- Pronouns
- He/Him
1990 - 1995: John Major (Conservative) [1]
1992 (Majority) def. Neil Kinnock (Labour), Paddy Ashdown (Liberal Democrat)
1995 - 1996: Ian Lang (Conservative Majority) [2]
1996 - 1999: Robin Cook (Labour) [3]
1996 (Majority) def. Ian Lang (Conservative), Paddy Ashdown (Liberal Democrat)
1999 - : Margaret Beckett (Labour Majority, Acting) [4]
1999 - 2003: Kevin Barron (Labour) [5]
2000 (Majority) def. Michael Portillo (Conservative), Simon Hughes (Liberal Democrat)
2003 Euro Referendum: Yes 41%, No 59%
2003 - : Stephen Dorrell (Conservative) [6]
2003 (Majority) def. Kevin Barron (Labour), Simon Hughes (Liberal Democrat)
1). John Major’s time in office had been tough, whilst he had weathered the aftermath of the Poll Tax debacle, the recession of the Early 90s and beaten Kinnock in 92’, his time after that was less than desired. His grand vision of integrating Britain into the emerging European Project came crashing out during Black Wednesday, and his Back To Basics scheme was washed away by sex and sleaze. Still there was the dull hope that maybe, with the recession finally over and Britain stabilising that maybe John Major could cling on to power for a little while longer. But in 1995, as the party was divided over Europe and other internal conflicts and Labour under a fairly different leadership was making gains, Major decided he was going to confront those within his party and call it to a vote. Some historians ponder what would have happened if Portillo hadn’t put himself forward as the Candidate of the Right, or if someone less charismatic had been the one to challenged Major, then maybe Major could have continued. But as the abstentions and votes were counted, it became apparent that Major’s situation was untenable. Resigning, Major’s exit was seen as fairly graceful considering all that had occurred to him. Major’s post Premiership would be a firebreak as he called it from politics, he has since become fairly familiar for his work for charity and think tanks than for anything particularly political these days, attempts to get him to compete to be London Mayor in 2006 would see him politely declining.
2). As is the case with Conservative Party politics, though Portillo had used the dagger, it didn’t mean he gained the crown. Initially it looked likely that he would win, he was popular with the public, and with large sections of the party, Ken Clarke and Michael Heseltine with there controversial views on Europe seemed unlikely to be able to muscle Portillo out the way. In the end, the choice for the Anti-Portillo candidate came to be Ian Lang, a moderate Scottish Thatcherite, his inclination was very much in line with the John Major view of Conservatism. Lang would gain support of most of Major’s former comrades as well as several of figures who had supported Portillo initially, but felt ill at ease with Portillo becoming leader, Lang would narrowly beat Portillo in the coming race.
Lang’s ability to survive within increasingly politically alien of Scotland, allowed him to carve a path somewhat removed from the memories of Thatcher. He didn’t represent the shiny glossy Conservatism of Portillo, but his witty conciliatory tone and his centrist approach to policies helped calm the boat somewhat. The Conservatives would begin gaining in the polls again, as the economy improved and unemployment reduced. Not helping matters was that Labour’s at times aggressive campaigning against Lang seemed to harsh for it’s own good. Amongst certain figures in Labour, Labour there was a worry that they could lose and discussions about a potential Progressive Alliance were bandied about, supported by the respective Labour and Liberal Democrat leaders. But whilst Lang’s cautious, pragmatic approach was popular with the public, amongst his own party, it was much to be desired.
Pressure would grow for Lang to call a snap election, the economy was good, his majority was thinning with time, party was united (for now) and Labour’s polling rise had grown to a sluggish halt amid it’s own internal problems. So in the Summer of 1996, having been the office for just over a year, Lang decided to call a snap election for July.
Many different factors have been used to blame the Conservative defeat in 1996, some blame Lang as running a dull campaign, some blame the Scott Report, some blame Neil Hamilton, others blame the 96’ Euros and England’s Performance but in the end most people agree that generally the Conservative defeat was just due to being office so long, Fifteen Years is a very long time in politics to say the least. Labour gained a Sixty Seat Majority and Lang himself would just narrowly retain his seat, being declared the winner on a third recount, by a slim majority of two hundred, becoming the one of two remaining Scottish Conservatives MPs remaining. Lang would bow out of frontline politics soon after, becoming a peer and generally fading into the background as he prefers.
3). Robin Cook had become leader in the Autumn of 1994, mainly following John Smith’s second heart attack. Smith would resign, but feeling frustrated by the machinations of Blair who he saw has having helped lead to his retirement from the leadership office, he would provide some soft support to Cook’s bid for leadership. Cook, always popular figure with the party, would easily win particularly after Blair climbed down, burned by the sun.
Labour for a moment enjoyed a brief flurry of high polling, Cook’s vision of Britain in the late 90s, contrasting with the chaotic Conservative Party and it’s internal machinations. But it became apparent that excellent oratory, passionate leadership and a sharp intellect, couldn’t stop his at times prickly nature, a chaotic personality and a seemingly old fashioned Socialist viewpoint. Indeed a joke that some figures made that Labour had swapped out “one balding, ginger Celtic twat, for another” and image compositions of Cook and Kinnock would be produced in certain electoral propaganda by the Conservative’s.
Still despite Cook’s nature and Labour’s polling stoppage, Labour would win the 1996 election on a platform of Social Democracy, Constitutional Reform and creating a better Britain. On the Home Front, Labour’s policies were popular if somewhat dull, the Trains would enter back into public ownership, helped by a series of rail crashes and derailments that same year, the NHS reforms of the Thatcher and Major Years were rolled back and on social policies, the age of consent for homosexuality would be lowered to match the standard for heterosexual relationships and Section 28 would also be repealed, though attempts to institute civil partnerships and legalisation on gender recognition would flounder in committees for another few years.
On Constitutional Reform, Cook’s ambitions were often stymied as much by his own party as they were by the Opposition. Whilst a Cross Party Committee on Electoral Reform would meet and propose changes, the threat of resignations by figures like Prescott within the cabinet would put the kibosh on any changes, meanwhile attempts to reform the House of Lords would occur but under great strain, with Cook and his allies like Tony Wright, only getting the newly reformed, proportional and smaller Upper House after Cook’s resignation. Devolution, a policy that Cook had once been opposed too, but has become a passionate supporter of in time, would occur, Scotland, Wales, London, Northern England would all gain Elected Assemblies in time, despite protests amongst some over there use. Cook’s Government would even help broker the Hillsborough Accord in Ireland, alongside Michael Noonan, Dick Spring and George Mitchell, helping to reestablish an Irish Assembly and ensure a peaceful end to the Troubles.
