- Location
- Das Böse ist immer und überall
- Pronouns
- he/him
-
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Max's election maps and assorted others
- Thread starter Ares96
- Start date
Ohhhh this is very very neat. How are you calculating the shares given the - ehem - tricky voting system.
Also, I need to double check this but I do think the constituencies for the cities other than Madrid and Barcelona included their respective judicial district. But I’ll get to you on that once I’m not in a moving car.
If you’re very curious, the Basque Country government’s election site has the results at the municipal level.
Also, I need to double check this but I do think the constituencies for the cities other than Madrid and Barcelona included their respective judicial district. But I’ll get to you on that once I’m not in a moving car.
If you’re very curious, the Basque Country government’s election site has the results at the municipal level.
- Location
- Das Böse ist immer und überall
- Pronouns
- he/him
I found an old Spanish elections blog and am using the results (both first-round voteshares and seats) from that uncritically. It's not perfect, but honestly I think it's as good as any other method.
Hmm, so what are the chances those would line up with the Restoration-era constituencies you drew up a while ago?
Chances are good but I have a list of municipalities per judicial district from the 1920s that will do fine. I’ll send it over tonight.
The urban constituencies tended to include various additional judicial districts to the main city’s to (possibly, allegedly) dilute the urban vote.
Thought some people may find this interesting, South Africa under two electoral systems, one using a mixed-member system with multi-member constituencies with between three and seven MPs and a 100 PR seat top up and another with 200 MPs elected from single-member constituencies with a 200 seat PR top up.
Courtesy of this dude on Twitter: https://twitter.com/adrianfrith
Courtesy of this dude on Twitter: https://twitter.com/adrianfrith
Attachments
- Location
- Derbyshire
The single-member seats especially feel like you'd see a lot of narrow majorities.
Do you mean in the seats themselves?
Spain 1936
- Location
- Das Böse ist immer und überall
- Pronouns
- he/him
- Location
- Derbyshire
Yeah, the seats themselves- that level of ANC/DA duopoly feels like a lot of the seats would be won on relatively low percentages rather than massive majorities.
- Location
- Das Böse ist immer und überall
- Pronouns
- he/him
I don't know, it would depend on how racially mixed any given seat is.
Yes, in some places, like the Eastern Cape and Limpopo you're probably going to have seats returning ANC MPs with 80 or 90% of the vote, might get that in some parts of Cape Town and the DA.
Nepal 2017 (1/2)
- Location
- Das Böse ist immer und überall
- Pronouns
- he/him
Well, you can blame @Aolbain for these.
The 2015 Constitution of Nepal deliberately broke with 250 years of tradition, not only by codifying the 2008 abolition of the monarchy, but also by establishing the country as a federal state for the first time. The idea being that rather than attempt to rule the whole thing from Kathmandu, the local towns and regions should be allowed to guide their own development - very nice and democratic, and with the added bonus of hopefully breaking the old power structures that had kept the monarchy and its political allies afloat. After some wrangling over borders, the Constitution in its final form established seven provinces, ranging from one and a half to five and a half million and covering around 10-15 each of the country's districts. It did not name any of them, instead assigning them numbers from east to west and giving the provincial assemblies the task of naming their own provinces.
As of writing, the only province that has still not settled on a name is Province No. 1, which covers the entire eastern end of the country, stretching from the densely-populated Terai (plains) region in the south to the peak of Mount Everest in the north. The capital is Biratnagar, in the Terai, which is a major centre of textile production and has been essentially for as long as Nepal has had large-scale industry. Its jute mills were the site of a 1947 strike that marked the beginning of the downfall of the Ranas and the birth of Nepalese democracy, although that obviously didn't last long. The hillier parts of the province are notable for the relatively strong presence of Kirat Mundhum, a folk religion that shares only some trappings with standard Nepalese Hinduism (itself fairly nonstandard - of course, there's not really any such thing as "orthodox Hinduism") and counts some 17% of the province's population as adherents. This isn't really reflected in local politics, though, as the voting patterns of Province No. 1 largely follow those of Nepal as a whole. The hill country is strong for the Communist parties, the moderate Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) capturing most areas while the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre), the former guerrillas of the Civil War period, hold a fair number of peripheral seats. In the Terai, the Nepali Congress has some strongholds, though they're very much the minority party in the province as a whole, capturing 21 out of 93 seats in the assembly.
