffs again, and with the revenue gained from this, buy up the railway network and extend it into the peripheral regions, turning it into an efficient transport network that could ferry passengers, cargo and - yes - troops from Malmö to Kuopio in as little as four days. The College of Mountains led the expansion of heavy industry, including the first prospecting surveys of the Norrbotten iron mines, and city councils were given increased powers to regulate street grids and clear out slums. Sweden was moving into the second Industrial Revolution with haste, and it was all going quite well, until a spate of crop failures in 1894 (which would turn out to be the last in Swedish history) caused a stock-market crash.
1895-1897: Alexander von Friesen (Liberal minority)
1895: Liberal (161), National (129), Finnish Tenants (20), Radical (17), Workers' Associations (7)
The 1895 elections were indecisive, but it was at least clear that the Nationals had been rejected. Using this argument, Friesen was able to get the backing of the Radicals and the Finnish Tenants' Association, which had been founded after Ungern-Sternberg's government expanded the franchise to include certain tenants as well as freeholders. Their main goal was to bring about more secure tenancy laws, and Friesen would deliver on this in exchange for their support. Other than that, not much was achieved - the Finnish Tenants were against most social reforms other than Finnish language rights, which many Liberals in the western half of the realm opposed, and any economic reforms were sure to be defeated by the National majority in the Lords. The Friesen ministry lasted twenty-seven months before resigning, and the resulting snap election did not go well for any party involved.
1897-1900: Augustin Beck-Friis (National majority)
1897: National (244), Liberal (51), Radical (39), Workers' Associations (3), Finnish Tenants (3)
"Beck-Friis back, please" was certainly not the slogan that won the 1897 elections, but it might as well have been. The old nobleman brought back more or less the old ministry, and true to his pragmatic sensibilities, did not try to undo the few changes Friesen had brought about. He presided over three years of quiet recovery, before dying of a brain haemmorhage seven months into the new century. The National grandees met to determine who would lead them, and would bring into power a man whose legend eclipsed that of Beck-Friis, and approached that of Wrede: the man who would lead Sweden through its greatest trial in two hundred years...
1900-1903: Adolf Lagerheim (National majority)
1902: National (177), Liberal (84), Radical (64), Labour (17)
1903-1907: Adolf Lagerheim (National leading War Government with Liberals and Radicals)
1866-1871: Robert Georg Wrede (Hat leading War Government with War Caps)
1869: "National Unity" (254; Hat 210, War Cap 44), Peace Cap (53), New Liberal (3)
1871-1875: Robert Georg Wrede (National majority)
1874: National (204), Liberal (104)
1875: National (201), Liberal (112)
Still rated high on the list of Chancery Presidents by most historians, Baron Wrede is perhaps less known to the general public than the war he led Sweden through. Started over religious politics in the Middle East, the war of 1866-69 saw Russia attack the Ottoman Empire and then face a coalition of Turkish, French, British and Swedish forces, which inflicted a sound defeat on it and came close to capturing St. Petersburg. The peace treaty saw the recovery of the far more defensible 1721 boundary in Karelia, along with the islands of Hogland, Tyterskär, Seitskär and Lövskär, giving Sweden essentially its modern-day borders.
At home, Wrede was a champion of protectionist tolls designed to shore up domestic industry, an age-old Hat position that carried over into the new National Party formed out of the wartime coalition. The Peace Caps and New Liberals merged into a corresponding Liberal Party, whose main policy was free trade; this proved unable to break through Wrede's majority in 1874, and again when King Gustav V died and the Riksdag was dissolved in 1875. Having served for close to twelve years, Wrede declared that he would not carry on under Adolf II, retiring to his estates in Finland Proper where he died in 1884.
1875-1877: Johan August Bååth (National majority)
Bååth is, frankly, not one of our better-remembered heads of government. Tapped by the King to replace Wrede, he failed to win the confidence of Wrede's old lieutenants, and a cabinet revolt forced him out after a year and a half in office.
1877-1882: Mauritz Klinckowström (National majority)
1878: National (199), Liberal (117), Radical (2)
Klinckowström, who had been President of the College of War for the better part of a decade and served as a general in the Army before that, was a stronger leader than Bååth or arguably Wrede. A tall man with a strong voice and a legendary temper, he suffered only for his lack of real independent ideas. His disposition made him a good general and an excellent cabinet minister, but as head of government he was questionable at best. Indeed, his domineering style suppressed many initiatives from both the Riksdag and the world of letters, ensuring that very little policy got carried out and Sweden merely carried on for the five years he was in power. The electorate, happy to give the Nationals a chance when Klinckowström's leadership was new, turned away from them when King Adolf's death triggered an early dissolution in 1882.
1882-1886: Erik Gustaf von Ungern-Sternberg (Liberal majority)
1882: Liberal (169), National (145), Radical (7)
The first Liberal government ever, and the first government in thirty-five years not led by a Hat or National, came to power with a slim majority, and Ungern-Sternberg did all he could to make sure he didn't suffer the sort of split that had brought down his predecessors. He was aided in this by the fact that a left split, the Radical Party, had already taken hold. Like the New Liberals before them, the Radicals were formed by backbenchers angry with the leadership for their vacillation on one key issue - but this time it wasn't trade, it was the franchise. The Radicals were staunch proponents of universal suffrage, and the satirical press soon gave them the nickname "Phrygians", which would follow them throughout their existence.
