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Lists of Heads of Government and Heads of State

SONIC THE COMMONS



PRIME MINISTERS OF THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND NORTHERN IRELAND

John Major, 1990 - 1993 (Conservative)

John Major, summer 1993 (Government of National Unity)

Malcolm Rifkind, September 1993 (Government of National Unity (Belfast))

Virginia Bottemley, 1993 - 1997 (government-in-exile)


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EMPERORS OF BRITAIN

Doctor Ivo Robotnik, 1993 - 1997 (Ruled By Robotnik)


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PRIME MINISTERS OF THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND NORTHERN IRELAND

Virginia Bottemley, 1997 (Restoration)


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PRIME MINISTERS OF THE UNITED KINGDOM OF BRITISH AND NORTHERN IRISH ZONES

John McDonnell, 1997 - 2002 (New Labour)

Jeremy Clarkson, 2002 - 2007 (Independence)

Russell Brand, 2007 - 2010 (On The March coalition with New Labour)

Owen Jones, 2010 - 2012 (On The March coalition with New Labour)

Nicola Sturgeon, 2012 - (Democratic Alliance Party)




It was the ultimate black swan: top scientist Dr Kintobor being mentally damaged in a lab accident, calling himself "Robotnik", and launching a coup with an army of bizarre robots. After four years of dictatorship and US-EU forces at the Irish border, the madman was finally deposed by a scattered uprising and an EMP weapon triggered at Citadel Robotnik by Tower Bridge.

Now came restoring order. And it became very clear that however much the exile population and conservatives wanted it all to go back to normal, politics as it had been since 1945 was gone.

Part of this was likely down to the government-in-exile being comprised of MPs, Lords, and diplomats who'd simply been lucky to be out of the UK when the Badniks took Belfast: Bottomley, for all her efforts, was not inspiring enough a figure to reestablish the old order. Unfortunately for the hard left, who now saw their chance, the weary population didn't want a strong authority of any kind either: they wanted nobody strong enough to impose a harsh rule again, and the experience of resistance and occupation had strengthened local ties. Bottemley was forced to accept a referendum into reforming the UK to be a series of powerful regional zones. (Scottish nationalists were unhappy to find Scotland split into two of them)

While resistance strongman "Big John" McDonnell took the newly formed socialistic New Labour party into power in Westminster, the zones were more diverse and McDonnell only controlled foreign policy, some of the economy and welfare, and defence (and even that had regional "Yeomanry" divisions). He used every ounce of political streetfighting from his days in London borough politics to get through as much reforms as he was able, but the slow progress and messy regional clashes allowed right-wing populist pundit Clarkson to sweep into power... to find the same regional issues. Clarkson was in favour of small government and hoped to not only slim it down further, but force some of the more powerful zones to downscale. When things didn't go his way quickly enough (not even in zones held by Independence), Clarkson became bad-tempered and petulant, causing the country to stagnate further as things ground to a halt and cuts wore down more services. The EU saw the UK as a drag on the union.

In 2007, Britain faced a "youthquake" from the children of R.B.R. and the disgruntled twenty-somethings tired of "a flailing, failing country" as Brand put it. A controversial actor turned activist who ran the Trews radio station, Brand was the 'anti-Clarkson': promising as large a government as possible, taxing foreign corporations, investing in services and infrastructure and the environment. While his On The March party didn't have enough votes to form a majority, it could form one with New Labour and the "youthquake" gave them a good number of zones. Unfortunately, Brand's erratic personality, petulance, and interest in conspiracy theories (he stated in Commons that Robotnik had been working for "someone and maybe we'll find out who") meant how well any of his plans worked depended largely on the minister or assembly leader on the ground. New Labour and disgruntled On the March members ran a no-confidence vote, and the Minister for Culture & Media took control; while Jones was able to better steer the ship, the reputational damage was done and electoral loss was certain.

By now, Britain wanted some control again and turned to Sturgeon. She'd been in the Scottish National Party pre-R.B.R., a dissident during R.B.R., and one of the first Member of Zones in 1997; she'd been a founder of the Democratic Alliance of centre-left technocratic MZs, part of the 'gradualist' wing that hoped to take over zones and then Westminster, and in her case hoping that this could lead to Scottish independence in the long term. When she was party leader and running in the Wesminster election, she had both Scottish zones run by the DAP.

Popularly, Sturgeon was seen as a "grown-up" returning Britain to the days of stable government (she was privately irritated by comparisons to Thatcher). With capture of zones, her government could more easily pass its policies. Rumours of nepotism, corruption, and 'big man' politics were ignored as long as the economy seemed okay and Sturgeon seemed mature & with-it; even the return to austerity politics over time got ignored as she brought in social reforms and played up to an idea of exceptionalism. But her long-term goal of Scottish independence would founder: nationalism was down and a referendum failed, so she settled for merging the two Scottish zones into one big Scotland Zone, and that cost her political capital (the MZs didn't like the idea many of them would lose seats and power).

She narrowly clung on despite all predictions and the DAP just about keep control. While the wags refer to this as Ruled By Sturgeon or call her Robotnicola, she seems unstoppable. Proper grown-up government is back and nothiGUYS HAVE YOU SEEN THIS SCANDAL THAT JUST--
 
The younger President Bush is one the public would rather not discuss unless it’s as part of an analysis of his father’s legacy or Al Gore’s political career. More attention has been paid to the scandals that broke out and the revelations they gave about America. Viewers assured themselves that the cutthroat capitalism of films like Wall Street and American Psycho was a work of fiction, but to an extent not seen since the Great Depression, that corporate greed had visible consequences.