It was on Foreign Policy, that Cook would make his mark, but also would see his downfall. When it came to Europe and the European Union, Cook would be supportive of Britain’s further integration within the system, whilst Britain would avoid adopting the Euro initially, due to protests within the Party, Cook would help guide the way for Britain's eventual joining. Cook would also push for a ‘ethical foreign policy’, carrying on Cook’s and other’s principles of helping those at the bottom against the remaining autocrats of the world. Whilst Jack Cunningham would be the face of Britain’s foreign policy, many agreed that Cook and his supporters within the Foreign Ministry like Derek Fatchett were the main culprits behind it.
In some capacity, like the intervention in Sierra Leone or Zambia and the support for the UN mission in Albania whilst controversial in some aspects, was seen as a net positive at the time. In other capacities, Cook’s dealings with India and Pakistan over Kashmir were considered flawed but at least attempted to deal with an increasingly fraught Asia and Middle East.
And then there was Kosovo. Cook would cautiously support the NATO Intervention into the nation and the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia which forced Milošević out of Kosovo. The Bombing would be controversial within elements of Cook’s party, but Conservative support would easily allow the the intervention to go ahead. But in June, the Pristina airport standoff would lead to a near international incident. Whilst the casualties toll was low, with a just barely a dozen wounded from the brief clumsy firefight, the new Russian President Yury Luzhkov ensuing sabre rattling would drive the world to a near standstill, particularly as Luzhkov threatened an embargo on Gas and Minerals.
Whilst Luzhkov’s Nationalistic posturing would end up just being that, the ensuing stress on the European Economy would lead to an economic downturn. Whilst Britain's economy would rebound in time, the threat of unemployment and recession, and the fallout of the Pristina being felt deeply by British public who saw it as a foolhardy venture, would effect Cook’s health. His hair had been starting to grey and thin, his personal life was a mess and rumours of Cook drinking heavily began to circulate. At the end of August in 1999, Robin Cook was on holiday in Scotland when he suffered a severe heart attack. Due to the intervention of Medics, Cook would recover, but it was apparent that Cook could no longer function in the manner of a Prime Minister at the current rate. He would resign from his hospital bed by the end of the week, stating that it was under Doctor’s advice that he step down and that Britain would have an acting Prime Minister during that period.
Cook’s tenure by some within the Labour Party as being the last potential for a purely Democratic Socialist Labour Government in Britain, some cite that even then, Cook had to kowtow some elements of the new Economic Liberal order and amongst Eurosceptics his further integration within the European system would be a stain on his career. Other’s state that Cook’s inability to truly modernise, and that he was as one comedian called him “The ZX Spectrum in a world increasingly dominated by Apple Macs” and the Pristina Airport Incident is over lumped in with the handover of Hong Kong in being a full stop on Britain’s view of being a truly singular world power.
4). Beckett’s nearly three month tenure is often questioned as how much of a make she made. Indeed as one writer put it “It’s very in keeping with Labour’s awkward history with women that its first leader and first Prime Minister occurred due to an accident”. Beckett who had remained Cook’s Deputy, had become the first female Foreign Secretary following Cunningham’s resignation, had been beginning to make a mark in repairing British and Russian relations and trying to continue the ‘Cookite’ view on Foreign Affairs when the call came.
Beckett would try and secure her place as Prime Minister, she reshuffled cabinet, forcing out increasingly stale or in some cases problematic figures like, John Prescott, David Clark and Jack Cunningham and replacing them with a series of fresher faced politicians. She also stated that she would compete to become leader of the Labour Party, and become Prime Minister in her own right.
Beckett would conduct a Rose Garden Campaign, her meeting with President Clinton was seen as successful in helping recover British - American relations, the Trade Union Legalisation Bill which had been sluggishly getting close to becoming law, would finally be approved by Parliament and the first Northern Assembly election would occur amid Beckett’s tenure and see Labour gain a clear plurality of seats and votes.
It was seen by some, that Beckett would easily transition into becoming Prime Minister with a party mandate. But the wheels of sexism would be turning as she was in office. The Trade Union Bill was ripped apart by the Right Wing Press, Peter Mandelson, who was helping running the insurgent moderniser campaign, would leak to the press about her husband, Lionel’s, role as her office manager at several points, which lead to cries of nepotism and generally there was mention of Beckett being ‘too old’ and too ‘left wing’ to be Prime Minister following Cook. The fact that Beckett was spry and healthy compared to Cook and more or less occupied the same background as Cook, was ignored, Labour needed a ‘younger person’ to take charge was the message.
Not helping matters was that British Economy whilst having stabilised, had sunk to recession levels. Pressures on Britain to cut down exports and attempt to keep inflation low, was placed on Beckett. Beckett and the Chancellor Jack Straw spent much of there time bickering about what to do, over actually being active.
Whilst Beckett’s initial Rose Garden campaign was considered successful, it rapidly became apparent that her attempt to stay in the centre was meaning she was being squeezed by both sides. When the results came in at the emergence Leadership Conference in October, the surprise results were that Beckett had lost, just barely scrapping second over a Left Wing insurgent. She had also failed to become Deputy Leader, losing by another similarly slim margin. Beckett’s response was typical of her, she and Lionel congratulated the winners, promising to work with them effectively even after the abuse afflicted on the pair of them, Leo Beckett stated that Margaret will ‘pick herself up and start again’. Then they stated they would head on a Caravan Holiday, not to be seen again for two weeks as they licked there wounds.
Beckett is better know for her other cabinet jobs, than for her time as Prime Minister, whilst Leader of the House of Commons was very much a demotion, she took to it well and was seen as an effective parliamentarian, establishing herself as a popular figure within the party in the aftermath of her time in office.
5). In 1999, to find an untarnished or still active Moderniser was hard. Peter Mandelson and Charles Clarke had been stewing on the backbenches, kept at arms length by the Cook Leadership, Tony Blair had been demoted from Cabinet and been forced to resign over the Nicosia Affair, Jack Straw was Chancellor, but was incredibly unpopular due to the Economic Problems in Britain and Gordon Brown had left British Politics, having taken a job with the IMF, establishing his popularity as a tough but fair administrator.
