1979 - 1988: Margaret Thatcher (Conservative)
1979 (Majority) def. James Callaghan (Labour), David Steel (Liberal)
1983 (Majority) def. Michael Foot (Labour), David Steel - Roy Jenkins (Liberal - Social Democratic)
1987 (Majority) def. Neil Kinnock (Labour), David Steel - David Owen (Liberal - Social Democratic)
1988 - 1991: John Wakeham (Conservative Majority)
1991 - 1995: Neil Kinnock (Labour)
1991 (Majority) def. John Wakeham (Conservative), Paddy Ashdown (Liberal Democrat), David Owen (Social Democratic)
1993 (Majority) def. Norman Lamont (Conservative), Paddy Ashdown (Liberal Democrat)
1995 - 1997: John Prescott (Labour Majority)
1997 - 2000: Michael Howard (Conservative)
1997 (Majority) def. John Prescott (Labour), Paddy Ashdown (Liberal Democrat)
2000 - : Francis Maude (Conservative)
2001 (Majority) def. Hilary Armstrong (Labour), Simon Hughes (Liberal Democrat)
- The 1987 General Election brings dividends to Labour, as they not only muscle out Alliance out as the main party of the Centre Left, but gain a surprise forty seats even if there in London they lose a fair portion of seats.
- With a stronger Labour Party, declining opinion polls, soft discontent within her own party, and a soft push from her husband and family, Margaret Thatcher after nine years bows out from the Prime Minister’s office once and for all. In the wake of Thatcher’s stepping down, the seemingly initial front runners are Michael Heseltine, Peter Walker, Nigel Lawson and Norman Tebbit. But in the end John Wakeham, Leader of the House of Commons is pushed forward as a compromise candidate, Lawson, Walker sit out, and in the eventual Tebbit, Heseltine, Wakeham leadership campaign, the seemingly moderate Wakeham wins easily on the second ballot.
- Despite gains, things aren’t sunshine and rainbows for Labour. Neil Kinnock still suffers from his depressive episode that occurred in 1987 to 1988 and there’s still a challenge from Tony Benn, but also a Deputy Leadership challenge by Eric Heffer and John Prescott to Roy Hattersley. Whilst Kinnock is fairly able to bat off Benn, Hattersley is a different story. The predominantly Soft Left nature of the 87’ Labour Party gains means Prescott gains significant support. Kinnock’s personal intervention in Hattersley’s favour in the end stops the abortive Prescott takeover, but Prescott’s over thirty percent support despite it means that Hattersley’s political sway has been diminished significantly.
-In the aftermath of the 1988 Labour Party Conference, John Smith, the Shadow Chancellor dies of a sudden heart attack. In the wake of this tragedy, Neil Kinnock, fresh of leadership victory and no longer kowtowing to Hattersley, decides to make Bryan Gould, a firm Kinnock ally and popular in the wake of the successful 87’ campaign, Shadow Chancellor. Whilst some of Gould’s more esoteric ideas are curtailed in the Shadow Chancellor position, his ability to articulate Labour’s new message for the 90s seems to resonate.
- The Alliance of Liberals and Social Democrats decides that the Alliance system is untenable and decides to organise a merger. Whilst support by a majority of Liberals and Social Democrats, David Owen and his ‘Owenite’ supporters disagree and form the Continuity Social Democrats. Whilst the new Social & Liberal Democrats, gain support under its new leadership of Paddy Ashdown, it struggles with problems over finances and faces near bankruptcy. Meanwhile the Owenite SDP is flushed with cash, but suffers from a lack of activists.
- Even with the new appearance of John Wakeham, the Conservative’s are still somewhat struggling. The implementation of Poll Tax in Scotland is deeply unpopular (and leads to a Scottish National Party gain in Glasgow Govan due to Labour’s waffling on the issue and poor campaigning, in the aftermath, Gould and Blunkett are able to levy that Labour campaign on ending the poll tax) and the potential implementation in England and Wales lingers over the heads of the Conservative’s.
-SDP surprise results in Epping Forest and the surprise gain in Richmond (I see Leon Brittan still being begrudgingly pushed to become European Commissioner) followed by David Alton defecting to the Social Democrats leads to Paddy Ashdown calling a truce in the wake of a disastrous Euro Elections for both the LibDems and SocDems and a electoral pact is called. In the wake of this, both parties are able to win certain by-elections and stave off the collapse of the centre parties.
