Breaking the Mould Redux: A Wikibox Timeline

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Voters sent a brutal message in elections to local authorities throughout England and Wales, as the Tories lost control of all remaining non-metropolitan councils to the Alliance. Labour mostly held their own. Michael Heseltine's party saw sweeping losses across the 39 shire counties and eight Welsh authorities, with a net tally of minus 1,835 seats. Heseltine was forced to admit they had plunged to "a painful defeat" amid what he called "testing times", brought about by the 1983 general election wipe-out and the internal troubles afflicting the party. On a whistle-stop visit to Essex, David Steel praised the work of Liberal activists and described the opposition as "chaotic", lurching from one "shambles" to another. Shirley Williams' party had done well, with ministers such as David Owen visible on the doorstep in Labour-leaning areas, permitting the Liberals to target Conservative heartlands. The Alliance won almost 2,000 seats and gained many councils, including Devon, Herefordshire, Oxfordshire, East Sussex and North Yorkshire. Former Tory MP Alan Clark, writing in his diary shortly after the election, stated: "Some stupid prick has done a 'projection' in one of the heavies showing that the SDP will have an overall majority in the House of Commons". The extent of the Alliance's triumph might have been exaggerated; nevertheless, its new local government power was real and so was the boost to morale. On the British mainland, the Unionists scored 8.4% of the popular vote but failed to win any councillors, disappointing Enoch Powell. This was still an impressive result which ate into the Conservative base, robbing Mr Heseltine's party of a comeback under the old electoral system. Ulster Unionists were more than happy to have emerged victorious in the Northern Irish arena, teaming up with the DUP to crush their common enemies.

 

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Labour published its manifesto in Scotland with the party trailing the Alliance in the opinion polls. "There's three and a half weeks of hard fighting to go, but the momentum is with us now," Liberal defence secretary Russell Johnston claimed to The Guardian. Prospective Labour spokesman Willie McKelvey hoped the launch in early May would counter the Alliance's advance. "We're on your side" came the party line to Scottish voters. Its manifesto concentrated on traditional 'bread and butter' issues; for example, improving social services and reforming the police force. Other measures included scrapping prescription charges for all and extra financial support for students. Labour were keen to focus the Scottish electorate's attention on domestic issues. Upon McKelvey's election to the leadership, his campaign made arguments for socialism, attacking the UK Government's coal plan, market values and the retention of Right to Buy. Meanwhile, the Alliance touted the advantages of devolution. Pointing to a list of achievements in Westminster, the Liberals savaged the Independent Unionists and SNP on nationalism, arguing that they both needed one another in an "unholy pact". The SDP hit out at Labour on the economy. Neil Kinnock labelled the SNP as "Tartan Tories".



Once all the devolved parties had chosen their leaders, the race became more policy-centred and less tribal. Tory representative Malcolm Rifkind announced his backing for the Scottish Parliament and launched his policies, chiefly government investment in private-sector firms. Shorn of its most regressive wing, the Conservative Party began morphing into a rather technocratic vehicle for moderate adjustments in the name of higher productivity and economic growth. Independent Unionists battled to abolish the new Parliament, a message that resonated with fringe elements beyond the mainstream of views. The SNP hoped to persuade more voters of the case for independence. National leader Gordon Wilson succeeded, however, in making the SNP's approach to constitutional change more gradualist. He argued that vast North Sea oil revenues "should be ploughed back into the industrial fabric of Scotland". Compared to her rivals it was the Alliance, led by Ray Michie (Liberal) and Donald Dewar (SDP), who deployed numerous familiar faces (e.g. Robert Maclennan, Charles Kennedy and David Steel himself) to reach undecided voters.



"It does, I hope, end much argument and dispute," ventured Mr Dewar on hearing the outcome, held under the Single Transferable Vote method in a ground-breaking event. The Alliance had sailed out ahead of its competitors, ending more or less tied in the vote share with Labour, though without a majority (as to be expected with proportional representation). 23 Liberal MSPs had been elected to the SDP's 13. David Owen claimed that "the era of big centralised government is over". The Prime Minister hailed it as a vindication of the Alliance's policy of devolution - and proof that most voters rejected separatism. "We have made it work and in Scotland it's absolutely clear that the vast majority of people voted for parties that are opposed to the nationalist agenda of independence," he said. Mr Wilson congratulated Michie and Dewar on their success but promised that the SNP would be a creative and dynamic alternative. Rifkind talked up the Tory result. "The Conservative and Unionist Party is back. We are going to be the third force in Scottish politics." McKelvey warned the Alliance would be forced to negotiate in order to form a coalition in the Scottish Parliament. Mrs Michie obliged: "We are going to have to make compromises - that's called democracy".