Events such as the Enron scandal and President Bush's ties to it's CEO had casted a dark shadow over the Bush Presidency, and Iraq Disarmament Crisis was no help either.

The winning ticket in 2004 was composed of Al Gore, but most importantly, John Edwards -- a youthful senator from North Carolina whose ideology of Happy Populism, which talked tough when it came to economic inequality, rising poverty, wall-street and corporate corruption -- seemed to be a clear evolution of the politics of the Clinton Era. Previously rejected ideas were brought back into the political discourse, allowing Gore to orient his campaign towards his environmentalist pet projects.

2001 - 2005: George W. Bush / Dick Cheney (Republican)
2000 def. Al Gore / Joe Lieberman (Democratic), Ralph Nader / Winona LaDuke (Green)

2005 - 2013: Al Gore / John Edwards (Democratic)
2004 def. George W. Bush / Dick Cheney (Republican)
2008 def. John McCain / Matt Blunt (Republican)


2013 - 2021: Rick Santorum / Joseph Cao (Republican)
2012 def. John Edwards / Barack Obama (Democratic)
2016 def. Hillary Clinton / Evan Bayh (Democratic)
MODERATOR POST:

It has been brought to the mod team's attention that, while you have made some changes to disguise that fact, much of this list and the accompanying description was clearly copied from a list previously posted in this thread by another user. Sea Lion Press is an author-based community, plagiarism is destructive to it, and we will not tolerate it here. You are kicked for a week, and any repeat plagiarism will result in a permanent ban.
 
1981-1989: Fmr. Gov. Ronald Reagan / Fmr. CIA Dir. George Bush (Republican)
def. 1980: Jimmy Carter / Walter Mondale (Democratic); John B. Anderson / Patrick Lucey (Independent)
def. 1984: Walter Mondale / Geraldine Ferraro (Democratic)


1989-1993: Fmr. Gov. Bruce Babbitt / Rep. Dick Gephardt (Democratic)

def. 1988: George Bush / Thad Cochran (Republican)

1993-2001: Sen. Bob Dole / Gov. Carroll Campbell (Republican)

def. 1992: Bruce Babbitt / Dick Gephardt (Democratic); Ross Perot / Lowell Weicker (Independent)
def. 1996: Mario Cuomo / Lee Hamilton (Democratic); Ross Perot / James B. Longley, Jr. (Liberty)



Bruce Babbitt's presidency started off well-enough. He shepherded the Midwest through the farm crisis, got some key cultural victories in, and oversaw the rollout of the post-Cold War world order. One would think that would have been a strong enough resume to justify re-election. But then, the consequences of the Greenspan-Volcker monetary contraction set in, oil prices stayed up even after Saddam was kicked out of Kuwait, and America slid into a minor recession.

The GOP was quick to seize on that. Clearly, that was the result of Babbitt's liberal fairytale economic programs. If only America had stayed the course and elected Bush- and looked past the Iran-shaped bloodstain that covered Reagan's Number Two's suit, as the October 1988 Time magazine cover so subtly illustrated.

America was reluctant to forgive the party of Watergate and Iran-Contra (as the Democrats' midterm Senate gains illustrated). However, the cash-strapped public was given a good reason to slink back over to the GOP. A deficit decrease proposal that had been considered and shelved by the Babbitt administration around 1989 or so was dredged up and leaked to the press. In later interviews, Babbitt's Treasury Secretary, Felix Rohatyn would speculate that word got out after Budget Chairman Sasser jabbed a finger in his direction and said "Now don't you go bringin' that damn thing up again."

And in the fall of 1992, you'd be forgiven if you thought that the only three words political advertisers knew were "National Sales Tax".

It didn't matter that Babbitt had thrown it out. It didn't matter that it wasn't under serious consideration as a corrective measure for the recession. It didn't matter that technically, the economy was back in the black in the fall of 1992. Investors got spooked. The Federal Reserve's credit faucet was only dripping. Babbitt flailed under the media attacks. Bob Dole, though he looked like he had just been embalmed by Scott Reed, looked like a safer pair of hands than Babbitt.

On Election Night 1992, Michael Dukakis had his family over to watch the returns. The former governor sipped his beer, turned to his son, and smiled. "National Sales Tax. I would've never done something that stupid." The two stopped watching the TV, as they knew the inevitable was coming. Dukakis was content with the knowledge that he never made that bad of an error, and watched his grandson roll a toy tank across the carpet.
 