In the end, one of the few Moderniser figures with the Cabinet cache, strong reputation and additionally connection to the Working Class, and that would be Kevin Barron. Barron had once been a Miner and passionate NUM member before eventually becoming MP, initially he joined the Socialist Campaign Group but resigned soon after as he support the Kinnock leadership. Whilst he fell out favour with Smith, under Cook, Barron was able to come back to the Front Bench. He became a popular Health Minster, supporting the reorganisation of the NHS away from Ken Clarke’s attempted halfway house model and working well with the Health Secretary Frank Dobson before being moved into Environment, Transport and the Regions following Prescott’s departure in 98’. Whilst there he was fairly low key, mainly carrying on the reforms that Prescott had pushed for, and generally having a decent grip on a somewhat cumbersome portfolio.
Barron was a uncontroversial figure when he ran for leader, persuaded by the ‘Kinnock Clique’ as one journalist dubbed it, consisting of figures like Derek Fatchett, Kim Howells, Charles Clarke and Peter Mandelson, who hoped to move Labour way from the image of Old Fashioned Socialism. With a variety of image gurus and the Clique behind him, Barron would surprisingly beat Beckett and the surprising Left Wing insurgent campaign of Tony Banks, who campaigned to ‘shift the debate’, some pondered if there was a conspiracy to support Banks to siphon votes away from Beckett but it mainly due to a change in rules reducing the threshold needed to compete and Banks indosyncratic views appealing to an electorate who had been numbed by Cooks and Beckett’s style of Socialism.
Barron’s election, alongside Paul Boateng as his Deputy, showcased a seeming the Old and New Labour Parties, united under the ideal of having Labour integrate more fully into the Post-Thatcher world. Barron would reshuffle his cabinet, as most of the Kinnock Clique would gain some kind of Cabinet position.
Polling showed that support for Labour had dropped from 1996, but Barron and his team hoped they could win back that polling disadvantage from the Conservative’s. Michael Portillo was both young (indeed, younger than Barron), charismatic and experienced and he seemed to present a united Conservative front, with his ‘Dream Ticket’ of himself and Ken Clarke as Shadow Chancellor (though Clarke was told to stop talking about the Euro) and promised a different Conservative Party.
Barron and his team had a big problem ahead of them, with Barron promising to try and rectify the problems that had been left in his predecessor's wake. Barron lead a huge Cabinet reshuffle, Straw would be shuffled to the Home Office and Andrew Smith, an up and coming Treasury Secretary, would find himself as Chancellor.
Smith was a competent manager of the economy, helped as well by the recovery of the world economy, following the East Asian Financial Crisis and the Pristina incident. The British Economy began to recover, and with it Labour’s polling. Barron as well went on a charm offensive, travelling across the country, particularly the North and Scotland where Regional Elections had shown a decrease in support, as well as the emergence of Left Wing Populist parties in the areas that made gains off a poor economy.
Barron, aimed at the ideas of ‘aspiration’, Labour wasn’t the party of Stodgy Old Fashioned Unions, but the party of all those aspired to succeed in life. Barron’s backstory, as a former Miner from Yorkshire helped in this regard, and emerging successes of the National Investment Bank and the new Arts Council funding ensured that new figures were emerging. A party political broadcast, directed by up and coming director, Shane Meadows, telling the viewers about Barron’s upbringing and his hope to continue his aspirational ideals for the country, very much encapsulated the mood.
Labour’s polling began to improve, slowly over the course of Late 99’ into 2000, helped by a somewhat successful ‘Millennium Experience’ in Birmingham and the economy rising out of recession. Meanwhile Portillo, was dealing with the occasional scandal and problem from his own side, unable to fully wash away the stink of Major’s government.
The Snap Election of September 2000 was somewhat of a surprise, most suspected that Barron would wait out the clock until the Spring of 2001, but with the economy improving and polls showing that Labour was narrowly ahead of the Conservative’s it was decided that it would best to go to the country.
Barron’s campaign was slick and effective, with focus groups and effective advertising featuring prominently but problems would begin to emerge. Murmuring around a fuel protest, a tax previously imposed by the Conservative’s, and increased with inflation and kept by Smith as one of many funds, would be the subject of protests. Supported by the Conservative’s, the protests at the beginning of the campaign lead to an embarrassing climb down from the Labour Government as the campaign was just starting. Meanwhile Peter Mandelson, Secretary for Industry and Trade, was caught engages in a scandal involving a loan he had received to help buy a flat. In the end Mandelson would resign, but the damage was done.
Meanwhile the Liberal Democrat’s gained popularity on a message of attacking a Labour proposal of reintroducing PFI, which had been supposedly ended under Cook’s tenure, a failure to reduce Classroom sizes and an increase in draconian laws, particularly around drugs, under Jack Straw. The Liberal Democrat’s would even step aside for the occasional Independent Candidates who were beginning to emerge playing on a dissatisfied public.
Hoping to close the gap, Barron would agree with Portillo and Hughes to a series of Election Debates, hosted by Jeremy Paxman. The first debate was considered a draw, Portillo’s attacks were considered effective but Barron’s boisterous defence allowed him to swat aside the tough grilling from Portillo and Paxman, the second was considered a minor Labour Victory, Barron’s attack against Portillo’s vague Economic Plans as ‘Zombie Thatcherism’ would be in the line most remembered from the debates and Hughes, who in the first debate had provided equal fire, aimed more directly at Portillo, who’s time in office and his vague promises of ‘Modernisation’ seemed hollow when faced with the realties on the ground.
Portillo was still fairly popular, but a bungled coverup of an interview in which he stated that he had ‘homosexual experiences as a young man’ lead to a bout of internal infighting. Lord Tebbit when asked about the comments, mentioned that he thought a man who had committed such ‘deviance’ shouldn’t be a leader of the Conservative Party. Meanwhile, the Conservative muteness on the Euro and it’s vague manifesto, meant that some Conservative voters felt betrayed. Andrew Hunter’s initially quiet campaign as a Democratic Unionist gained media attention after the Portillo remarks, showcasing the dissatisfaction at the Portillo leadership.