The Alliance and Labour were jubilant about their parties' gains, after many commentators had poured scorn on the Labour campaign and forecast a poor result. Scotland's first national poll did, however, confirm a relative decline in the party's fortunes north of the border, where they had once been hegemonic. Asked about coalition plans, Mr McKelvey said: "We are all minorities now... Scotland has waited 300 years for this Parliament; I think the voters have a bit more patience for two or three more days. We are not going to be rushed." Michie wept as she told ecstatic supporters that today was a fateful one. The well-liked Liberal leader was cheered by party members in Edinburgh. Her two main aims had been self-government and the development of Gaelic - "one of the oldest languages in Europe, so rich in literature, music, poetry and song, which has so enhanced our heritage, our culture, our traditions and values". She therefore delighted in the creation of her long fought-for Scottish Parliament. Michie spoke about "her people" and "her islands", not in a feudal, paternalistic way, but because she felt honoured and privileged that they had voted Alliance and, in turn, she wanted to do her best for them.

 

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History was made on 12 June 1985 when newly-elected members of a Scottish Parliament were sworn in - for the first time in 300 years. MSPs were still taking their seats in the Chamber as the ceremony began. They greeted their colleagues and members from all parties in an atmosphere buzzing with anticipation. Each took the oath of allegiance to Queen Elizabeth II, with Labour member Dennis Canavan saying: "Can I make it clear that I believe in the sovereignty of the people of Scotland rather than a monarch." He and others like him made the affirmation under protest, stating that their vision was of a democratic socialist republic. On 1 July, power was transferred from Westminster to the new Parliament. David Steel arrived amid the glitz, glamour and TV cameras, chatting with the Queen and Prince Philip in the morning sun before speaking inside to dignitaries, Elizabeth II sat close by. "I have great pleasure and welcome you today to the official opening of the Scottish Parliament," he declared. "The ambition of this parliament is to bring decision-making and accountability closer to the people, and make a real difference in their daily lives. It has been a long and, at times, difficult journey... This is a happy and glorious day for the people of Scotland. Once again, we the elected representatives of the people are able to welcome Your Majesty, seated as you are among us, to greet you in the historic and constitutionally correct manner, with warmth and affection as Queen of Scots."



Discussions throughout the following weeks ended with Scottish Labour leader Willie McKelvey struggling to contain a revolt as his MSPs accepted a coalition with the Liberals and SDP. He hoped that dissident backbenchers would be assuaged by McKelvey's elevation to the post of Finance Minister - ensuring a prominent voice for the party while it ruled with the Alliance. Senior members complained that he'd sold out to Ray Michie and Donald Dewar, paying the price at the next election. Dennis Canavan said his party would have been better off rejecting a deal and perhaps forming a minority government on its own. He did reluctantly accept its decision to do a deal with the Alliance parties. Several highlighted the fact Labour had received the most votes in the country, giving it a mandate to form an administration. They predicted trouble ahead, particularly from backbenchers sceptical of devolution. In a sign of tensions at the top of the UK Government, one Cabinet minister ruled out giving any ground to Labour over the Plan for Coal, adamant there should not be one rule for England and another for Scotland. "If you want to keep the bulk of mines open, you have to find a new system of financing that, which we have done," he said.

The Partnership Scotland document detailed policies the Liberals, SDP and Labour agreed to pursue in the coming years. It represented both a massive gamble and a great opportunity. Gordon Wilson was secretly delighted at the agreement, believing that Mrs Michie, Mr Dewar and Mr McKelvey would be plagued by backbench insurrections. "Coalition is the best thing that could happen for us. We get to kill two birds with one stone," sources close to the SNP leader said. As Michie was elected First Minister of the new Scottish Parliament, achieving her lifelong political dream, it became clear that her term in office would not be easy. Dewar's own MSPs were happy with the deal and he made it clear that he still held on to the goal of consensus politics in the new parliament. "Cooperation is always possible where there are common aims and values."

 

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1985 Scottish Government:

 

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Victory at the ballot box in council areas right across England and Wales, advances in the regions and a leading position in Scotland's first modern Parliament brought David Steel's Liberals to the height of their power. The Prime Minister was happiest with successful devolution to his home country, whose people could exercise decision-making over important matters with greater ease. If 1983's landslide towards the Alliance had been a vote against Thatcher and Foot, now Liberal and SDP ministers enjoyed the command of British politics and society. In opinion surveys, the economy was felt to be thriving, having recovered in large part from the mess inherited. Thanks to state assistance and employee participation, manufacturing, financial services, publicly owned industries and exports soared. GDP grew by 5% - not far below the 6.5% achieved in 1973; or compare with the minus 2% recession of 1980! Individuals knew they were better-off, more able to go on holidays or shop around in the marketplace, start a family and pursue a lasting career. The public listed housing, crime and terrorism as worries, however. While a plurality of middle-ground voters flocked to the Alliance, outside the tent debate seemed to be polarising. Labour under Tony Benn and comrades such as Eric Heffer and Peter Shore explored a platform of socialism (the Alternative Economic Strategy) aimed squarely at the ruling capitalist class of business owners and banks, combined with a left-wing nationalism. The Unionist splinter gave conservatives a full-blooded hard-right option, which many took. Violent attacks on ethnic minorities rose as Enoch Powell took to stages spouting hateful rhetoric dressed up as reason and common sense.