Don’t Know,Don’t Care,Don’t Bother-the Extended Universe Edition

2023-20xx Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz (PSL-Poland 2050 Majority)

2023: Władysław Kosiniak-Kamysz/Szymon Hołownia-PSL-Poland 2050 [265],Jarosław Kaczyński-PiS [119],Donald Tusk-PO [88],Włodzimierz Czarzasty/Robert Biedroń-Lewica [88]-99,20% abstention rate

2023-20xx Boyko Borisov (GERB-SDS-DPS Coalition)
2023: Boyko Borisov-GERB-SDS [94],Korneliya Ninova-BSPzB [81],Mustafa Kardayi-DPS [40],Kiril Petkov-PP-DB [25]-96,27% abstention rate

2024-20xx Julius Malema (EFF Majority)
2014: Julius Malema-EFF [219],Cyril Ramaphosa-ANC [133],John Steenhuisen-Democratic Alliance [20],Velenkosini Hlabisa-IFP [20],Pieter Gronewald-FFP [4],Kenneth Meshoe-ACDP [4]-92,60% abstention rate

2024-20xx Lee Jae-myung (Democratic Majority)
2024: Lee Jae-myung-Democratic [162],Kim Gi-hyeon-People Power [138]-82,86% abstention rate

2021-20xx Karl Nehammer (ÖVP-Greens Coalition,ÖVP Majority by 2024)
2024: Karl Nehammer-ÖVP [138],Hans Peter Doskozil-SPÖ [32],Herbert Kickl-FPÖ [13]-87,49% abstention rate

2024-20xx Paul Magnette (PS-CD&V-Open Vld Coalition)
2024: Paul Magnette-PS [39],Egbert Lachaert-Open Vld [26],Sammy Mahdi-CD&V [21],Conner Rousseau-sp.a [21],Bart de Wever-NV-A [19],Raoul Hedebouw-PVDA-PTB [11],Tom Van Grieken-VB [9],Nadia Naji/Jeremie Vaneckhour-Groen [4]-95,09% abstention

2024 Croatian parliamentary election results:

HDZ-led Coalition: 99 seats

Restart Coalition: 25 seats

HNS-LD: 15 seats

Reformists: 4 seats

-91,63% abstention rate-




Just something of a thought scenario,a continuation of the list I made in Test Threads where basically only members of political parties bother to vote. Had some difficulty since a lot of them do not have up to date information about how many members they have.

So,uh yeah,if you ever wonder what it would be like if only members of political parties bothered showing up and voting in future elections,here it is.

You can tell how little party membership matters anymore in elections nowadays and how most voters,loyal or not,are not actually officially part of said parties they are usually loyal to.

@Heat I do not 100% know if it is accurate but the PSL has the most registred members of a political party in Poland according to them,which does not translate into dominating Polish politics like above and again-shows how little that matters in modern day politics. Same with Malema and the EFF.

And in case you are wondering what started this off:

2024 British General Election Results:

Labour: 548 seats

SNP: 50 seats

Liberal Democrats: 18 seats

Conservative: 12 seats

Plaid Cymru: 3 seats

Green: 1 seat

Abstention rate: 98,22%



Again,not 100% accurate,just what I have been able to calculate.
 
@Heat I do not 100% know if it is accurate but the PSL has the most registred members of a political party in Poland according to them,which does not translate into dominating Polish politics like above and again-shows how little that matters in modern day politics.
It matters a lot, without that giving them a solid base in local government they'd have been crushed like Samoobrona and LPR by now.
 
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Chairmen of the Council of Ministers of the People's Republic of Bulgaria

1946-1946: Kimon Georgiev [1]
1946-1949: Georgi Dimitrov [2]
1949-1950: Vasil Kolarov
1950-1959: Valko Chervenkov [3]
1959-1962: Anton Yugov
1962-1965: Todor Zhikov [4]
1965-1969: Ivan Todorov-Gorunya [5]
1969-????: THE BULGARIAN PEOPLE RENOUNCE THE LIST AND THE VULGAR BOURGEOIS 'GREAT MAN' THEORY IT PROMOTES

[1]
Georgiev's political transformation over the decades could be considered analogous to his country as a whole both in ideological flavour and his consistent belief in state imposition upon society. One of the founding members of the 'Zveno' circle of Bulgarian army officers in the interwar era which argued for a technocratic and Slavic nationalist Bulgaria with a strong emphasis on neutrality in Europe and eventual union with Yugoslavia. To what extent the movement could be considered fascist is debatable although Georgiev certainly looked to Mussolini for inspiration. Nonetheless, after seizing power only for it to be seized from him in turn the circle drifted left, opening up a dialogue with the Bulgarian communists and advocating for improved relations with the Soviet Union. These opinions were not in vogue with the Bulgarian political establishment which had replaced him, they had allied themselves with Hitler albeit remaining ostensibly neutral in the war against the Soviet Union. As the war turned against the Axis, resentment against Tsar Boris' dictatorship turned into underground resistance.

Georgiev, with his consistent calls for an end to the war, his pre-war leadership, his military credentials and his good relations with both the left and the centre-right became the natural choice to lead the anti-fascist Fatherland Front which began to build an underground government supported by London and Moscow. The approach of the Red Army on Bulgaria's borders provoked the Bulgarian military to action and a popular coup brought Georgiev to power once more.

Bulgaria had escaped the war effectively unscathed, it had even gained territory, however it was not safe from the economic and political turmoil rife across Europe. Bulgaria was purged of Tsarist elements by an increasingly communist dominated government, actions Georgiev downplayed both in his rhetoric and in his presence as leader. However he was becoming surplus to requirements in that role, across Eastern Europe people's democracies were being formed by Moscow's guiding hand and if you need someone to lead a united front against fascism, you might as well have the person who first came up with the idea.