On the day of the election, the polls were fairly narrow, showing a slight Conservative victory. Some Labour Cabinet Members began swearing that Barron and the ‘Kinnock Clique’ had destroyed there chances of winning again, too eager for there own good. As the night wore on, the surprise was that Labour would secure a second term, though only by a slim margin, as a majority of seven emerged by the end of the night. In the end, the vagueness of Conservative promises worried voters particularly following an economic downturn, and Barron’s meet and greet campaigns had raised voting numbers in the North for Labour.
But despite it all, there were recriminations. Several cabinet members would lose there seats, famously Estelle Morris, the Education Secretary would narrowly lose her seat to John Hemming following an intense campaign. The eventual reshuffle was a largely grim affair, whilst several rising modernisers like Alistair Darling and Jane Kennedy muscled in to major roles, it was felt that Labour had done worse than they had expected. Mandelson, partially blamed for the wrought be pushed back into the Backbenchers, much to his eternal frustration.
Barron continued in governance, though more cautiously than before. The shine has wore off and there was a sense by some that Labour’s domestic policy was spinning its wheels Post 2000. Whilst there would occasionally be highlights, like the successful handling of the Foot and Mouth epidemic in 2001, it seemed that Barron’s government would be one of slow and steady reform. Not helping matters was that the Socialist Campaign Group and it’s 20 members who had survived the election as well as cavalcade of Individual Leftist MPs, now held the balance of power in Parliament.
In Foreign Policy, much of Barron’s remaining tenure would be governed by the incoming President of America, John Ashcroft. Following a series of incidents like the Flight 63 Bombing (which would become a bit of an embarrassment to the Barron Administration due to bombers British background), America decided to intervene in Afghanistan in Early 2002.
Barron was reticent to join, remembering Pristina, but begrudgingly agreed after it was supported by a ‘World Council’ of several different countries working together to uproot the Taliban. The Afghanistan Invasion was the background noise of the 2002 - 2003 period, whilst the Taliban were toss out of power in the cities, in the countryside, an on going insurgency would grind on.
The opinion on the war was lukewarm, whilst a few MPs protested, it didn’t gain the same intense reaction that Kosovo had caused. How tensions would emerge over other nations in the Middle East, particularly Iraq. Sensing the mood at home, Barron was cautious about supporting any invasion, he did state that he would operations similar to proposed bombing campaigns during the 98’ - 99’ period.
The ‘Shock and Awe’ bombing campaigns of 2002 and 2003 were controversial. A series of protests and counter-campaigns occurred, and the initial voting to ensure the campaigns was done through Conservative support, which was seen as embarrassing. But in the end Barron would be undone by the European Union.
Euro Integration was a path that John Major and Robin Cook had set, but Barron knew that it was divisive. Even amongst Europhile voters, there were those who were apprehensive over joining the Euro Currency. Taking a note from Harold Wilson’s book, seeing his slim majority government (having fallen down to three in that time), Barron would allow a referendum on the Euro. This would lead to the Labour Party ripping itself apart.
The Conservative’s had now come out mainly on the Anti-Euro side, whilst the LibDems were mostly in favour but Labour was split in a variety of different ways, and were unable to present a united front. The internal bickering that had been rising in the party would spill over and for many, lead to Barron’s majority collapsing as a few remaining Left Wing MPs jumped ship amid the campaign.
The Referendum would see the No side win with a solid majority, and opposition saw there chance. The next couple of months would see Barron try to organise a Confidence & Supply deal, but it would stall over the possibility of a Referendum on an Alternative Voting system. Despite the best efforts of the team lead by Robin Cook, the proposed deal would collapse, and soon the Parliament with it.
6). Stephen Dorrell was seen as a surprise, be it, Candidate, Leader and Prime Minister. In the Major and Lang Governments he’d been originally connected to the Treasury, then found himself promoted to National Heritage and then to Health where he’d been seen as a somewhat managerial figure at best. Still he’d survived the 96’ Election and had considered running in that election, but decided instead to hold fire and support Ken Clarke instead, as his campaign manager. Whilst Clarke lost, Dorrell’s ability as campaigner manger was admired and he’d been offered a place in the Portillo Shadow Cabinet as the Shadow Secretary for Industry and Trade.
Dorrell did fairly well in his role, Labour’s Industrial Strategy was mixed, leading to most businesses thought that Labour didn’t care about them, as a result. Dorrell established some popularity as a figure who’d gained the occasional scalp, helping in the ousting Peter Mandelson when questioning him on his financial dealings and called him the ‘unacceptable face of Socialism’ which gained a fair bit of publicity.
Dorrell did admirably on the campaign trail, whilst never wowing anyone, he did at least present an organised and diligent effort and seemed to be united behind Portillo, unlike some Shadow Ministers. When the election ended in a slim Labour Victory, Portillo tried to stay around, but a cabal of disgruntled Thatcherites lead by John Redwood would oust Portillo, in the hope to gain power.
The plan was half cocked, Redwood and the other potential Thatcherites were all eccentric at best, and whilst able to push Portillo aside, were unable to agree on a single candidate. Ken Clarke pondered running again but was persuaded otherwise, allowing Dorrell to have a chance. Dorrell support by the Left of the Conservative Party promised to win the next election, stop the crisis within the party and would be a leader for ‘all conservatives’.
Dorrell’s pitch is what would allow him to narrowly Michael Howard who had emerged as the eventual Thatcherite candidate. Dorrell’s party had suffered a poll decline, but steadily began to increase as the early 00s carried on.
When 2003 came, Dorrell’s campaigning on a broadly ‘Anti-Euro, but Pro-European perspective’ appealed to voters in the Home Counties. Labour, feeling it’s age and suffering splits, was easily pushed aside by Dorrell when the came at the next election, as enough swing Liberal Democrat and Labour voters came back to Dorrell’s Conservatives.
Dorrell’s time in office has been seen as one of dull competence, not as Nasty as previous Conservative’s Governments but additionally not as dynamic. Francis Maude as Chancellor is cautious about government spending, but as an economic boom continues in the background, it seems find to spend. Dorrell has been somewhat supportive of an intervention in Iraq, though such plans would likely occur after the 2004 elections in America.
Labour in opposition has gained a leader who can say Socialism without cringing as the Trade Unions begin flexing their muscles once again. Paul Boateng still offers the chance for the party to embrace a new future, but for now there happy returning to the comforts of the past.
The future of Britain remains uncertain, certainly a mood of dull blandness has replaced the cheery optimism of the late 90s. Things Haven’t Gotten Better, but they haven’t got much worse…yet.