As with Nepal as a whole, Province No. 1 has seen some upheaval in the past year or two, as the merger of the CPN(UML) and the CPN(MC) into a unified Nepal Communist Party was undone by factional strife. This turned out to involve three distinct factions, as the former UML faction led by Madhav Kumar Nepal (yes, his surname is "Nepal") joined with ex-MC leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal (also known by his nom de guerre "Prachanda") in criticising ex-UML leader K. P. Sharma Oli, who they argued was overstepping the terms of the unification treaty to seize control of the party for himself. The Oli and Nepal-Prachanda factions fought for control of the party institutions and name throughout the first months of 2021, reaching the Supreme Court in March. The court ruled that, in fact, neither side had the right to the "Nepal Communist Party" name, as a minor party had been registered under that name since 2013, five years prior to the UML-MC merger. The upshot of all this was that the two old parties reappeared in more or less the same form, although the UML lost the Nepal faction, which formed the new Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Socialist). Confused yet? Well, you're about to get more confused, because the MC and US both pulled support for Oli's left unity government in July, forming a new coalition with Congress under their leader Sher Bahadur Deuba - his fifth non-consecutive premiership. This realignment was followed across five of the seven provincial assemblies, as none of the current chief ministers are from the UML. Province No. 1, for its part, is under Rajendra Kumar Rai of the CPN(US).
Unfortunately the Wikipedia tables don't have percentages, and the official results page is in Nepali only, so instead of an actual election map I will be presenting the current party affiliations of members based on the data from Wikipedia. It says 2021 and not 2022 on the headings because the tables in question all have warnings saying they need to be updated, so take this all with a grain of salt.
Oh, and the grey areas are nature preserves, which don't form part of any constituency.
If Province No. 1 is fairly typical of the Nepalese political system, Madhesh Province (formerly Province No. 2) is anything but. It's located almost entirely in the Terai region, and populated largely by non-Nepali ethnicities usually referred to collectively as "Madheshi" (meaning something like "midlanders"). Its two main urban centres are Janakpur, the provincial capital, which is roughly in the middle of the province and is notable for being the Nepalese end of the only working passenger railway in the country, and Birgunj, which is also something of a transport hub as it lies on the main road connecting Kathmandu to the Indian border.
Madhesh is notable as the weakest province for both Communist parties, but Congress isn't really any stronger here than it is nationally. Instead, the People's Socialist Party and its predecessors (dear God, do not get me started - suffice it to say most of its members shown here were elected as part of two equally-strong parties) traditionally dominate, supporting Madheshi rights and decentralisation in addition to a democratic socialism that places them somewhere between the UML and Congress on the left-right spectrum. Madhesh is one of the two exceptions to the UML collapse, as the party was already in opposition here before the 2021 crisis. Chief Minister Mohammad Lalbabu Raut (PSP) has been in power since the beginning of provincial devolution in 2018, initially only in coalition with Congress, but in 2021 a split in the PSP created the Democratic Socialist Party, which left the government, at which point Raut invited the MC and US to join his coalition instead.
The other five provinces will come as soon as I can map them - I'm going through some capital-S Stuff at the moment, so God only knows when that will be.
The 2015 Constitution of Nepal deliberately broke with 250 years of tradition, not only by codifying the 2008 abolition of the monarchy, but also by establishing the country as a federal state for the first time. The idea being that rather than attempt to rule the whole thing from Kathmandu, the local towns and regions should be allowed to guide their own development - very nice and democratic, and with the added bonus of hopefully breaking the old power structures that had kept the monarchy and its political allies afloat. After some wrangling over borders, the Constitution in its final form established seven provinces, ranging from one and a half to five and a half million and covering around 10-15 each of the country's districts. It did not name any of them, instead assigning them numbers from east to west and giving the provincial assemblies the task of naming their own provinces.
As of writing, the only province that has still not settled on a name is Province No. 1, which covers the entire eastern end of the country, stretching from the densely-populated Terai (plains) region in the south to the peak of Mount Everest in the north. The capital is Biratnagar, in the Terai, which is a major centre of textile production and has been essentially for as long as Nepal has had large-scale industry. Its jute mills were the site of a 1947 strike that marked the beginning of the downfall of the Ranas and the birth of Nepalese democracy, although that obviously didn't last long. The hillier parts of the province are notable for the relatively strong presence of Kirat Mundhum, a folk religion that shares only some trappings with standard Nepalese Hinduism (itself fairly nonstandard - of course, there's not really any such thing as "orthodox Hinduism") and counts some 17% of the province's population as adherents. This isn't really reflected in local politics, though, as the voting patterns of Province No. 1 largely follow those of Nepal as a whole. The hill country is strong for the Communist parties, the moderate Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) capturing most areas while the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre), the former guerrillas of the Civil War period, hold a fair number of peripheral seats. In the Terai, the Nepali Congress has some strongholds, though they're very much the minority party in the province as a whole, capturing 21 out of 93 seats in the assembly.