None of this particularly concerned Ungern-Sternberg, a Livonian nobleman of ancient lineage who led his government from the Lords. Instead he focused on the old Liberal flagships: free trade and free enterprise. The ancient restriction of foreign trade to chartered staple ports was abolished, as were the few remaining guild privileges, the burgher franchise was brought into line with the rural one, and tariffs were lowered across the board. The reforms came after most other European countries had already abolished their tariffs, and indeed some were moving back toward protectionism, but nevertheless helped keep prices down for the burgeoning industrial classes. Satisfied with his achievements, Ungern-Sternberg asked the King to dissolve the Riksdag for an election in spring 1886. In hindsight, this was likely a mistake...
1886-1889: Gustaf Fredrik Carpelan (National majority)
1886: National (193), Liberal (119), Radical (12)
Two days after the Riksdag was dissolved, a platoon of Russian soldiers on maneouvre crossed the border at Nujama. Swedish border troops opened fire, killed two Russians, and had one of their men crippled by a shot to the hip in response. The Russian government issued a formal apology, claiming it had been a genuine mistake, and war would ultimately not come, but the incident showed tensions were on the rise again in the Baltic. After a chaotic campaign where the defence issue drowned out any other consideration, the Swedish voters saw fit to return the Nationals. The new Chancery President was of an old Finnish family (whose name was originally Karppalainen), and spent his three years in office strengthening Army recruitment and expanding the fortresses at Sveaborg and Fredrikshamn. He was effective at this, and many expected him to survive for a long time, until the release of incriminating documents forced his resignation in 1889.
1889-1895: Augustin Beck-Friis (National majority)
1890: National (203), Liberal (99), Radical (20), Finnish Tenants (9)
Carpelan was replaced by one of the most successful peacetime leaders in the National Party's history. Beck-Friis was an old-school Hat of the Wredean tradition, and while extremely conservative, saw the benefits of a strong state economically as well as socially. His government would raise tariffs again, and with the revenue gained from this, buy up the railway network and extend it into the peripheral regions, turning it into an efficient transport network that could ferry passengers, cargo and - yes - troops from Malmö to Kuopio in as little as four days. The College of Mountains led the expansion of heavy industry, including the first prospecting surveys of the Norrbotten iron mines, and city councils were given increased powers to regulate street grids and clear out slums. Sweden was moving into the second Industrial Revolution with haste, and it was all going quite well, until a spate of crop failures in 1894 (which would turn out to be the last in Swedish history) caused a stock-market crash.
1895-1897: Alexander von Friesen (Liberal minority)
1895: Liberal (161), National (129), Finnish Tenants (20), Radical (17), Workers' Associations (7)
The 1895 elections were indecisive, but it was at least clear that the Nationals had been rejected. Using this argument, Friesen was able to get the backing of the Radicals and the Finnish Tenants' Association, which had been founded after Ungern-Sternberg's government expanded the franchise to include certain tenants as well as freeholders. Their main goal was to bring about more secure tenancy laws, and Friesen would deliver on this in exchange for their support. Other than that, not much was achieved - the Finnish Tenants were against most social reforms other than Finnish language rights, which many Liberals in the western half of the realm opposed, and any economic reforms were sure to be defeated by the National majority in the Lords. The Friesen ministry lasted twenty-seven months before resigning, and the resulting snap election did not go well for any party involved.
1897-1900: Augustin Beck-Friis (National majority)
1897: National (244), Liberal (51), Radical (39), Workers' Associations (3), Finnish Tenants (3)
"Beck-Friis back, please" was certainly not the slogan that won the 1897 elections, but it might as well have been. The old nobleman brought back more or less the old ministry, and true to his pragmatic sensibilities, did not try to undo the few changes Friesen had brought about. He presided over three years of quiet recovery, before dying of a brain haemmorhage seven months into the new century. The National grandees met to determine who would lead them, and would bring into power a man whose legend eclipsed that of Beck-Friis, and approached that of Wrede: the man who would lead Sweden through its greatest trial in two hundred years...
1900-1903: Adolf Lagerheim (National majority)
1902: National (177), Liberal (84), Radical (64), Labour (17)
1903-1907: Adolf Lagerheim (National leading War Government with Liberals and Radicals)
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- Das Böse ist immer und überall
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- Location
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Gothenburg and Uppsala now.
Both more or less speak for themselves - Uppsala seems to have gotten more stable in the city and weirder in the countryside, and Gothenburg is just insanity all over.
Both more or less speak for themselves - Uppsala seems to have gotten more stable in the city and weirder in the countryside, and Gothenburg is just insanity all over.
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This map is objectively bigger than it needs to be, but I don't care, because I'm not fucking drawing Norway again.
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And the corresponding Swedish elections, which have no regional voter data.
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Testing out the smaller basemap from the all-Nordic maps I made with @Makemakean.
These were indirect elections, so there's very little point in majority shading.
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It's done.
I've updated the county boundaries on the election maps to fit these.
I've updated the county boundaries on the election maps to fit these.
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Civil society elections!
This is the vote distribution at the AGM of the Southern Motorsport Association, one of twelve districts of the Swedish Motorsport Association (Svenska Bilsportförbundet, abbreviated SBF or Svensk Bilsport - not to be confused with Bilsport magazine, of course). Every affiliated club gets one base vote and one additional vote for every 100 members.
...no, I don't know why I felt the need to do this either.
This is the vote distribution at the AGM of the Southern Motorsport Association, one of twelve districts of the Swedish Motorsport Association (Svenska Bilsportförbundet, abbreviated SBF or Svensk Bilsport - not to be confused with Bilsport magazine, of course). Every affiliated club gets one base vote and one additional vote for every 100 members.
...no, I don't know why I felt the need to do this either.
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Managed it. Also corrected the county boundaries where those changed as a result of the reform - I tracked Pärnu and Rapla on the old map, but not the rest of them.
Estonia 2019
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