1992 (Majority) def. Neil Kinnock (Labour), Paddy Ashdown (Liberal Democrat)
1995 - 1996: Ian Lang (Conservative Majority) [2]
1996 - 1999: Robin Cook (Labour) [3]
1996 (Majority) def. Ian Lang (Conservative), Paddy Ashdown (Liberal Democrat)
1999 - : Margaret Beckett (Labour Majority, Acting) [4]
1999 - 2003: Kevin Barron (Labour) [5]
2000 (Majority) def. Michael Portillo (Conservative), Simon Hughes (Liberal Democrat)
2003 Euro Referendum: Yes 41%, No 59%
2003 - : Stephen Dorrell (Conservative) [6]
2003 (Majority) def. Kevin Barron (Labour), Simon Hughes (Liberal Democrat)
1). John Major’s time in office had been tough, whilst he had weathered the aftermath of the Poll Tax debacle, the recession of the Early 90s and beaten Kinnock in 92’, his time after that was less than desired. His grand vision of integrating Britain into the emerging European Project came crashing out during Black Wednesday, and his Back To Basics scheme was washed away by sex and sleaze. Still there was the dull hope that maybe, with the recession finally over and Britain stabilising that maybe John Major could cling on to power for a little while longer. But in 1995, as the party was divided over Europe and other internal conflicts and Labour under a fairly different leadership was making gains, Major decided he was going to confront those within his party and call it to a vote. Some historians ponder what would have happened if Portillo hadn’t put himself forward as the Candidate of the Right, or if someone less charismatic had been the one to challenged Major, then maybe Major could have continued. But as the abstentions and votes were counted, it became apparent that Major’s situation was untenable. Resigning, Major’s exit was seen as fairly graceful considering all that had occurred to him. Major’s post Premiership would be a firebreak as he called it from politics, he has since become fairly familiar for his work for charity and think tanks than for anything particularly political these days, attempts to get him to compete to be London Mayor in 2006 would see him politely declining.
2). As is the case with Conservative Party politics, though Portillo had used the dagger, it didn’t mean he gained the crown. Initially it looked likely that he would win, he was popular with the public, and with large sections of the party, Ken Clarke and Michael Heseltine with there controversial views on Europe seemed unlikely to be able to muscle Portillo out the way. In the end, the choice for the Anti-Portillo candidate came to be Ian Lang, a moderate Scottish Thatcherite, his inclination was very much in line with the John Major view of Conservatism. Lang would gain support of most of Major’s former comrades as well as several of figures who had supported Portillo initially, but felt ill at ease with Portillo becoming leader, Lang would narrowly beat Portillo in the coming race.
Lang’s ability to survive within increasingly politically alien of Scotland, allowed him to carve a path somewhat removed from the memories of Thatcher. He didn’t represent the shiny glossy Conservatism of Portillo, but his witty conciliatory tone and his centrist approach to policies helped calm the boat somewhat. The Conservatives would begin gaining in the polls again, as the economy improved and unemployment reduced. Not helping matters was that Labour’s at times aggressive campaigning against Lang seemed to harsh for it’s own good. Amongst certain figures in Labour, Labour there was a worry that they could lose and discussions about a potential Progressive Alliance were bandied about, supported by the respective Labour and Liberal Democrat leaders. But whilst Lang’s cautious, pragmatic approach was popular with the public, amongst his own party, it was much to be desired.
Pressure would grow for Lang to call a snap election, the economy was good, his majority was thinning with time, party was united (for now) and Labour’s polling rise had grown to a sluggish halt amid it’s own internal problems. So in the Summer of 1996, having been the office for just over a year, Lang decided to call a snap election for July.
Many different factors have been used to blame the Conservative defeat in 1996, some blame Lang as running a dull campaign, some blame the Scott Report, some blame Neil Hamilton, others blame the 96’ Euros and England’s Performance but in the end most people agree that generally the Conservative defeat was just due to being office so long, Fifteen Years is a very long time in politics to say the least. Labour gained a Sixty Seat Majority and Lang himself would just narrowly retain his seat, being declared the winner on a third recount, by a slim majority of two hundred, becoming the one of two remaining Scottish Conservatives MPs remaining. Lang would bow out of frontline politics soon after, becoming a peer and generally fading into the background as he prefers.
3). Robin Cook had become leader in the Autumn of 1994, mainly following John Smith’s second heart attack. Smith would resign, but feeling frustrated by the machinations of Blair who he saw has having helped lead to his retirement from the leadership office, he would provide some soft support to Cook’s bid for leadership. Cook, always popular figure with the party, would easily win particularly after Blair climbed down, burned by the sun.
Labour for a moment enjoyed a brief flurry of high polling, Cook’s vision of Britain in the late 90s, contrasting with the chaotic Conservative Party and it’s internal machinations. But it became apparent that excellent oratory, passionate leadership and a sharp intellect, couldn’t stop his at times prickly nature, a chaotic personality and a seemingly old fashioned Socialist viewpoint. Indeed a joke that some figures made that Labour had swapped out “one balding, ginger Celtic twat, for another” and image compositions of Cook and Kinnock would be produced in certain electoral propaganda by the Conservative’s.
Still despite Cook’s nature and Labour’s polling stoppage, Labour would win the 1996 election on a platform of Social Democracy, Constitutional Reform and creating a better Britain. On the Home Front, Labour’s policies were popular if somewhat dull, the Trains would enter back into public ownership, helped by a series of rail crashes and derailments that same year, the NHS reforms of the Thatcher and Major Years were rolled back and on social policies, the age of consent for homosexuality would be lowered to match the standard for heterosexual relationships and Section 28 would also be repealed, though attempts to institute civil partnerships and legalisation on gender recognition would flounder in committees for another few years.
On Constitutional Reform, Cook’s ambitions were often stymied as much by his own party as they were by the Opposition. Whilst a Cross Party Committee on Electoral Reform would meet and propose changes, the threat of resignations by figures like Prescott within the cabinet would put the kibosh on any changes, meanwhile attempts to reform the House of Lords would occur but under great strain, with Cook and his allies like Tony Wright, only getting the newly reformed, proportional and smaller Upper House after Cook’s resignation. Devolution, a policy that Cook had once been opposed too, but has become a passionate supporter of in time, would occur, Scotland, Wales, London, Northern England would all gain Elected Assemblies in time, despite protests amongst some over there use. Cook’s Government would even help broker the Hillsborough Accord in Ireland, alongside Michael Noonan, Dick Spring and George Mitchell, helping to reestablish an Irish Assembly and ensure a peaceful end to the Troubles.
