1998 - 2001: Keizō Obuchi (Liberal Democratic)
2000 (Coalition with Komieto) def. Yukio Hatoyama (Democratic), Takenori Kanzaki (Komieto), Ichirō Ozawa (Liberal), Tetsuzo Fuwa (Communist), Takako Doi (Social Democratic), Chikage Oogi (New Conservative)
2001 - 2004: Koichi Kato (Liberal Democratic)
2004 (Coalition with Komieto) def. Naoto Kan (Democratic), Takenori Kanzaki (Komieto), Kazuo Shii (Communist), Takako Doi (Social Democratic)
2004 - 2005: Tarō Asō (Liberal Democratic - Komieto Coalition)
2005 - 2007: Naoto Kan (Democratic)
2005 (Coalition with Social Democratic) def. Tarō Asō (Liberal Democratic), Takenori Kanzaki (Komeito), Kiyomi Tsujimoto (Social Democratic), Shōzaburō Jimi (People’s New), Kazuo Shii (Communist)
2007 - 2009: Yukio Hatoyama (Democratic - Social Democratic coalition)
2009 - 2012: Shinzō Abe (Liberal Democratic)
2009 (Majority) def. Yukio Hatoyama (Democratic), Akihiro Ota (Komieto), Kazuo Shii (Communist), Kiyomi Tsujimoto (Social Democratic), Shōzaburō Jimi (People’s New)
2012 - 2014: Fukushiro Nukaga (Liberal Democratic)
2013 (Coalition with Komieto) def. Koriki Jojima (Democratic), Ichiro Ozawa - Tōru Hashimoto (Association for the People), Natsuo Yamaguchi (Komieto), Kazuo Shii (Communist), Ryoichi Hattori (Social Democratic)
2014 - 2015: Yasuhisa Shiozaki (Liberal Democratic - Komieto Coalition)
2015 - 2017: Nobuteru Ishihara (Liberal Democratic - Komieto Coalition)
2017 - 2019: Katsuya Okada (Democratic)
2017 (Coalition with Social Democratic) def. Nobuteru Ishihara (Liberal Democratic), Tōru Hashimoto (For The People), Natsuo Yamaguchi (Komieto), Ryoichi Hattori (Social Democratic), Kazuo Shii (Communist)
2019 - 2022: Yukio Edano (Democratic)
2020 (Majority) def. Toshimitsu Motegi (Liberal Democratic), Tōru Hashimoto (For The People), Natsuo Yamaguchi (Komieto), Tomoko Tamura (Communist)
2022 - : Yuki Waseda (Democratic Majority)
Naoto Kan: The Man Who Defined Japan’s Left
Japan, or to be more specific, Tokyo. The Capital of one of the major Asian Economies is abuzz with action and excitement. It’s election season here, and compared to many Western Nations where electioneering has become increasingly digital and aloof, in Japan, soapbox politics remains king.
As is common, a wide bevy of politicians are out in force campaigning. The soapbox of Left Wing Populist Governor, Taro Yamamoto is more akin to a stage, a vast rally where he spits fire at all who oppose him and his party, People Power. But in the case of former Prime Minister, Naoto Kan, it’s more of a calm affair as he stands on his soap box. Whilst Kan has been criticised for his populistic rhetoric in the past, here he’s matter of fact and down to Earth, saying his piece and listening to what the people have to say about the incumbent government.
Overall reaction is muted if positive, though there are the occasional heckler. Of course given that up until fairly recently this area shared it’s population with Kan’s electoral ward in the Diet, it seems likely that the crowd would be supportive of Kan and the current Prime Minister, Chinami Nishimura, one of his many disciples within the Democratic Party.
But watching Kan speak and engage with the crowd, you get a sense of why Kan became Prime Minister. He is, several senses, a man of the people.
~~~
It’s a couple days later when I meet Kan more formally, whilst I have been trailing his campaign, and chatted to him a bit, we haven’t sat down and properly been interviewed.
So we meet at his house in Tokyo and are promptly greeted by his wife, Nobuko.
Nobuko Kan is probably Naoto’s biggest critic, indeed after his Premiership she wrote a book called “How Could Japan Change, When My Husband Was Prime Minister” which detailed her own particular frustrations and annoyances with Naoto and his leadership.