[2] Georgi Dimitrov is perhaps exceptional for being most famous (and arguably more powerful) before he became leader of his country. The leader of the Third International in Europe, who had humiliated Goering during the Reichstag Fire show trials and whose United Front strategy had saved France from fascism before the war might well have been the leader of a European Socialist Federation had history taken a different turn. But such hypotheticals are tedious and he finally had time to implement his theories with the full force of state power and Soviet support behind him, or so he thought. The reality was that Dimitrov was ageing and decades spent around Europe and within the Soviet Union had alienated him to the contradictions of Bulgarian society. His big initiative was similar to one of Georgiev's original goals, making Bulgaria Yugoslavia's sixth republic, however the idea was rejected when floated with Stalin and Dimitrov's political ambition ran out of steam, as too did his health.

[3] His brother-in-law was much more up to the challenge, a hardline Stalinist with the wit and ideological zeal to bring Bulgaria into a new era. The notion of people's democracies was souring across Eastern Europe in the face of the brewing Cold War and Valko Chervenkov fought hard to mould Bulgaria into a model socialist state, collectivisation grew rapidly and Bulgaria became hardwired into the Soviet economy. Chervenkov imposed a cult of personaility upon Bulgarian society and within the communist party and had managed to make himself as secure in his leadership as Stalin. Then Stalin died and certain Stalinists began to regret having tied themselves to closely to Moscow.

[4] If Chervenkov was Stalin's man in Sofia then Todor Zhikov was very much Khruschev's, a ruthless opportunist who had made his way to the top of socialist society on the back of alliances and favour from the new men in the Kremlin. He had no interest in personality cults and supported collective leadership but set about creating the conditions of holding on to his power until he chose to relinquish it. In doing so he came up against two powerful factions within the Communist party, unrepetant Stalinists scathing over Moscow's revisionism and their own loss of influence and Bulgarian nationalists who believed socialism was the correct path for Bulgaria but resented Moscow's chauvinism personified by Zhikov. Zhikov had satisfied himself that no real threat existed from either of these factions, having marginalised them within the party. In this he ignored their influence on other institutions and how the Fatherland Front had finally managed to take power in 1944. Less then twenty years later the army had taken control of Sofia once again and an anti-revisionist,anti-Zhikov clique announced that the Chairman had resigned and that Bulgaria was free to pursue it's own path.

[5] The new regime was greeted by an outpouring of patriotic fervour, finally the mistakes of the past could be put right even if those in charge resembled the old Stalinists of Chervenkov's regime, both in rhetoric and, in one case, being Valko Chervenkov. The clique had embraced Zhikov's belief in collective leadership however, an important lever in ensuring good governance between the anti-revisionist and nationalist factions as well as taking into account the military's role in the new regime, both in securing the country and protecting it from any Soviet or Western intervention. Brezhnev's own new regime in Moscow wasn't interested in starting a Third World War over Bulgarian impudence but he was happy to make the threat of such clear, albeit unspoken, NATO followed suit. The consequences of Bulgarian patriotism were most felt economically, with the end of open Soviet credit and demands for raw materials in hard currency. Bulgaria's economy went into a nosedive and the slow but steady post-war growth turned into recession, followed by hyperinflation as reserve's evaporated trying to keep the lights on. Protests became common although were mostly disorganised.

The nationalist faction proposed overtures to the IMF and soon after were purged from the clique. All the misery was blamed on deliberate mismanagement of the economy provoked by the nationalist attempts to turn the Bulgarian people against socialism. With the clique's patriotic character having faded answers were looked for in anti-revisionism. Bulgaria's diplomatic relations with China had grown a great deal since the coup and now renewed efforts were made to strenghten ties with China's seemingly limitless potential. Bulgaria outsourced it's manufacturing and chemical industries to the Chinese, who in turn were only too happy to have an ideological ally that could offer them something more than Albania's mountains and bunkers. Tens of thousands of Bulgarians lived and worked in China and vice versa in this new joint five year plan.

Bulgaria's economy was saved, as was its socialist regime, but the protest movements never really went away. However many individual protestors would go overseas where they would replace their previous disorganisation with a little red book which told them how to formulate correct ideas, ones which came with the burden that the one and only purpose of the proletariat in knowing the world is to change it.

---

Original painting is 𝘔𝘢𝘳𝘤𝘩 𝘰𝘧 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘝𝘰𝘭𝘶𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘦𝘳𝘴 by Quan Shanshi [全山石] and Weng Danxian [翁诞宪]
 
Georgi Dimitrov is perhaps exceptional for being most famous (and arguably more powerful) before he became leader of his country.
133142-004-3D33959B.jpg


In all seriousness, a solid list. There's not enough Eastern Bloc AH.
 

I hadn’t considered him but thinking about you’re right, he was a prominent international figure as PM through several major events but all his endeavours in the top job flopped or were, you know, war crimes.

In all seriousness, a solid list. There's not enough Eastern Bloc AH.

Thanks and I couldn’t agree more, maybe a future theme for the list challenge?
 