- After wobbly polls throughout 88’ to 89’, Labour manages to stabilise somewhat with Kinnock gaining popularity in the wake of Conservative poll tax blunders and general ill ease towards the decades longer Conservative government. In the wake of this, Kinnock and the party continues to oversee the ‘purge’ of party members affiliated to Trotskyist groups like Militant or Socialist Organiser. Members of Parliament, Frank Field, Dave Nellist and Lawrence ‘Lol’ Duffy are deselected, which whilst seen as ensuring that the Labour Party is seen as not housing ‘radical leftists’ does lead to the problem of said MPs being able to run fairly independent election campaigns, which for the cases of Nellist and Duffy becomes an ongoing annoyance for Labour. Meanwhile the seeming imposition of Wesley Kerr, a journalist and friend of Peter Mandelson over veteran Leftist Campaigner Martha Osamor as the candidate for the Vauxhall by-election leads to even more ongoing tensions between Kinnock and the Labour Left.
- Whilst Poll Tax protests still occur, Wakeham backs down earlier which leads to the Conservative’s stopping their polling decline and gains from Centre Parties and Labour. Additionally Wakeham handles the infighting over the ERM somewhat better, by not forcing out Pro-European figures within the party (though takes a cautious approach on the ERM, despite attempts to be pushed further by Chancellor John Major). Still the Conservative’s aren’t the most popular party and discussions about when to call an election continue.
- As Labour gets closer to the election, tensions between Gould and Kinnock emerge over Labour’s Economic Policies for the upcoming election. Not helping matters is Gould’s emerging dispute with Peter Mandelson, who Kinnock still relies on for advice. Despite this, Gould’s economic proposals (including a National Investment Bank and investing emerging digital technologies) and a replacement of the Poll Tax (with a model that is still being tinkered after being lambasted as overly confusing) despite being criticised for it’s lack of fiscal Conservatism by some is popular amongst the Working and Middle Class voters who Labour needs to court to gain power again.
- Additionally the Prawn Cocktail Campaign still occurs, and Gould and Kinnock are able to stay somewhat on the same message fiscally, leading to a more consistent Labour Message on the economy come 1991.
- Despite this, Labour’s Polling suffers a surprise dip in the wake of the Gulf War, as Wakeham is able to capitalise on the ‘Khaki Vote’ as it were and Labour turmoil over support for the War. The Election is eventually called for the Summer of 1991, in a hope to see a repeat of 1987 as the polls see a spike in Conservative support due to it’s popularity admits the Gulf War and a Budget that includes Tax Cuts for the Working and Middle Class.
- The Labour Campaign starts off poorly, with Jack Cunningham being on holiday when the campaign is announced. Despite initially lagging behind, the campaign quickly gets back on track as Labour campaigns on the ongoing recession. It also helps that John Wakeham turns out to be a fairly dull campaigner and the Conservative’s find themselves attacked on three different sides as the three opposition parties all take chunks out of the Conservatives.
- With figures like Gould still in house as it were, the campaign is fought in somewhat a similar manner to the 87’ election. No big grandstanding events like the Sheffield rally occur, and the attacks on the economy and decline in living standards (as always the NHS and pensions appear) eventually manage to lead to a decline in Conservative support.
- In the end, the 1991 Election leads to Labour gaining a surprise majority (akin to otl I see much discussion of a ‘Progressive Coalition’ which doesn’t happen), albeit a slim majority of eight. Despite this, it’s still deemed a victory for Labour’s program (though it rapidly becomes apparent that LibDem support would be required on some bills, which we’ll get to in a little bit).
- In the wake of such an electoral defeat, John Wakeham resigns. The Conservatives head rightward as tends to happen in opposition, in the ensuing leadership election, Norman Lamont, the man who helped organise John Wakeham’s leadership campaign, surprisingly beats John Major and Michael Heseltine (who takes part yet again) to become leader on the back of a frustrated Thatcherite/Right Wing backbenchers.
- Labour see’s attempted capital flight upon taking office, which leads to additionally fears over Britain crashing out of the ERM. Gould rapidly tries to stabilise the pound and avoid crashing out (despite being a Eurosceptic, even Gould realises that crashing out of Exchange Rate Mechanism is bad) and is somewhat successful, with Gould devaluing the pound, though the devaluation is seen as unpopular by the press and public who remember Wilson.