Nobuko‘s own fiery ideals, independence and self belief makes her starkly different from most Prime Ministers wife’s, who are often shunted into the background. I joke to her after we come into their Kan abode that she should have renamed it “How My Useless Husband, Changed Japan” given that’s the reason why I’m interviewing him. She lets out a dry laugh and says she’ll keep it in mind.
Having ingratiated myself with Mrs Kan, it’s now time to do it with the man of the hour.
Naoto Kan is sitting in an armchair, chatting to his son Gentarō who spots me first. We greet cordially, we bow, make pleasantries as I sit down. Nobuko brings in tea, sets it down and promptly tells off Naoto for not wearing a tie for an interview. The pair lightly bucket in Japanese before chuckling, Gentarō politely gets up and wishes me well before heading off.
With everyone having left the room, I decide to actually acknowledge my subject. Naoto has changed since his heyday in the 2000s, he’s lost a large amount of hair and he’s more winkled but the smile he gives me hasn’t changed.
I decide to go with simple question, does he think that his humble background has had an impact on his politics?
“Certainly” he says frankly “I had to to run four times initially to gain a diet seat, and I am Salaryman’s Son with no real connections after all, it does mean that I am more pragmatic than most I guess”
I mentioned that originally he ran as a member of the Saburō Eda formed Social Democratic Union, would he still see himself as a Social Democrat?
“I would say I am of the Left, but not a Social Democrat” Naoto says matter of factly “I am…a Japanese Liberal…now that is, of course, maybe you would think that I’m not that?” He asks me.
I ponder for a second the question, before replying with my take;
“I think I would say, you’re a Pragmatic Populist, of a Liberal variety”
Naoto nods, intrigued by what I said.
“Interesting, my wife says I’m too pragmatic if anything” he chuckles “But you are right I guess, I think a Populist is a man of the people don’t you think?” he asks me.
I shrug, my opinions on Populists are mixed, like many in the West, the Post Recession years has seen the return of such types of politicking and with it, the problems it represents. But in the usually staid Japanese Political landscape, people like Kan represent a sea change from the stodgy dynasties and bureaucrats that populated much of the Japanese Political Scene.
Indeed, even the game changer that was Morihiro Hosokawa was part of the Hosokawa clan that was connected to the Imperial Family.
Kan with his Pragmatic Populist views in many respects represented the people of Japan, or more particularly, the baby boomer generation he was part of. Indeed his victory over Tarō Asō, a backroom player thrust into the limelight following the chaos of Koichi Kato’s bungled privatisation attempts, seemed to provide a perfect vessel from which Kan could easily attack as a representative of the failures of Liberal Democratic rule.
“It did seem your message of Populist reform was combination of both presenting a positive future for Japan and its people and attacking the seeming stagnation of the Liberal Democrat’s, than destroying the system like some Populists” I mention off handily.
“Well, I wouldn’t say I’m Anti-Establishment, but the establishment makes mistakes, it does wrong to the people and they just expect to get away with it…postal privatisation of was a good example of that arrogance” Kan says, letting out a bit of that rhetoric he’s known for “At least when I make mistakes I own up to them and ensure recompense”
“Did you feel the system tried to oust you from power?” I ask and Kan’s brow wrinkles. In the aftermath of his sudden departure, due to accusations that he had unpaid annuities, he let slip that he believed that part of his leaking against him was down to the iron triangle. He would promptly shave his head, don Buddhist garb and did the Shikoku Pilgrimage. Whilst this did a lot to ingratiate himself back with the public, there always seemed to be a bitter taste left behind over his downfall.
“Hmmm” Kan lets out, rubbing his hands “No, not anymore. I wouldn’t say it was a concerted effort or anything. I do feel like that it was, an attempt to rid me though by some members of bureaucracy…I do regret the comments I made” he says moodily.
I swiftly try to move on, and decide to ask him about his opinions on more recent events. Particularly if he thinks he’s become a major backroom dealer?
“I guess” he replies, candidly.
“But doesn’t your National Shape Study Group occupy an important position within the Democratic Party?”
“Well, it does…though it’s not like everyone who’s part of it listens to me” he chuckles “But I will admit that helping in the, political direction of the previous Government was just as fulfilling as being Prime Minister” he says with a smile.
“Was the merger with the Social Democrats helpful to that goal?”