It was on Foreign Policy, that Cook would make his mark, but also would see his downfall. When it came to Europe and the European Union, Cook would be supportive of Britain’s further integration within the system, whilst Britain would avoid adopting the Euro initially, due to protests within the Party, Cook would help guide the way for Britain's eventual joining. Cook would also push for a ‘ethical foreign policy’, carrying on Cook’s and other’s principles of helping those at the bottom against the remaining autocrats of the world. Whilst Jack Cunningham would be the face of Britain’s foreign policy, many agreed that Cook and his supporters within the Foreign Ministry like Derek Fatchett were the main culprits behind it.
In some capacity, like the intervention in Sierra Leone or Zambia and the support for the UN mission in Albania whilst controversial in some aspects, was seen as a net positive at the time. In other capacities, Cook’s dealings with India and Pakistan over Kashmir were considered flawed but at least attempted to deal with an increasingly fraught Asia and Middle East.
And then there was Kosovo. Cook would cautiously support the NATO Intervention into the nation and the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia which forced Milošević out of Kosovo. The Bombing would be controversial within elements of Cook’s party, but Conservative support would easily allow the the intervention to go ahead. But in June, the Pristina airport standoff would lead to a near international incident. Whilst the casualties toll was low, with a just barely a dozen wounded from the brief clumsy firefight, the new Russian President Yury Luzhkov ensuing sabre rattling would drive the world to a near standstill, particularly as Luzhkov threatened an embargo on Gas and Minerals.
Whilst Luzhkov’s Nationalistic posturing would end up just being that, the ensuing stress on the European Economy would lead to an economic downturn. Whilst Britain's economy would rebound in time, the threat of unemployment and recession, and the fallout of the Pristina being felt deeply by British public who saw it as a foolhardy venture, would effect Cook’s health. His hair had been starting to grey and thin, his personal life was a mess and rumours of Cook drinking heavily began to circulate. At the end of August in 1999, Robin Cook was on holiday in Scotland when he suffered a severe heart attack. Due to the intervention of Medics, Cook would recover, but it was apparent that Cook could no longer function in the manner of a Prime Minister at the current rate. He would resign from his hospital bed by the end of the week, stating that it was under Doctor’s advice that he step down and that Britain would have an acting Prime Minister during that period.
Cook’s tenure by some within the Labour Party as being the last potential for a purely Democratic Socialist Labour Government in Britain, some cite that even then, Cook had to kowtow some elements of the new Economic Liberal order and amongst Eurosceptics his further integration within the European system would be a stain on his career. Other’s state that Cook’s inability to truly modernise, and that he was as one comedian called him “The ZX Spectrum in a world increasingly dominated by Apple Macs” and the Pristina Airport Incident is over lumped in with the handover of Hong Kong in being a full stop on Britain’s view of being a truly singular world power.
4). Beckett’s nearly three month tenure is often questioned as how much of a make she made. Indeed as one writer put it “It’s very in keeping with Labour’s awkward history with women that its first leader and first Prime Minister occurred due to an accident”. Beckett who had remained Cook’s Deputy, had become the first female Foreign Secretary following Cunningham’s resignation, had been beginning to make a mark in repairing British and Russian relations and trying to continue the ‘Cookite’ view on Foreign Affairs when the call came.
Beckett would try and secure her place as Prime Minister, she reshuffled cabinet, forcing out increasingly stale or in some cases problematic figures like, John Prescott, David Clark and Jack Cunningham and replacing them with a series of fresher faced politicians. She also stated that she would compete to become leader of the Labour Party, and become Prime Minister in her own right.
Beckett would conduct a Rose Garden Campaign, her meeting with President Clinton was seen as successful in helping recover British - American relations, the Trade Union Legalisation Bill which had been sluggishly getting close to becoming law, would finally be approved by Parliament and the first Northern Assembly election would occur amid Beckett’s tenure and see Labour gain a clear plurality of seats and votes.
It was seen by some, that Beckett would easily transition into becoming Prime Minister with a party mandate. But the wheels of sexism would be turning as she was in office. The Trade Union Bill was ripped apart by the Right Wing Press, Peter Mandelson, who was helping running the insurgent moderniser campaign, would leak to the press about her husband, Lionel’s, role as her office manager at several points, which lead to cries of nepotism and generally there was mention of Beckett being ‘too old’ and too ‘left wing’ to be Prime Minister following Cook. The fact that Beckett was spry and healthy compared to Cook and more or less occupied the same background as Cook, was ignored, Labour needed a ‘younger person’ to take charge was the message.
Not helping matters was that British Economy whilst having stabilised, had sunk to recession levels. Pressures on Britain to cut down exports and attempt to keep inflation low, was placed on Beckett. Beckett and the Chancellor Jack Straw spent much of there time bickering about what to do, over actually being active.
Whilst Beckett’s initial Rose Garden campaign was considered successful, it rapidly became apparent that her attempt to stay in the centre was meaning she was being squeezed by both sides. When the results came in at the emergence Leadership Conference in October, the surprise results were that Beckett had lost, just barely scrapping second over a Left Wing insurgent. She had also failed to become Deputy Leader, losing by another similarly slim margin. Beckett’s response was typical of her, she and Lionel congratulated the winners, promising to work with them effectively even after the abuse afflicted on the pair of them, Leo Beckett stated that Margaret will ‘pick herself up and start again’. Then they stated they would head on a Caravan Holiday, not to be seen again for two weeks as they licked there wounds.
Beckett is better know for her other cabinet jobs, than for her time as Prime Minister, whilst Leader of the House of Commons was very much a demotion, she took to it well and was seen as an effective parliamentarian, establishing herself as a popular figure within the party in the aftermath of her time in office.
5). In 1999, to find an untarnished or still active Moderniser was hard. Peter Mandelson and Charles Clarke had been stewing on the backbenches, kept at arms length by the Cook Leadership, Tony Blair had been demoted from Cabinet and been forced to resign over the Nicosia Affair, Jack Straw was Chancellor, but was incredibly unpopular due to the Economic Problems in Britain and Gordon Brown had left British Politics, having taken a job with the IMF, establishing his popularity as a tough but fair administrator.