- Despite keeping most of their seats (Labour regains Greenwhich despite the Lib Dem - SocDem pact), the Social Democrats under David Owen are seen as having done poorly in the election and tensions within the party emerge over the party’s future. Eventually in 1992 following Lord Sainsbury giving up funding following a string of poor local election results, Owen is offered a variety of roles in the private sector and diplomatic services. The party eventually collapses soon after, as Owen becomes distracted, David Alton and John Cartwright try to battle for the leadership which is messy and the party’s donations dry up. By the end of 1992, the party ceases to function, apart from occasional cranks who occupy the occasional Council seat under the party’s label.
- Despite initial unpopularity due to devaluation and additionally a series of riots that occur in late 1991 in British Cities like Bristol, which is blamed by the Conservative’s as Labour being soft on crime, by Early 1992, it seems that the Social Democratic model that Labour has embraced is somewhat popular. The National Investment Bank, abolition of poll tax and an increase of support for House Building all are fairly popular aims.
- Increased Devolution of power occurs, with a referendum for a Scottish Assembly seeing victory for pro-devolution forces (a similar referendum for Wales, see’s a narrow loss for pro-devolution forces in Wales), meanwhile in places like Yorkshire and London support for a regional ‘Super Council’ with an directly elected Mayor in place of an Assembly proves fairly popular.
- In the world of foreign policy, Kinnock and new Taoiseach Dick Spring (Irish Labour make enough gains to have Spring being Taoiseach as a price for coalition with Fine Gael) discuss overseeing further attempts at establishing peace in Northern Ireland. Whilst initial talks are stillborn, as Kinnock still supports the Unity via Consent policy which angers Loyalists, his relationship with Spring increases ties between Dublin and London after a long period of on and off relations under Thatcher. Meanwhile the Labour Government supports helping the UN in intervening in Yugoslavia, whilst a strong bulk of the party support intervention and humanitarian aid for Bosnia and Croatia, elements of the Left often state support for the Milošević regime to the embarrassment of Kinnock.
- Meanwhile the Conservative’s flail, after initially making hay over Labour being soft on crime, economic problems and Labour’s connections to Robert Maxwell, by the end of 1992 the party is riven by infighting and Lamont’s attempts to pursue an aggressively Eurosceptic approach doesn’t connect to an electoral who don’t care particularly much on the matter.
- A soft surge in support and relative stable economy (growth is sluggish but the nation is seeing itself leaving recession) Kinnock decides to see what the first ‘Regional’ Elections in early 93’ produce. Labour does fairly well, with either steady results or gains in a few places. As a result, Parliament is dissolved as Labour decides to gain a larger majority to ‘implement change’.
- Labour campaigns akin to 1966, campaigning on its good governance, the stable economy (to a point) and positive foreign policy in comparison to the reactionary Conservative’s. Conservative campaigning is rather poor and trying to attack Labour’s more popular schemes, not helping matters is a resurgent Liberal Democrats and Lamont’s style and presentation come off as aloof and forced in comparison to Kinnock. Additionally a series of scandals involving members of the Shadow Cabinet ranging from Financial scandals to affairs burn the Conservative’s, whilst Labour in comparison seems relatively clean (for now).
- Labour wins another majority, this time of close to thirty. Also Dave Nellist finally loses his seat much to the relief of Labour who have found him a perpetual annoyance. The Liberal Democrat’s also make some gains, mainly scalping former Social Democrats or Conservative MPs. The Conservative’s rather poor outcome see’s Lamont resigning soon after, as another leadership election occurs.
- Conservative Leadership election is a depressing affair, many see the possibility of another Labour Government in the late 90s, and many of the big guns from the Thatcher period decline, deciding to take up jobs in the private sector or in the case of John Major, pursue politics in either Europe or the new regional Councils. In the end the leadership election consists of Ken Clarke, Michael Howard and Peter Lilley. In the end, Howard following Lilley losing the first ballot, wins with the support of the Right of the Party over Clarke who is viewed as being hewing too close to the Centre. As a show of unity, Clarke is made Deputy Leader and Shadow Chancellor (it helps that both hold similar positions on Europe).
- Labour is initially rather please at having won the election, but tensions that have be dormant re-emerge. Bryan Gould and several other prominent Eurosceptics hope for a referendum joining the Maastricht Treaty, in the hopes that Britain can avoid it. Whilst this is initially pushed to the side before the election, it rears its ugly head in the aftermath of the election. Disagreements over Maastricht dogging the initial early cabinet of Kinnock, who refuses to call a referendum over it. As a result Gould steps down from Cabinet in early 1994 (whilst Gould and Kinnock I see having a successful partnership, Europe was always going to be the rock tied around there neck due to there disagreements on it).