The Powers That Be

1953-1957: Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower (R-KS) / Sen. William F. Knowland (R-CA)

1952 def. Gov. Adlai Stevenson (D-IL) / Sen. John Sparkman (D-AL)
1957-1962: Fmr. Gov. Adlai Stevenson (D-IL)/ Sen. Estes Kefauver (D-TN)
1956 def. Fmr. Amb. Milton Eisenhower (R-MD) / Rep. Walter Judd (R-MN), Sen. William E. Jenner (C-IN) / Mr. William Rusher (C-NY)
1960 def. Sen. Everett Dirksen (R-IL) / Rep. Gerald Ford (R-MI)
1962-1963: Vice Pres. Estes Kefauver (D-TN)/ None
1963-1965: Rep. John W. McCormack (D-MA), Acting
1965-19__: Gov. Ezra Taft Benson (R-UT) / Gov. Richard Nixon (R-CA)

1964 def. Sen. Lyndon B. Johnson (D-TX) / Sen. Scoop Jackson (D-WA)

Nixon fumbles the Checkers speech and is unceremoniously ejected from the Republican ticket, his reputation in tatters. Eisenhower romps to victory alongside Bill Knowland, but the administration is rent asunder by the vice president - whose aching ambition is pretty transparent in his private papers - following the general's heart attack (echoes of Al Haig '81). Eisenhower tries to return to work too early and a second health scare in the spring of 1956 (as in OTL) is bad enough to convince him to stick to his guns and retire. As an isolated Knowland effectively runs the joint, Eisenhower is able to convince Milton to accept the UN ambassadorship to keep an eye on things.

The unexpected opening of the 1956 RNC is chaotic. There are no obvious frontrunners after Knowland is soft-blocked by the administration. Dewey stands discredited, Goldwater is too wet behind the ears, and Stassen is just too plain weird. Halleck makes a good attempt, but can't pull it off. Eisenhower is eventually able to convince a reluctant Milton to stand for the nomination to break the deadlock, prompting the former McCarthyites and movement conservatives to bolt. In the end, the lesson is clear: Milton is not a very good politician. Combined with Jenner's third party bid, it's enough to get Stevenson across the line and into office during the troubles of the late-1950s. Conservatives cry to the rooftops about weakness, recession, and infiltration. Sputnik. Eggheads. An anemic civil rights push, too far for the right and not far enough for everyone else. It's only another fractious Republican convention that saves the administration from defeat. Few are enthusiastic about Dirksen, a compromise between the moderate and conservative wings, and whilst Stevenson narrowly wins a second term, his nerves are frazzled - and his heart gives out at the end of 1962.

A Catholic in the White House - and on Christmas Day, of all days! The simmering conservative anger reaches fever pitch. Kefauver's untimely death, two months after succeeding Stevenson, triggers a widespread national panic about Soviets under the bed that acting president McCormack just can't seem to temper. The Democrats' man in Texas is able to muscle his way to the 1964 nomination, but it's no good. The Republicans fall to their base impulses. Rockefeller's out of step with the party. A more cerebral Goldwater is elbowed out of the way by a groundswell of resentments. The nomination falls to the governor of Utah, a friend of the right and an ardent anti-communist. So goes the nation. At his side stands the governor of California, embittered by the chaos and the denial of what he saw as rightfully his. In their sights stands the federal government and all of its scurrying busybodies. At their backs, the shapeless, endless fury of a grassroots unleashed.

 
The throne where dynasties go to die.

Kings of France
Kings of Navarre (between 1589 and 1598)


1574 - 1589 : Henri III (House of Valois)
1589 - 1590 : Charles X (House of Bourbon)
1590 - 1614 : François III (House of Bourbon-Condé)

vs "Charles XI" (House of Guise-Mayenne) vs. "Charles XI" (House of Guise) with Isabella of Spain (House of Habsburg) vs. "Charles XI" (House of Bourbon) vs. "Henri IV" (al. House of Bourbon) vs. "Henri IV" (House of Lorraine)
1614 - 1641 : Louis XIII (House of Bourbon-Soissons)
vs. "Charles XI" (House of Guise) with Isabella of Spain (House of Habsburg)
1641 - 1670 : Charles XI (House of Lorraine)
1670 - 1671 : Louis XIV (House of Guise)

vs. "Charles XII" (al. House of Lorraine)
1671 - 1692 : Charles XII (House of Guise-Elbeuf)
vs. "Charles XII" (al. House of Lorraine)
1692 - 1748 : Henri IV (House of Guise-Elbeuf)
1748 - 1792
: Charles XIII (House of Guise-Lambesc)

(al. for pretenders held to be illegitimate)
Colours indicated larger houses rather than dynasties for information and clarity sake.


Henri of Navarre dies in 1572, and thus the succession becomes even more troubled, protestant princes being effectively rejected out by both supporters of the Catholic League but as well politiques that would rather do without a king commited to Reformation at the expense of stability.

Conveniently enough, Henri of Bourbon-Condé is held as illegitimate, helping François de Bourbon-Conti's claims and support against pretty much the lot of claims during the Estates Generals of 1593 (failing ITTL as IOTL, but with the additional tomfoolery of Ligue splitting over itself multiple times), also infamously known as the "Year of the Six Kings".

Unfortunately, it turns as a game of musical chairs as the royal line is constantly breaking over itself and in 1641, there's simply no descendent of Hugues Capet (at least considered worthwhile enough) left : although all the kings since the proclamation of Charles XI by ad hoc Estates Generals in 1642 are part of the House of Lorraine, it actually shift to various branches (Lorraine-Vaudémont, Guise, etc.) failing to hold on until some choppy-choppy happens in 1792, with Charles XIII leaving no descendent or clear successor.

The line itself is butterfly-proof : every ruler dies when they did IOTL and they have no children if they did not IOTL.
 