As with Nepal as a whole, Province No. 1 has seen some upheaval in the past year or two, as the merger of the CPN(UML) and the CPN(MC) into a unified Nepal Communist Party was undone by factional strife. This turned out to involve three distinct factions, as the former UML faction led by Madhav Kumar Nepal (yes, his surname is "Nepal") joined with ex-MC leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal (also known by his nom de guerre "Prachanda") in criticising ex-UML leader K. P. Sharma Oli, who they argued was overstepping the terms of the unification treaty to seize control of the party for himself. The Oli and Nepal-Prachanda factions fought for control of the party institutions and name throughout the first months of 2021, reaching the Supreme Court in March. The court ruled that, in fact, neither side had the right to the "Nepal Communist Party" name, as a minor party had been registered under that name since 2013, five years prior to the UML-MC merger. The upshot of all this was that the two old parties reappeared in more or less the same form, although the UML lost the Nepal faction, which formed the new Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Socialist). Confused yet? Well, you're about to get more confused, because the MC and US both pulled support for Oli's left unity government in July, forming a new coalition with Congress under their leader Sher Bahadur Deuba - his fifth non-consecutive premiership. This realignment was followed across five of the seven provincial assemblies, as none of the current chief ministers are from the UML. Province No. 1, for its part, is under Rajendra Kumar Rai of the CPN(US).
Unfortunately the Wikipedia tables don't have percentages, and the official results page is in Nepali only, so instead of an actual election map I will be presenting the current party affiliations of members based on the data from Wikipedia. It says 2021 and not 2022 on the headings because the tables in question all have warnings saying they need to be updated, so take this all with a grain of salt.
Oh, and the grey areas are nature preserves, which don't form part of any constituency.
If Province No. 1 is fairly typical of the Nepalese political system, Madhesh Province (formerly Province No. 2) is anything but. It's located almost entirely in the Terai region, and populated largely by non-Nepali ethnicities usually referred to collectively as "Madheshi" (meaning something like "midlanders"). Its two main urban centres are Janakpur, the provincial capital, which is roughly in the middle of the province and is notable for being the Nepalese end of the only working passenger railway in the country, and Birgunj, which is also something of a transport hub as it lies on the main road connecting Kathmandu to the Indian border.
Madhesh is notable as the weakest province for both Communist parties, but Congress isn't really any stronger here than it is nationally. Instead, the People's Socialist Party and its predecessors (dear God, do not get me started - suffice it to say most of its members shown here were elected as part of two equally-strong parties) traditionally dominate, supporting Madheshi rights and decentralisation in addition to a democratic socialism that places them somewhere between the UML and Congress on the left-right spectrum. Madhesh is one of the two exceptions to the UML collapse, as the party was already in opposition here before the 2021 crisis. Chief Minister Mohammad Lalbabu Raut (PSP) has been in power since the beginning of provincial devolution in 2018, initially only in coalition with Congress, but in 2021 a split in the PSP created the Democratic Socialist Party, which left the government, at which point Raut invited the MC and US to join his coalition instead.
The other five provinces will come as soon as I can map them - I'm going through some capital-S Stuff at the moment, so God only knows when that will be.
Aolbain
All he has managed to do is make himself sad
- Location
- Dit man kommer när man kommer hem
Relentlessly making everything about Nepal one interaction at a time.
- Location
- Derbyshire
Dread to think how we'd manage all the reds on the majority scales.
msmp
Insert Pine Tree Flag Here
- Pronouns
- he/him/his
Between the communist domination of the electoral map and the name, I'm getting very big 1984 Airstrip One vibes from Province No. 1.
Stellar work as always. Not sure I've seen anything of the like before--certainly not on wiki.
Stellar work as always. Not sure I've seen anything of the like before--certainly not on wiki.