“Yes, it meant that the Japanese…left, was able to finally unite and gain a majority to govern with” he nods “And working with Tsujimoto remained me of my days as Prime Minister” he smiles softly.
Of course Kiyomi Tsujimoto was similar to Kan in numerous ways, originally starting in civil activism, becoming a Populistic leader of a Centre Left Party and also undone by a seeming corruption scandal, before becoming a major backroom dealer.
“Whilst uniting the Left has ensured an unprecedented victory, do you think it’s opened a door way for figures like Taro Yamamoto to step into a vacuum?”
Kan pauses, brow creases.
“No” he says bluntly. His gaze indicates that he’s tired of this question and feels it personally. Yamamoto candidacy for Tokyo Governor was supported by figures like Kan, who were appalled when he spat it back in their faces and went on an Anti-Establishment campaign.
I decide to move on, seeing the day move ahead I decide to finish up as best I can.
“Do you think you’ve changed Japan?” I ask him.
Kan ponders the question, before nodding.
“Before I came along, the Liberal Democratic Party had dominated Japan, the dynasties occupied much power and the people felt apathy towards politics” he says “Now, the domination of the Liberal Democrats has waned, the last three Prime Ministers have come from
whilst it’s fair to say the entrenched hierarchies that govern the Japanese still remain standing
~~~
It’s soapbox politicking again, though this time Kan is joined by a fellow former Prime Minister. Yukio Edano, the Middle Aged Memeable face of Japanese Liberalism is joining Kan on a speaking tour.
It’s apparent that despite the positive energy they’re getting that not everything is well in the campaign. People Power and the Communists pact seems to be more popular than expected and worries that the Democratic Party may lose there slim majority in the House of Councillors.
The grand tradition of Japan rebelling against the status quo by voting for outsider parties continues, as memories to 2013 and Ozawa & Hashimoto Olive Tree Coalition of Populist ‘outsiders’ gutted both parties.
But despite it all, the pair are campaigning hard. Edano, the loveable liberal lawyer who still commands popularity with the public despite his party ousting him, is in his element. Kan watches on, seeing his disciple and supporter at work.
Despite, in the every lasting order of Japanese politics, being unceremoniously ousted from power, the two can be seen as titans in their own right.
But without Kan, and his victory over the established order, then this little surreal scene of Prime Ministers soapbox politicking wouldn’t be playing out.
Even if his wife doesn’t agree, Kan can certainly be seen as a man who has defined Japan’s Modern Left.
Governor of Tokyo:
2011 - 2013: Naoki Inose (Independent; Liberal Democratic, Komeito)
2011 def. Akira Nagatsuma (Independent; Democratic, Social Democratic, Association for The People), Miki Watanabe (Independent), Akira Koike (Communist)
2013 - 2017: Hiroya Masuda (Independent; Liberal Democratic, Komeito)
2013 def. Kenji Utsunomiya (Independent; Democratic, Social Democratic, Communist), Hideo Higashikokubaru (Independent; For The People), Toshio Tamogami (Independent)
2017 - 2019: Tarō Yamamoto (Independent; Democratic, Social Democratic, Communist)
2017 def. Hiroya Masuda (Independent; Liberal Democratic, Komieto), Kota Matsuda (Independent; For The People)
2019 - : Tarō Yamamoto (People Power, Communist)
2021 def. Satsuki Katayama (Independent; Liberal Democratic, Komieto), Akiko Kamei (Independent; Democratic)
Chair of the Tokyo Prefecture Assembly:
2009 - 2011: Naoki Takashima (Liberal Democratic)
2009 (Coalition with Komieto) def. Naoto Kan (Democratic), Natsuo Yamaguchi (Komieto), Yoshiharu Wakabayashi (Communist), Fumie Yamaguchi (Tokyo Seikatsusha Network)
2011 - 2013: Yoshino Toshiaki (Liberal Democratic - Komeito Coalition)
2013 - 2017: Hiroshi Yamada (Liberal Democratic)
2013 (Coalition with Komieto) def. Naoto Kan (Democratic), Yōsuke Takagi (Komieto), Kota Matsuda (For The People), Yoshiharu Wakabayashi (Communist), Mitsuko Nishizaki (Tokyo Seikatsusha Network)
2017 - 2019: Masako Ōkawara (Democratic)
2017 (Communist Confidence & Supply) def. Hiroshi Yamada (Liberal Democratic), Yōsuke Takagi (Komieto), Kota Matsuda (For The People), Yoshiharu Wakabayashi (Communist), Mitsuko Nishizaki (Tokyo Seikatsusha Network)
2019 - 2021: Ikuo Yamahana (Democratic -
People Power,
Communist Confidence & Supply)
2021 - : Ayumi Yasutomi (People Power)
2021 (Democratic & Communist Confidence & Supply) def. Ichirō Kamoshita (Liberal Democratic), Ikuo Yamahana (Democratic), Yōsuke Takagi (Komieto), Chiharu Araki (For The People), Saori Ikeuchi (Communist), Reiko Yamauchi (Tokyo Seikatsusha Network)
Tarō Yamamoto: Tokyo’s Firebrand
7th of July, 2021
“Tokyo First; People Power” read posters that dot streets of the ever bustling metropolis that guides the nation. But the city isn’t being guided by the current party of Government, the Democratic Party, the party of Japan’s until recently languid centre left or even the opposition, the Liberal Democratic Party, the ever present party of Japan’s stodgy Centre Right.