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2024-20xx Julius Malema (EFF Majority)
2014: Julius Malema-EFF [219],Cyril Ramaphosa-ANC [133],John Steenhuisen-Democratic Alliance [20],Velenkosini Hlabisa-IFP [20],Pieter Gronewald-FFP [4],Kenneth Meshoe-ACDP [4]-92,60% abstention rate
Same with Malema and the EFF.
This is clearly an election conducted on Twitter.

If it was on Facebook, Helen Zille would win (despite Steenhuisen being DA leader), followed by Jacob Zuma (yes, also), then Thuli Madonsela who isn't even a party member.

If it was on Tik-Tok, we'd have elected Sho Majozi, which to be honest wouldn't be bad at all.
 
This is clearly an election conducted on Twitter.

If it was on Facebook, Helen Zille would win (despite Steenhuisen being DA leader), followed by Jacob Zuma (yes, also), then Thuli Madonsela who isn't even a party member.

If it was on Tik-Tok, we'd have elected Sho Majozi, which to be honest wouldn't be bad at all.
Again,it’s based solely on party membership.
 
The Ballot Box, Not the Bomb

June 1981, it’s been eight years since the formation of the Power Sharing Executive and the Sunningdale Agreement and for now it still exists. It wasn’t easy, much blood and money was put forward to ensure the survival of the Executive, as the end of the Ulster Workers' Council Strike can attest.

But much has changed in the intervening time from the initial creation of the Executive.

When the Executive was formed the general consensus between Faulkner and Fitt was rather in favour of Economic Planning and Intervention to ensure a raise in employment and spending power within the region. For figures like Paddy Devlin, this would hypothetically rid the sectarian divide and bring forth a conventional political spectrum.

This has not occurred, and instead the lingering divisions remain, with occasional clashes and outbreaks of violence occurring at various points. Additionally the once united aim of economic growth and planning has been downscaled as Roy Bradford represents a shift towards the spectre of balanced budgeting and more Conservative governance from the Ulster Unionists.

Meanwhile within the Social Democratic Labour Party, a shift towards Moderate Nationalism has taken place as figures like Devlin, Ivan Cooper and Gerry Fitt leave the organisation frustrated by its shift away from Socialism.

Meanwhile Alliance has found itself becoming trapped as its ceiling of support has been hit, despite Oliver Napier’s dynamic leadership. But hopes of a surge in the coming months seems possible much to the delight of the party and frustration of others within the Executive.

As a vacuum emerges with the Executive driving head long towards the Centre as it were, many are seeking to capitalise on it.

Opposition to the executive takes many forms, for many the major image of the opposition is of Loyalist forces strutting around. But since the failure of the strike and the consolidation of mainstream Unionism under Faulkner, the former members of the UUUC are vying for power.

Ian Paisley with his Democratic Unionists and William Craig with his Vanguard spend much of their time addressing supporters and trying to make themselves the dominant force of Loyalism. All the while, they’ll occasionally make noises about the possibility of supporting power sharing if it means they’re the ones behind the wheel. Meanwhile in the background, the newly formed Progressive Unionist party is combining Loyalism with a message of Democratic Socialism and is finding it resonating with those in Unionist areas suffering from lay offs and unemployment as Bradford’s Austerity measures resonate.

On the Republican side, there opposition is just as split as the Loyalists. Within Sinn Féin splits over policy and the differences between North and Southern Leadership is becoming more pronounced as old fashioned Republican figures like Ruairí Ó Bradaigh find themselves out of touch with the Northern Leadership as the Éire Nua offends many within the Northern Wing.

Meanwhile the Irish Independence Party, represented by disparate figures from the Nationalists, SDLP and the Unity movement are finding a footing as a more Nationalistic alternative to the SDLP, making gains in various councils on that platform, much to the SDLP’s horror.

Finally Sinn Féin - The Workers Party having seen success down south hopes to replicate in the North. Whilst consigned to a few pockets, they’re finding their Socialist message resonating. Particularly there campaigning for jobs and supporting the Delorean Company is popular, and they seem likely to gain a seat. But in the background there is tension, as the party’s campaign are funded by a large scale campaign of racketeering, armed robbery and forgery that seems likely to be discovered any moment.


All the while Ireland and Britain, for Ireland, the survival of the Assembly would help Garrett Fitzgerald’s political program, as strife breaking out in Northern Ireland could test his slim majority that’s heavily dependent on Leftist support who have complex views on the Ireland situation. Meanwhile Eric Varley is seeing Northern Ireland as increasingly a drain on resources and money that could be put towards the rickety Social Democracy he’s inherited from Healey. He hopes that peace prevails and that Troops can be brought back home.

And all the while, the simmering tensions of violence lingers, waiting for just the right trigger for everything to explode into strife once again.