In the end, one of the few Moderniser figures with the Cabinet cache, strong reputation and additionally connection to the Working Class, and that would be Kevin Barron. Barron had once been a Miner and passionate NUM member before eventually becoming MP, initially he joined the Socialist Campaign Group but resigned soon after as he support the Kinnock leadership. Whilst he fell out favour with Smith, under Cook, Barron was able to come back to the Front Bench. He became a popular Health Minster, supporting the reorganisation of the NHS away from Ken Clarke’s attempted halfway house model and working well with the Health Secretary Frank Dobson before being moved into Environment, Transport and the Regions following Prescott’s departure in 98’. Whilst there he was fairly low key, mainly carrying on the reforms that Prescott had pushed for, and generally having a decent grip on a somewhat cumbersome portfolio.
Barron was a uncontroversial figure when he ran for leader, persuaded by the ‘Kinnock Clique’ as one journalist dubbed it, consisting of figures like Derek Fatchett, Kim Howells, Charles Clarke and Peter Mandelson, who hoped to move Labour way from the image of Old Fashioned Socialism. With a variety of image gurus and the Clique behind him, Barron would surprisingly beat Beckett and the surprising Left Wing insurgent campaign of Tony Banks, who campaigned to ‘shift the debate’, some pondered if there was a conspiracy to support Banks to siphon votes away from Beckett but it mainly due to a change in rules reducing the threshold needed to compete and Banks indosyncratic views appealing to an electorate who had been numbed by Cooks and Beckett’s style of Socialism.
Barron’s election, alongside Paul Boateng as his Deputy, showcased a seeming the Old and New Labour Parties, united under the ideal of having Labour integrate more fully into the Post-Thatcher world. Barron would reshuffle his cabinet, as most of the Kinnock Clique would gain some kind of Cabinet position.
Polling showed that support for Labour had dropped from 1996, but Barron and his team hoped they could win back that polling disadvantage from the Conservative’s. Michael Portillo was both young (indeed, younger than Barron), charismatic and experienced and he seemed to present a united Conservative front, with his ‘Dream Ticket’ of himself and Ken Clarke as Shadow Chancellor (though Clarke was told to stop talking about the Euro) and promised a different Conservative Party.
Barron and his team had a big problem ahead of them, with Barron promising to try and rectify the problems that had been left in his predecessor's wake. Barron lead a huge Cabinet reshuffle, Straw would be shuffled to the Home Office and Andrew Smith, an up and coming Treasury Secretary, would find himself as Chancellor.
Smith was a competent manager of the economy, helped as well by the recovery of the world economy, following the East Asian Financial Crisis and the Pristina incident. The British Economy began to recover, and with it Labour’s polling. Barron as well went on a charm offensive, travelling across the country, particularly the North and Scotland where Regional Elections had shown a decrease in support, as well as the emergence of Left Wing Populist parties in the areas that made gains off a poor economy.
Barron, aimed at the ideas of ‘aspiration’, Labour wasn’t the party of Stodgy Old Fashioned Unions, but the party of all those aspired to succeed in life. Barron’s backstory, as a former Miner from Yorkshire helped in this regard, and emerging successes of the National Investment Bank and the new Arts Council funding ensured that new figures were emerging. A party political broadcast, directed by up and coming director, Shane Meadows, telling the viewers about Barron’s upbringing and his hope to continue his aspirational ideals for the country, very much encapsulated the mood.
Labour’s polling began to improve, slowly over the course of Late 99’ into 2000, helped by a somewhat successful ‘Millennium Experience’ in Birmingham and the economy rising out of recession. Meanwhile Portillo, was dealing with the occasional scandal and problem from his own side, unable to fully wash away the stink of Major’s government.
The Snap Election of September 2000 was somewhat of a surprise, most suspected that Barron would wait out the clock until the Spring of 2001, but with the economy improving and polls showing that Labour was narrowly ahead of the Conservative’s it was decided that it would best to go to the country.
Barron’s campaign was slick and effective, with focus groups and effective advertising featuring prominently but problems would begin to emerge. Murmuring around a fuel protest, a tax previously imposed by the Conservative’s, and increased with inflation and kept by Smith as one of many funds, would be the subject of protests. Supported by the Conservative’s, the protests at the beginning of the campaign lead to an embarrassing climb down from the Labour Government as the campaign was just starting. Meanwhile Peter Mandelson, Secretary for Industry and Trade, was caught engages in a scandal involving a loan he had received to help buy a flat. In the end Mandelson would resign, but the damage was done.
Meanwhile the Liberal Democrat’s gained popularity on a message of attacking a Labour proposal of reintroducing PFI, which had been supposedly ended under Cook’s tenure, a failure to reduce Classroom sizes and an increase in draconian laws, particularly around drugs, under Jack Straw. The Liberal Democrat’s would even step aside for the occasional Independent Candidates who were beginning to emerge playing on a dissatisfied public.
Hoping to close the gap, Barron would agree with Portillo and Hughes to a series of Election Debates, hosted by Jeremy Paxman. The first debate was considered a draw, Portillo’s attacks were considered effective but Barron’s boisterous defence allowed him to swat aside the tough grilling from Portillo and Paxman, the second was considered a minor Labour Victory, Barron’s attack against Portillo’s vague Economic Plans as ‘Zombie Thatcherism’ would be in the line most remembered from the debates and Hughes, who in the first debate had provided equal fire, aimed more directly at Portillo, who’s time in office and his vague promises of ‘Modernisation’ seemed hollow when faced with the realties on the ground.
Portillo was still fairly popular, but a bungled coverup of an interview in which he stated that he had ‘homosexual experiences as a young man’ lead to a bout of internal infighting. Lord Tebbit when asked about the comments, mentioned that he thought a man who had committed such ‘deviance’ shouldn’t be a leader of the Conservative Party. Meanwhile, the Conservative muteness on the Euro and it’s vague manifesto, meant that some Conservative voters felt betrayed. Andrew Hunter’s initially quiet campaign as a Democratic Unionist gained media attention after the Portillo remarks, showcasing the dissatisfaction at the Portillo leadership.