Instead People Power guides the city.
Already the aftermath of Japan’s prefectural elections are being felt, Yukio Edano, the previously buoyant Prime Minister having gained the first Centre Left Majority has seen his popularity plummet and his future as leader seems tenuous.
Meanwhile the Liberal Democratic Party have entered another bout of infighting, seeing there vote being carted off to Right Wing Populist candidates across the country, it seems Toshimitsu Motegi time as opposition leader is not long for the world.
But for the ever enthusiastic Tokyo Governor, Tarō Yamamoto his continued Governance and the gains made by his party in the Prefectural Assembly have put him on the map.
For many, the beaming face of Yamamoto as results came in, indicate one major point; that there is a sea change happening in the land famed for a long time for Japan’s political stability.
~~~
Yamamoto isn’t Tokyo’s first Left Wing Governor; that honour goes to the Marxist Economist Ryokichi Minobe. The ever affable Socialist Governor would be part of a wave of Progressive Governors and Mayors elected into office during the turmoil of the Sixties and Seventies. Minobe’s combination of Municipal Socialist policies and Reformist attitudes would guide Tokyo for over a decade. His presence is still felt within Japanese society even today.
Nor is Yamamoto the first Tokyo Governor to have initially had a start in entertainment; that dodgy honour goes to Yukio Aoshima. His four year stint is known for being incredibly underwhelming and would earn him the moniker of ‘Mr Broken Manifesto’. It’s fair to say that Aoshima has not left a presence within the world of politics.
But Tarō Yamamoto isn’t like either man; he’s embodies of the contradictions of Japan’s Democracy in the Twenty First Century.
Yamamoto got his start as an actor, fans of cult Japanese Cinema may know him as the red headband wearing, shotgun wielding young rebel Shogo Kawada in the film adaptation of Battle Royale. It’s fair to say that combination of affable charisma, rebellious nature and sense of apathy towards the establishment are mirrored in the real life Yamamoto.
Yamamoto was drawn to politics till after the 2011 Earthquake and the ensuing Fukushima Disaster. Yamamoto would leave acting and start work as an anti-nuclear campaigner alongside working as a Solar Power company. Yamamoto would make a name for himself in early 2012, in which whilst campaigning at an anti-nuclear rally would verbally abuse ailing Prime Minister Shinzō Abe and call on him to resign.
Whilst this seemingly vulgar display would be criticised by numerous politicians, with leader of the opposition, Koriki Jojima saying that Yamamoto had acted in a disrespectful and disgraceful manner, it virally appeal amongst the disaffected would lead to a chain of events that would see the Prime Minister depart.
Tarō Yamamoto would run in the House of Councillors election of 2013 as an independent supported by a broad Left coalition of Social Democratic, New Socialist and Communist and would manage to gain a seat on the Tokyo Proportional Representation Block.
With his seat as a Councillor secured, Yamamoto decided to spend his time aiming his fire at the Liberal Democratic Government. He would often post videos on YouTube in which he attack Liberal Democratic policies and propose Progressive solutions instead. He would attack the Prime Minister Noboteru Ishihara as the contentious issues of the privatisation of Japan Post was brought up again, with Yamamoto helping to organise the ‘Survive Our Post’ campaign alongside the rather militant Postal Trade Union.