1973 - 1979: Brian Faulkner & Gerry Fitt (Ulster Unionist & Social Democratic Labour)
1973 (Power Sharing Coalition with Alliance and Labour) def. Ian Paisley (Democratic Unionist), Oliver Napier (Alliance), Harry West (Anti-Assembly Ulster Unionist), William Craig (Vanguard)
1977 (Power Sharing Coalition with Alliance) def. Ian Paisley (Democratic Unionist), Oliver Napier (Alliance), William Craig (Vanguard), Harry West (Anti-Assembly Ulster Unionist), Hugh Smyth (Independent Unionist)

1979 - : Roy Bradford & John Hume (Ulster Unionist & Social Democratic Labour)
1981. Election Scheduled for June


1970 - 1977: Ted Heath (Conservative)
1970 (Majority) def. Harold Wilson (Labour), Jeremy Thorpe (Liberal)
1974 (Majority) def. Harold Wilson (Labour), Jeremy Thorpe (Liberal), William Wolfe (Scottish National)

1977 - 1980: Denis Healey (Labour)
1977 (Majority) def. Ted Heath (Conservative), David Steel (Liberal)
1979 Scottish Devolution Referendum: Yes 51%, No 49%
1979 Welsh Devolution Referendum: Yes 29%, No 71%

1980 - : Eric Varley (Labour Majority)


1973 - 1977: Liam Crosgrave (Fine Gael)

1973 (Coalition with Labour) def. Jack Lynch (Fianna Fàil), Brendan Corish (Labour)
1977 - 1981: George Colley (Fianna Fáil)
1977 (Majority) def. Liam Cosgrave (Fine Gael), Brendan Corish (Labour)
1981 - : Garrett Fitzgerald (Fine Gael)
1981 (Coalition with Labour) def. George Colley (Fianna Fáil), Frank Cluskey (Labour), Tomás Mac Giolla (Sinn Fèin - The Workers Party), Noël Browne (Socialist Labour)
 
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MAYORS OF NEW YORK CITY:
87. Economist Henry George (SD) - January 1, 1887 - December 31, 1892
88.
City Councillor Henry George, Jr. (SD) - January 1, 1893 - December 31, 1894
89.
Police Commissioner Theodore Roosevelt (R) - January 1, 1895 - December 31, 1898
90.
Vice Mayor Seth Low (R) - January 1, 1899 - December 31, 1900
91.
Congressman Morris Hillquit (SD) - January 1, 1901 - April 15, 1908
92.
Vice Mayor Anna George de Mille (SD) - April 15, 1908 - December 31, 1908
93.
Publisher William Randolph Hearst (I) - January 1, 1909 - December 31, 1910
94.
Fmr. Mayor Anna George de Mille (SD) - January 1, 1911 - December 31, 1916
95.
Congressman Al Smith (CD) - January 1, 1917 - December 31, 1920
96.
City Senator Otto Rosalsky (SD) - January 1, 1921 - December 31, 1922
97.
State Assemblyman Franklin Roosevelt (CD) - January 1, 1923 - December 31, 1930
98.
Congressman Henry Morgenthau (SD) - January 1, 1930 - March 4, 1933
99.
Vice Mayor Eleanor Roosevelt (SD) - March 4, 1933 - December 31, 1940
100.
City Senator Fiorello LaGuardia (SD) - January 1, 1941 - December 31, 1944
101.
City Senator Robert Moses (NC) - January 1, 1945 - September 26, 1945
102.
Vice Mayor Thomas Dewey (NC) - September 26, 1945 - December 31, 1946
103.
Fmr. Mayor Eleanor Roosevelt (SD) - January 1, 1947 - December 31, 1958
104.
Congressman Vito Marcantonio (SD) - January 1, 1959 - December 31, 1960
105.
Businessman Nelson Rockefeller (CD) - January 1, 1961 - December 31, 1962
106.
City Senator Abraham Beame (SD) - January 1, 1963 - December 31, 1966
107.
Publisher William Buckley (NC) - January 1, 1967 - December 31, 1968
108.
State Senator John Lindsay (I) - January 1, 1969 - December 31, 1972
109.
Senator Jacob Javits (SD) - January 1, 1973 - December 31, 1978
110.
Congressman Nelson Rockefeller (CD) - January 1, 1979 - December 31, 1980
111.
Congressman Mario Biaggi (SD) - January 1, 1981 - December 31, 1990
113.
State Assemblyman Bill Green (CD) - January 1, 1990 - December 31, 1993
114.
City Councillor Mark Green (SD) - January 1, 1994 - December 31, 2001
115.
Fmr. President Elizabeth Holtzman (SD) - January 1, 2002 - December 31, 2005
116.
City Senator Rudy Giuliani (NC) - January 1, 2006 - December 31, 2009
117.
State AG Eliot Spitzer (SD) - January 1, 2010 - October 8, 2015
118.
Vice Mayor Maya Wiley (SD) - October 8, 2015 - December 31, 2017
119.
Businessman Andrew Yang (I) - January 1, 2018 - Incumbent
 
1953 - 1959: Harold Balfour (Union)
1953 (Majority) def. Herbert Morrison (Social Democratic), Edgar Granville (Centre), Denis Kendall (Reform)
1957 (Majority) def. Patrick Gordon Walker (Social Democratic), Edgar Granville (Centre)

1959 - 1963: Henry Brooke (Union)
1961 (Majority) def. Patrick Gordon Walker (Social Democratic), John MacLeod (Centre)
1963 - 1964: Peter Thorneycroft (Union Majority)
1964 - 1969: Kenneth Robinson (Social Democratic)

1964 (Majority) def. Peter Thorneycroft (Union), Nigel Nicolson (Centre)
1969 - : John Profumo (Union)
1969 (Majority) def. Kenneth Robinson (Social Democratic), Nigel Nicolson (Centre), Ernest Millington (New Democracy)

Kenneth Robinson: The Unsung Hero of British Social Democracy

For Robinson, the Morrison years had provided a mixture of good and bad. The Social Democratic foundations that had been built in that time had been lauded for helping to alleviate inequality in Britain. But for Robinson, Morrison’s autocratic and habit of centralising power towards himself lead to Robinson referring to Morrison as ‘The Marshall’ a name that stuck amongst the Left of the Social Democrats.