On the day of the election, the polls were fairly narrow, showing a slight Conservative victory. Some Labour Cabinet Members began swearing that Barron and the ‘Kinnock Clique’ had destroyed there chances of winning again, too eager for there own good. As the night wore on, the surprise was that Labour would secure a second term, though only by a slim margin, as a majority of seven emerged by the end of the night. In the end, the vagueness of Conservative promises worried voters particularly following an economic downturn, and Barron’s meet and greet campaigns had raised voting numbers in the North for Labour.
But despite it all, there were recriminations. Several cabinet members would lose there seats, famously Estelle Morris, the Education Secretary would narrowly lose her seat to John Hemming following an intense campaign. The eventual reshuffle was a largely grim affair, whilst several rising modernisers like Alistair Darling and Jane Kennedy muscled in to major roles, it was felt that Labour had done worse than they had expected. Mandelson, partially blamed for the wrought be pushed back into the Backbenchers, much to his eternal frustration.
Barron continued in governance, though more cautiously than before. The shine has wore off and there was a sense by some that Labour’s domestic policy was spinning its wheels Post 2000. Whilst there would occasionally be highlights, like the successful handling of the Foot and Mouth epidemic in 2001, it seemed that Barron’s government would be one of slow and steady reform. Not helping matters was that the Socialist Campaign Group and it’s 20 members who had survived the election as well as cavalcade of Individual Leftist MPs, now held the balance of power in Parliament.
In Foreign Policy, much of Barron’s remaining tenure would be governed by the incoming President of America, John Ashcroft. Following a series of incidents like the Flight 63 Bombing (which would become a bit of an embarrassment to the Barron Administration due to bombers British background), America decided to intervene in Afghanistan in Early 2002.
Barron was reticent to join, remembering Pristina, but begrudgingly agreed after it was supported by a ‘World Council’ of several different countries working together to uproot the Taliban. The Afghanistan Invasion was the background noise of the 2002 - 2003 period, whilst the Taliban were toss out of power in the cities, in the countryside, an on going insurgency would grind on.
The opinion on the war was lukewarm, whilst a few MPs protested, it didn’t gain the same intense reaction that Kosovo had caused. How tensions would emerge over other nations in the Middle East, particularly Iraq. Sensing the mood at home, Barron was cautious about supporting any invasion, he did state that he would operations similar to proposed bombing campaigns during the 98’ - 99’ period.
The ‘Shock and Awe’ bombing campaigns of 2002 and 2003 were controversial. A series of protests and counter-campaigns occurred, and the initial voting to ensure the campaigns was done through Conservative support, which was seen as embarrassing. But in the end Barron would be undone by the European Union.
Euro Integration was a path that John Major and Robin Cook had set, but Barron knew that it was divisive. Even amongst Europhile voters, there were those who were apprehensive over joining the Euro Currency. Taking a note from Harold Wilson’s book, seeing his slim majority government (having fallen down to three in that time), Barron would allow a referendum on the Euro. This would lead to the Labour Party ripping itself apart.
The Conservative’s had now come out mainly on the Anti-Euro side, whilst the LibDems were mostly in favour but Labour was split in a variety of different ways, and were unable to present a united front. The internal bickering that had been rising in the party would spill over and for many, lead to Barron’s majority collapsing as a few remaining Left Wing MPs jumped ship amid the campaign.
The Referendum would see the No side win with a solid majority, and opposition saw there chance. The next couple of months would see Barron try to organise a Confidence & Supply deal, but it would stall over the possibility of a Referendum on an Alternative Voting system. Despite the best efforts of the team lead by Robin Cook, the proposed deal would collapse, and soon the Parliament with it.
6). Stephen Dorrell was seen as a surprise, be it, Candidate, Leader and Prime Minister. In the Major and Lang Governments he’d been originally connected to the Treasury, then found himself promoted to National Heritage and then to Health where he’d been seen as a somewhat managerial figure at best. Still he’d survived the 96’ Election and had considered running in that election, but decided instead to hold fire and support Ken Clarke instead, as his campaign manager. Whilst Clarke lost, Dorrell’s ability as campaigner manger was admired and he’d been offered a place in the Portillo Shadow Cabinet as the Shadow Secretary for Industry and Trade.
Dorrell did fairly well in his role, Labour’s Industrial Strategy was mixed, leading to most businesses thought that Labour didn’t care about them, as a result. Dorrell established some popularity as a figure who’d gained the occasional scalp, helping in the ousting Peter Mandelson when questioning him on his financial dealings and called him the ‘unacceptable face of Socialism’ which gained a fair bit of publicity.
Dorrell did admirably on the campaign trail, whilst never wowing anyone, he did at least present an organised and diligent effort and seemed to be united behind Portillo, unlike some Shadow Ministers. When the election ended in a slim Labour Victory, Portillo tried to stay around, but a cabal of disgruntled Thatcherites lead by John Redwood would oust Portillo, in the hope to gain power.
The plan was half cocked, Redwood and the other potential Thatcherites were all eccentric at best, and whilst able to push Portillo aside, were unable to agree on a single candidate. Ken Clarke pondered running again but was persuaded otherwise, allowing Dorrell to have a chance. Dorrell support by the Left of the Conservative Party promised to win the next election, stop the crisis within the party and would be a leader for ‘all conservatives’.
Dorrell’s pitch is what would allow him to narrowly Michael Howard who had emerged as the eventual Thatcherite candidate. Dorrell’s party had suffered a poll decline, but steadily began to increase as the early 00s carried on.
When 2003 came, Dorrell’s campaigning on a broadly ‘Anti-Euro, but Pro-European perspective’ appealed to voters in the Home Counties. Labour, feeling it’s age and suffering splits, was easily pushed aside by Dorrell when the came at the next election, as enough swing Liberal Democrat and Labour voters came back to Dorrell’s Conservatives.
Dorrell’s time in office has been seen as one of dull competence, not as Nasty as previous Conservative’s Governments but additionally not as dynamic. Francis Maude as Chancellor is cautious about government spending, but as an economic boom continues in the background, it seems find to spend. Dorrell has been somewhat supportive of an intervention in Iraq, though such plans would likely occur after the 2004 elections in America.
Labour in opposition has gained a leader who can say Socialism without cringing as the Trade Unions begin flexing their muscles once again. Paul Boateng still offers the chance for the party to embrace a new future, but for now there happy returning to the comforts of the past.
The future of Britain remains uncertain, certainly a mood of dull blandness has replaced the cheery optimism of the late 90s. Things Haven’t Gotten Better, but they haven’t got much worse…yet.