Yamamoto was raising up during a tide of Populism around the World from the Right and Left. Whilst Japan had been dabbling with Right Wing Populist politics with the ‘For The People’ a Right Wing Libertarian party, Yamamoto represented the Left Wing version of it, compared to the more cautious and pragmatic Democratic and Social Democratic parties.
Tarō Yamamoto’s brand of Left Wing Populism combined Neo-Keneysian ideals, Anti-Nuclear campaigning and additionally advocating for the rights of the disabled and LGBT+ community, often ignored within Japanese society.
As Yamamoto’s brand grew, calls for him to potentially run for Tokyo Governor began apace.
~~~
2017 was to be a dramatic year for the Japanese Left.
Noboteru Ishihara’s brand of austerity driven neoliberalism was proving to not be the saving grace for the Liberal Democratic Party as hoped. Meanwhile Katsuya Okada represented the chance of comfortable moderation.
But within Tokyo, this wouldn’t cut it.
The campaign for Tarō Yamamoto to become a ‘broad Left’ candidate was supported by the Communists, New Socialists and Social Democratic parties, due to Yamamoto’s mixture of Anti-Nuclear policies and Progressive ideals. The Democratic Party was less enthused and discussions about either having former Prime Minister Naoto Kan or actor Junichi Ishida running for Governor. Both refused and Kan would begrudgingly endorse Yamamoto, pushing for his party to support the firebrand.
Yamamoto ran on his ever present themes of Anti-Nuclear, Progressive policies and Anti-Corruption. As with the general mood of the time, Yamamoto, like much of the Left across the country, would win.
Tarō Yamamoto would be Governor.
To say that Yamamoto’s tenure has been, fairly all over the place is an understatement.
His support for ‘Green Spaces, Green Energy’ made him a surprisingly forceful leader for the moribund environmentalist movement within Tokyo and Japan. Additionally his support for making Tokyo more disabled friendly was lauded within progressive circles for helping a group that were often underrepresented within Japanese politics.
Whilst his Progressive policies have been lauded in the West, at times he’s stepped over the line for polite Japanese Society. His support for Same Sex marriage would open a tidal wave of backlash, particularly after his administration proposing expanding the Shibuya Same Sex Partnership scheme to the entirety of Tokyo. Whilst this would manage to occur, the backlash that occurred would lead to several politicians receiving threats and one campaigner being several attacked.
Additionally whilst his election had been won with the support of the Democratic Party, he chafed against them. The party was fairly fiscally reticent and Yamamoto proposals for increased social spending, increasing the civil service, rent freezes, increasing social housing, free education and welfare schemes hit a brick wall of fiscal discipline.
The 2019 would see Yamamoto form his own party, disparaging the Democratic Party from ‘being foolish as the LDP on fiscal issues’. Whilst this seemed to initially hurt his chances, the subsequent series of agreements and popularity with the Tokyo population despite controversies meant that Yamamoto’s ability to govern would continue.
2021 would see the People Power’s first official outing, in 2020 the party had a couple of political candidates who did okay but the 2021 Prefectural and Governorship election would see the machine tested.
Yamamoto would campaign on a clean break and ‘no more having to answer to a parties that don’t care about the people of Tokyo’.
Much of his program was less on Anti-Nuclear issues (which the Democratic Party itself was taking in stride to dismantle) but instead more on the issues of welfare and progressive ideals.
Whilst his Universal Basic Income plan to ‘give every citizen of Tokyo 30,000 yen per person to tackle deflation’ was accused as being bribery, a controversial Assembly candidate being accused of sexual harassment and a muddled response to compulsory vaccinations, seemed to leave more than desire, Yamamoto’s brand of Left Wing, Municipal Populism shone through.
Combined with clumsy campaigning from the Liberal Democratic Party and the Democratic Party who spent more time attacking each other and using a Governor’s election to air our national debates, Yamamoto slim if significant victory has managed to earn him a position as a power player within Japanese politics.
As congratulations come in from across the globe from Labour leader Katy Clark to exiled Bolivian President Evo Morales, praising the fiery Governor, it seems the actual business of governing now presents itself.
It’s now up to Yamamoto to show what he’s like unshackled and given the metropolitan playground that is Tokyo Prefecture to play with.