- Despite disputes over Maastricht, Kinnock’s relationship with Europe is quite good, getting amicably with Jacques Delors and trying to integrate Britain within the European system. Meanwhile America under Tom Harkin and Kinnock continue intervening in former Yugoslavia and would provide support to the beleaguered Yeltsin regime in the wake of the 1993 Constitutional Crisis.
- Kinnock spends much of 1994 fending off scandals and a Labour Government that is beginning to strain under the pressure of ‘Unity’. Gould’s resignation coincides with scandals like whiz kid Education Secretary Tony Blair being caught taking dodgy political donations, Minister for Social Security, Michael Meacher is caught owning five separate houses and Peter Mandelson becomes involved dodgy deals with foreign businessmen. Meanwhile bickering resumes between the ‘modernisers’ who think the Kinnock government hasn’t gone far enough and the ‘old guard’ who mainly coalesce around John Prescott who thinks that Kinnock could do more to support Trade Unions.
- Kinnock enters another depressive episode, often described as his ‘bunker period’ in the latter half of 1994, often consulting his selection of advisers over the advice of cabinet. A brief bright spark of the period is the organisation of a ceasefire with the IRA, with the beginnings of the Irish Forum also being discussed in the same period.
- Kinnock is offered the President of the European Commission, and Kinnock seeing a way out of dealing with the issues of British politics, agrees. Kinnock announces his resignation and in early January 1995, Kinnock would leave office to take up the job as President of the European Commission.
- In the ensuing Leadership Contest, Secretary for Transport John Prescott becomes the front runner, having built a strong support group, Gordon Brown, Secretary for Trade and Industry runs as a Moderniser whilst Bryan Gould runs as the candidate supported by the ‘radical left’ and Ken Livingstone runs as the Campaign Group candidate. Meanwhile Chancellor Robin Cook declines, acting self depreciating over his chances.
- Prescott wins the leadership election on a platform of ‘returning to the Labour Roots’ which appeals to the Trade Unions and CLPs. Meanwhile in the Deputy Leadership, Ann Clwyd beats Bernie Grant, Bryan Gould and Margaret Beckett with some dubbing Clwyd as ‘Keeping the Spirit of Kinnock Alive’.
- Prescott is initially rather popular and his Populist ‘Man of the People’ image is allowed to resonate (it helps that Prescott would definitely have a different media team around him compared to Kinnock). Prescott also reshuffles his cabinet, with a consensus towards a “Democratic Socialist” ideal (or the Trade Union rooted ideal of that), though stuff like renationalisation of certain industries is down played to try avoid another attempt at capital flight.
- Primarily the brief Prescott Government is remembered for it’s reform of Trade Union laws, the further decentralisation of Britain with the creation of the ‘Northern Assembly’ or ‘Blunkengrad’ after the Secretary for the Environment and Local Government, David Blunkett, the creation of the Northern Ireland Forum alongside the ‘Antrim Agreement’ which would eventually see the creation of a proper Northern Irish Assembly by 2000, an end to the Yugoslav War (with support from President Sobchak) and some of the first legal protections for transgender people (I can see April Ashley sending a similar letter to Prescott and it coinciding with P v S and Cornwall County Council).
- Prescott’s initial ‘Man of the People’ image does progressively become worn away due to his gaffe prone behaviour and allegations of affairs being brought about in the media. The ever persistent allegations of corruption in the cabinet carry on, Jack Cunningham, Leader of the House becoming investigated for lobbying allegations becoming known as ‘Cunningate’.
- The Conservative’s meanwhile are also doing poorly in the polls, public opinion on politics is rather dismal, voter apathy is quite high and Michael Howard is consistently the butt of (at times quite anti-Semitic) jokes, whilst Prescott is portrayed as a working class slob.
- In the wake of general voter apathy, various smaller parties get a look in. James Goldsmith and his Referendum Party are briefly a thing, causing headaches for the Conservative’s at times. Meanwhile thanks to a more beneficial voting system at the devolved level, various Nationalist, Leftist and Environmentalist candidates make appearances.
- Prescott calls a snap election in 1997, after a series of regional elections that see Labour’s numbers being fairly static and so Prescott is confident in re-election.
- Labour’s confidence quickly falls away as the first waves of the 1997 - 1998 Financial Crisis hit the Stock Market and Labour’s Economic Competence is questioned, this occurs whilst Robin Cook’s long running affair is revealed in the papers. The election becomes less an election on whether people prefer the Tories, but more a referendum on Labour and Prescott.