For Robinson, who represented the reformist and leftist wing of the party, the potential of leadership seemed unlikely, instead he would aim for roles that earned him the respect of his parliamentary colleagues as a Whip and a Shadow Minister. Renowned for his combination of sincerity and compassion, Robinson would defend the rights of those less fortunate, particularly against the authoritarian measures of the Brooke Premiership as Shadow Minister for Welfare.

Following the failure of the Gordon-Walker leadership to break through, following a particularly nasty and race baiting campaign from the Union Party, a leadership contest would ensue. The Morrison Faction would be divided between Douglas Jay and Michael Stewart, two figures of the Fabian Socialism who presented a continuation of Walker’s tactics. Meanwhile Robinson would be pushed forward as the candidate of the ‘Left’, offering a Reformist Socialist alternative to the Morrisonism, he would be aided by Deputy Leadership candidate John Freeman who would campaign on a ‘Dual Ticket’ with Robinson. Equally support from prominent factional figures in the party like Arthur Bottomley and Christopher Mayhew would provide Robinson with the support to win.

The Robinson - Freeman ticket would shift the Social Democratic Party leftward, actively campaigning on a socially liberal platform, the ‘rationalisation’ of industry and would push for further decolonisation. Initially this seemed ill fated, after an embarrassing by-election in Smethwick following Walker’s resignation to join the House of Lords, in which former Reform Party member Peter Griffiths would manage to capture the seat for the Union party on the back of a racist campaign.

But as the Brooke Government stumbled into engaging in costly interventions in Malay, Yemen, Cyprus and Nigeria and the economy slumped into a recession, it seemed Robinson’s leadership was beginning to breakthrough. Helping matters was the Centre party’s Reformist new leader Nigel Nicholson who would engage in secret talks with Robinson about a tactical voting system for certain seats. Whilst this wouldn’t be an alliance, the ‘St Pancras Pact’ would help ensure a budding and productive relationship between the two parties and ensure Centre votes on certain issues proposed by the Social Democrats.

The resignation of Brooke, and the ascension of Thorneycroft seemed like it could possibly secure another Union victory. The snap election to help secure Thorneycroft’s tenure after a fairly successful half year in the office seemed like would result in Social Democratic defeat.

But Robinson had taken lessons from the successful Presidential campaign of Hubert Humphrey in America and would campaign on his sincere personality, reformist credentials and his ability to be a peacemaker. Even though the Union party would attack the ‘Socialistic Menace’ it wouldn’t cut through.

The Social Democratic Party would find themselves with a majority of fifteen, which alongside the Centre party’s thirteen would provide a fairly strong majority for the incoming reformist government. But not everything would be alright in this new Britain.

Alongside the victory for Robinson and Nicholson, another figure would see an electoral victory that would have ramifications going into the late 60s and into the 70s. Ernest Millington was a former member of the United Socialist party, the dregs of the unification between Labour and Communist in the 20s. Disappointed by the lack of vision of the party, he would, alongside several other leftists form ‘The League for a New Democracy’ in 1961 and would after a tense and difficult campaign win the seat of Nottingham East.

The success of this would see a revival of Socialism in Britain in a manner that people like Robinson and Freeman were aloof too.

The New Left would see it’s first electoral baptism, and it wouldn’t be it’s last…
 
Apparently, I wrote this on the other place a while back. I have no idea why.

Agent Legume: The Flight of Jimmy Carter

1977-1978: Jimmy Carter (Democratic) [1]
1976 (with Walter Mondale) def. Gerald Ford/Bob Dole (Republican)
1978-1981: Walter Mondale (Democratic) [2]
1981-1989: Jeremiah Denton (Republican) [3]
1980 (with Richard Lugar) def. Walter Mondale/Edmund Muskie (Democratic) [4]​
1984 (with Richard Lugar) def. Gore Vidal/Barbara Mikulski (Democratic) [5], Joseph Biden/Cecil Andrus (Rational Democratic)

[1] Goes missing on a state visit to Poland: later discovered in a brothel on the outskirts of Warsaw.
[2] Becomes President after invoking the 25th Amendment; after Carter is found, some legal issues arise but are ultimately resolved as Carter is persuaded (read: forced by the entirety of the Democratic Congressional leadership) to officially resign. Spends the rest of his unfortunate presidency dealing with moral panics and foreign mishaps.
[3] First elected in 1978, the POW-turned-Alabaman-Senator has been a darling of the Christian Right ever since he put his hand on that Bible in the Capitol; little surprise that when Reagan's alleged ties with homosexuals undo his campaign, the Moral Majority turns to him instead.
[4] Picking Muskie was an obvious choice to get through Senate confirmation amid scandal, but boy is he a bore on the campaign trail.
[5] Rekindles his political career by defending Jimmy Carter, becomes a celebrity among remnants of the New Left in the Democratic Party and activist groups, somehow gets elected Senator in '82 thanks to a terrible Republican candidate, then beats Ed Muskie in the primaries surprisingly easily-- and only wins the District of Columbia in the general. On the bright side, he did pick the first female running mate.
 
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