Nepal 2017 (3)
- Location
- Das Böse ist immer und überall
- Pronouns
- he/him
Bagmati Province, named after one of its principal rivers, is maybe the most populous province of Nepal - it seems to have been surpassed recently by Madhesh, so I don't quite know for sure, but in 2017 it elected the largest provincial assembly with 110 seats. It is in any case the richest and most developed province, contributing about 40% of the national GDP and having an HDI of 0.661, a fair bit higher than the national average of 0.602. The reason for this is pretty obvious - this is the province that includes Kathmandu, the national capital and, with around three million inhabitants in the metropolitan area, the only truly major city in Nepal.
Outside the Kathmandu Valley, Bagmati Province is mostly mountainous and sparsely populated, although it has two other cities of note, Bharatpur (Nepal's third largest city, and a growing food industry centre) and Hetauda (another industrial city, located near the border with Madhesh, which serves as the provincial capital). Although the province itself is Nepal's richest, quite a lot of the mountain regions are very poor, and several of them were Maoist strongholds during the Civil War.
This is partially reflected in local politics, as rural Bagmati Province remains very good ground for the CPN(MC) - although their true strength is of course obscured by their electoral alliance with the UML in 2017. Bagmati had one of the strongest Communist overall majorities of any province, and the UML remains the strongest party in the provincial assembly by some distance, although not strong enough to prevent the Congress-MC-US coalition from taking over power in October 2021 and ousting Nepal's only female Chief Minister. Currently, the province is led by Rajendra Prasad Pandey of the CPN(US), despite that party being the weakest in the governing coalition.
Oh, and there are some interesting minor parties in Bagmati Province. On the one hand, due to Kathmandu having something of an established middle class, this is the only province where the centre and right have any sort of foothold, with both the royalist Rastriya Prajatantra Party (National Democratic Party) and the liberal Bibeksheel Sajha Party (Common Sense Party) having a couple of seats in the assembly. On the other hand, the town of Bhaktapur, at the east end of the Kathmandu Valley conurbation, is the base of the Nepal Majdoor Kisan Party (Nepal Workers' and Peasants' Party), which is quite possibly the most memeable political force in all of South Asia. Its ideology is based on the Juche Idea, adapted to Nepalese conditions, and it claims to be the Nepalese sister organisation of the Workers' Party of Korea. Its headquarters is adorned with pictures of the Kim family and its leader will quite happily speak on the record about his admiration for the achievements of the DPRK. Oh, and its logo has a swastika in it.
Outside the Kathmandu Valley, Bagmati Province is mostly mountainous and sparsely populated, although it has two other cities of note, Bharatpur (Nepal's third largest city, and a growing food industry centre) and Hetauda (another industrial city, located near the border with Madhesh, which serves as the provincial capital). Although the province itself is Nepal's richest, quite a lot of the mountain regions are very poor, and several of them were Maoist strongholds during the Civil War.
This is partially reflected in local politics, as rural Bagmati Province remains very good ground for the CPN(MC) - although their true strength is of course obscured by their electoral alliance with the UML in 2017. Bagmati had one of the strongest Communist overall majorities of any province, and the UML remains the strongest party in the provincial assembly by some distance, although not strong enough to prevent the Congress-MC-US coalition from taking over power in October 2021 and ousting Nepal's only female Chief Minister. Currently, the province is led by Rajendra Prasad Pandey of the CPN(US), despite that party being the weakest in the governing coalition.
Oh, and there are some interesting minor parties in Bagmati Province. On the one hand, due to Kathmandu having something of an established middle class, this is the only province where the centre and right have any sort of foothold, with both the royalist Rastriya Prajatantra Party (National Democratic Party) and the liberal Bibeksheel Sajha Party (Common Sense Party) having a couple of seats in the assembly. On the other hand, the town of Bhaktapur, at the east end of the Kathmandu Valley conurbation, is the base of the Nepal Majdoor Kisan Party (Nepal Workers' and Peasants' Party), which is quite possibly the most memeable political force in all of South Asia. Its ideology is based on the Juche Idea, adapted to Nepalese conditions, and it claims to be the Nepalese sister organisation of the Workers' Party of Korea. Its headquarters is adorned with pictures of the Kim family and its leader will quite happily speak on the record about his admiration for the achievements of the DPRK. Oh, and its logo has a swastika in it.
- Location
- Derbyshire
I am in love with that extremely narrow National park to the north of Kathmandu.
It's like the Nepalese equivalent of the Green Belt.
It's like the Nepalese equivalent of the Green Belt.
- Location
- Das Böse ist immer und überall
- Pronouns
- he/him
Today in "things that were completely inevitable":