- Whilst still being an awkward sod, Michael Howard is able to least present a challenge to Prescott. In the end, Referendum turns out to be a damp squib and the Conservative’s win a surprise, if somewhat slim majority of just under fifteen.
- Prescott tries to stay on as Labour Leader and there is certainly enough support for him to do that. But in the Winter of 1997, another bout of allegations over Prescott’s affairs and additional accusations of sexual assault reemerge. Depressed and frustrated, Prescott resigns soon after under internal pressure.
- The Labour Leadership election initially seems like a battle between the former Health Secretary Jack Straw, former Secretary for the Environment David Blunkett and former Secretary for Employment Michael Meacher. But it rapidly becomes apparent that Blunkett isn’t interested in the role and that in the wake of Prescott’s allegations, calls for nominating a female leader emerge. Initial speculation arises around Ann Clwyd, the deputy leader, though she decides to step down so she can focus on her work with the Kurds and Margaret Beckett, who decides to continue in Shadowing the foreign office. However Former Whip and Minister for Local Government Hilary Armstrong, connected with the Right of Party but also a loyal member of the last Kinnock’s and Prescott’s cabinet who is seen as being diligent and mostly successful in her briefs emerges as a candidate with support from Modernisers and also some Trade Unions.
- In the end, Armstrong wins due to gaining the establishment support over Straw (who’s occasional gaffes quickly dissolve his campaign) and Meacher who only narrowly loses to Armstrong after running a rather Left Wing Campaign. Meanwhile the Deputy Leadership contest is between Paul Boateng, Ian Davidson and Alan Simpson, Davidson managing to eke out a surprise victory against Boateng.
- Armstrong initially has strong National support, helped by Michael Howard dealing with a often rebellious backbench, the ramifications of the 1997 - 1998 Financial Crisis (whilst America and Britain weather it well though fall into recession, much of Asia, Russia and parts of Europe sink into deep recession) and additionally his Pro-European policies being unpopular with Eurosceptic elements of the British public.
- Armstrong’s popularity dips slightly following infighting within the party over the possibility of changing Clause Four (again) and any possible interventions in Kosovo. Meanwhile Simon Hughes wins the Liberal Democrat leadership election and his victory see’s a slow trickle of support for the Liberal Democrat’s from Labour and Conservative supporters.
- The 1999 European Elections and the 1999 - 2000 local elections are a disaster for the Conservatives, though Labour also does poorly as the Liberal Democrat’s, Greens and UKIP all see surges of support. In the wake of the disastrous results, Michael Howard quietly resigns. In the wake of such losses, the leadership election turns into a battle between ‘Modernisers’ like Francis Maude, the ‘Europhiles’ like Ken Clarke and ‘Thatcherites’ like Michael Portillo and Peter Lilley.
- In the end, Portillo’s campaign flames out when it’s discovered he had a same sex relationship with a former teacher, Lilley and Clarke suffer from a problem of age and being associated with the Thatcher and Wakeham years, meanwhile Maude runs an aggressive campaign that promises to uphold Conservative principles whilst making the party more up to date with the times and wins.
- Maude’s victory helps the Conservative polling decline somewhat, seen as charismatic, youthful, friendly with new President Ashcroft and in his first cabinet, see’s the first fruits of Britain leaving its brief recession behind. Additionally his implementation of Social Liberal policies (like the Civil Partnership bill that had been kicking around the backbench’s since the end of the Prescott Government) alongside being seen as being tough on the resurgent Trade Unions made Maude seen as a positive improvement over Howard.
- The 2001 election is initially a rather terse affair, with the main parties neck and neck and discussions of ‘coalition’ emerging. However Maude and his supporters have modernised the campaigning style of the party, whilst Labour is still battling like it’s the mid 90s. Whilst Conservatives.com is a bit of a joke, the use of aggressive marketing and new digital technologies in combination with a vigorous ground campaign, see’s the Conservative’s regain a lead.
- Even on election night, it’s still a nail biter. Discussions of a hung Parliament and coalitions loom large until around one in morning when Maude’s Majority quickly becomes apparent. In the end, Maude makes some small gains over Labour and gains a majority of just over twenty in the wake of a tense election.
- Maude is able to pursue his own unencumbered agenda, with a majority by his side and it seems a relatively peaceful world. Meanwhile Labour ponders it’s future yet again, as Hilary Armstrong states she’ll be resigning following the failure to secure government. It seems the leadership battle between Alan Johnson, Andrew Smith and Ian Davidson will help decide the future for the party going forward…