The Alliance had exploited this fractured right wing opposition perfectly in non-metropolitan constituencies when the local polls took place. Labour skilfully defended their position, retaining most of the seats gained in 1984. The Tories improved upon their expected vote share (20%) by three points. Further, Michael Heseltine was more popular than his party. But first-past-the-post broke the Conservatives and the Unionists with them fighting it out as a relatively unpopular and mutinous right. What looked like terminal decline prompted analysts to ask: is this the strange death of Tory England? Angry that his leadership had been prohibited from getting off the runway so early, Mr Heseltine understood he needed to rock the boat instead. On 14 June, he took to the airwaves to demand the Single Transferable Vote for local elections. Nothing like those results could happen again. Allies on the party's left repeated the call, on television interviews and at branch meetings with the grass roots. Surprisingly few activists, MPs or Lords resisted the change of direction, with a desire for proportional representation stemming from loyalty to the Conservative Party and despair at their current predicament. Home affairs spokesman Francis Pym challenged the Alliance to uphold its values by acceding to reform. The PM was hesitant - Tory decline meant a Liberal surge. Radical members of his base warned against rowing back on democratisation. As head of the largest party Shirley Williams, under pressure from David Owen, forced Steel's hand. A bill would be drawn up to provide fairness for the next set of local government elections. "For decades, voters have been cheated," proclaimed Mr Steel. "Only this Alliance government will summon the courage to deliver electoral reform. Britain shall follow Europe with a system of proportional representation in which every vote counts." Finally, an historic Liberal dream was approaching reality with Conservative backing! There would be more change, not less.

 

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Tony Benn faced a showdown with Labour MPs amid growing fears in sections of the parliamentary party that his supporters were systematically trying to purge MPs who criticised the leadership. Mr Benn attended a stormy meeting in the House of Commons, at which several MPs ordered him to guarantee that he and his office were not behind such moves. Gerald Kaufman said the atmosphere in the party was so negative it raised questions about its ability to survive: "The mood within the party is unbelievably tense and threatens its very existence. Resolution of this situation is in his hands and Tony needs to act quickly." After a spring in which senior Labour figures had toured Britain in a bid to connect with working-class voters, the party became dogged by policy disagreements and claims of bullying. Several MPs whose views differed from those of the leadership lost binding motions of no-confidence in their own local parties and faced de-selection. A party spokesman insisted that the Benn's team was not in any way involved in encouraging this.



The Labour leader also confronted a torrent of abuse from back-benchers after suggesting that he would press ahead with Irish re-unification and departure from the EEC, without referenda, if the party entered government. The first signs of a serious internal revolt from members on the Labour right came after Benn said that he would rip up the Anglo-Irish treaty which had built a framework for devolution to the British-occupied North. Politicians who opposed a radical socialist programme - and barely recognised Benn's mandate as the elected leader - advertised their statesmanlike credentials. Labour's deputy leader, Neil Kinnock, chatted with Foreign Secretary David Owen at a charity event (although they personally detested each other). Denis Healey spoke to the BBC: "Tony is in danger of betraying and losing the support of millions of ordinary people whose support he needs if he is to ever to become Prime Minister." Kinnock told Mr Benn that he must change direction or face a challenge. MPs discussed plans for another centrist political party to be launched before 1987. Dozens of figures from inside and outside Westminster were secretly involved in the project.



Freed from the shadow of anti-democratic elitist MPs, 'our Tony' could engage directly with his adoring crowds and listen to people. He called on left-wing MPs and activists to keep campaigning as he unveiled plans to target 100 marginal seats by September. Mr Benn unveiled the campaign blitz - the largest Labour had ever undertaken outside of an election - at the last meeting of the Parliamentary Labour Party before the Commons recess. Rallies attracted entire villages in a host of Alliance-held Scottish seats, in a concerted effort to win back traditional Labour supporters north of the border. Benn vowed to speak to "thousands of voters". He added: "Unlike the establishment parties, Labour will transform our economy through investment, insisting that the true wealth creators - that means all of you - benefit from it." He contended that the Alliance were responsible for handing the state over to moneyed interests: "Britain has had SDP governments for the past 30 years." A young supporter encapsulated the prevailing mood: "Tony Benn's a man of his word, his voting record speaks for itself and his priorities and policies will actually benefit the common worker."