Makemakean
Mr Makemean
- Pronouns
- Logical, unlike those in German
Did you consider a reference to His Eminence, Cardinal Anthony Abbott?
-
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Lists of Heads of Government and Heads of State
- Thread starter Mumby
- Start date
Did you consider a reference to His Eminence, Cardinal Anthony Abbott?
CTTeller
You still haven't passed my pipe
- Location
- Pinner, Middlesex
- Pronouns
- he/him
1990-1997: John Major (Conservative)
1992: (Majority) defeated: Neil Kinnock (Labour), Paddy Ashdown (Liberal Democrat)
1997-2015: Tony Blair (Labour)
1997: (Majority) defeated: John Major (Conservative), Paddy Ashdown (Liberal Democrat)
2001: (Majority) defeated: William Hague (Conservative), Charles Kennedy (Liberal Democrat)
2005: (Majority) defeated: Michael Howard (Conservative), Charles Kennedy (Liberal Democrat)
2010: (Coalition) defeated: David Cameron (Conservative), Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrat)
2015-2022: Nicholas Soames (Conservative)
2015: (Majority) defeated: Tony Blair (Labour), Natalie Bennett (Green Party of England and Wales), Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrat)
2020: (Majority) defeated: Natalie Bennett (Green Party of England and Wales), Chuka Umunna (Labour), Tom Brake (Liberal Democrat)
2022-Present: David Cameron (Conservative)
2023: (Majority) defeated: Tamsin Omond (Ecology), Jamie Stone (A New Dawn), Gordon Brown (Scottish Labour)
1992: (Majority) defeated: Neil Kinnock (Labour), Paddy Ashdown (Liberal Democrat)
1997-2015: Tony Blair (Labour)
1997: (Majority) defeated: John Major (Conservative), Paddy Ashdown (Liberal Democrat)
2001: (Majority) defeated: William Hague (Conservative), Charles Kennedy (Liberal Democrat)
2005: (Majority) defeated: Michael Howard (Conservative), Charles Kennedy (Liberal Democrat)
2010: (Coalition) defeated: David Cameron (Conservative), Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrat)
2015-2022: Nicholas Soames (Conservative)
2015: (Majority) defeated: Tony Blair (Labour), Natalie Bennett (Green Party of England and Wales), Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrat)
2020: (Majority) defeated: Natalie Bennett (Green Party of England and Wales), Chuka Umunna (Labour), Tom Brake (Liberal Democrat)
2022-Present: David Cameron (Conservative)
2023: (Majority) defeated: Tamsin Omond (Ecology), Jamie Stone (A New Dawn), Gordon Brown (Scottish Labour)
- Location
- Sandford, Gloucestershire
- Pronouns
- She/They
Brown must held together by pure bitterness in this TL
What happened to Labour in the rest of Britain after being Chukaed in 2020?
CTTeller
You still haven't passed my pipe
- Location
- Pinner, Middlesex
- Pronouns
- he/him
Labour merged with the Liberal Democrats and formed A New Dawn. Remnants formed continuity Labour with leader Ann Clwyd.
Conster
Well-known member
- Location
- South Shenzhen, China
- Pronouns
- he/him
October Surprise
1981-1982: Ronald Reagan (Republican)
1982-1985: Howard Baker (Republican)
1985-1987: Lyndon LaRouche (Democratic)
1989-1997: Gary Bauer (Republican)
Lyndon LaRouche dredges up Reagan's dirty laundry regarding the Iranian hostages, culminating in Reagan and Bush both being impeached in quick succession. Tip O'Neill gets the presidency, but being an old-school politician he quickly steps aside for a Republican, talking about electoral mandates and all that. This enrages the grassroots, who rally behind LaRouche as an outsider to shake up the system. He steps into the Democratic primaries and whizzes past Walter Mondale and John Glenn to the nomination, winning handily due to his ability to reach out to tribal Southern voters.
Then the activists who backed LaRouche finally realize that they probably should have read his manifesto first. LaRouche presses for infrastructure that ranges from actually useful stuff to pork barrels and vanity projects, ramps up defence spending and something much like OTL's SDI, and is much more socially conservative than most Democratic voters would really like. For some reason, he also likes to get in shouting matches with Cecil Parkinson over the pond there. Then in 1986, the IRS starts looking into LaRouche's taxes and find gross discrepancies, which would probably have just been a minor inconvenience if LaRouche wasn't constantly picking fights. More investigations are opened, people testify to LaRouche's innovative recruitment methods and the house of cards comes crashing down.
Dixy Lee Ray is disliked by many due to her eclectic personality and some latent sexism, and nobody expects her to be renominated. But they underestimate the LaRouchites' organizing prowess yet again. With both parties tied to major scandals, at first 1988 seems to be John Anderson's moment to shine, but then the youthful Governor of Kentucky comes along (thanks, in part, to LaRouche instigating the "AIDS scare") and steals the spotlight by blaming America's ills on straying from Judeo-Christian values.
1981-1982: Ronald Reagan (Republican)
1980 (with George Bush) def. Jimmy Carter (Democratic), John B. Anderson (Independent)
1982-1982: Tip O'Neill (Democratic)1982-1985: Howard Baker (Republican)
1985-1987: Lyndon LaRouche (Democratic)
1984 (with Dixy Lee Ray) def. Howard Baker (Republican)
1987-1989: Dixy Lee Ray (Democratic)1989-1997: Gary Bauer (Republican)
1988 (with Arliss Sturgulewski) def. Jerry Brown (Green), Dixy Lee Ray (Democratic), John B. Anderson (National Union)
1992 (with Arliss Sturgulewski) def. Ross Perot (Democratic), Jerry Brown (Green), Larry MacDonald (Patriot)
Lyndon LaRouche dredges up Reagan's dirty laundry regarding the Iranian hostages, culminating in Reagan and Bush both being impeached in quick succession. Tip O'Neill gets the presidency, but being an old-school politician he quickly steps aside for a Republican, talking about electoral mandates and all that. This enrages the grassroots, who rally behind LaRouche as an outsider to shake up the system. He steps into the Democratic primaries and whizzes past Walter Mondale and John Glenn to the nomination, winning handily due to his ability to reach out to tribal Southern voters.
Then the activists who backed LaRouche finally realize that they probably should have read his manifesto first. LaRouche presses for infrastructure that ranges from actually useful stuff to pork barrels and vanity projects, ramps up defence spending and something much like OTL's SDI, and is much more socially conservative than most Democratic voters would really like. For some reason, he also likes to get in shouting matches with Cecil Parkinson over the pond there. Then in 1986, the IRS starts looking into LaRouche's taxes and find gross discrepancies, which would probably have just been a minor inconvenience if LaRouche wasn't constantly picking fights. More investigations are opened, people testify to LaRouche's innovative recruitment methods and the house of cards comes crashing down.
Dixy Lee Ray is disliked by many due to her eclectic personality and some latent sexism, and nobody expects her to be renominated. But they underestimate the LaRouchites' organizing prowess yet again. With both parties tied to major scandals, at first 1988 seems to be John Anderson's moment to shine, but then the youthful Governor of Kentucky comes along (thanks, in part, to LaRouche instigating the "AIDS scare") and steals the spotlight by blaming America's ills on straying from Judeo-Christian values.
Meppo
Anticommunist Mole
- Location
- Default City, Russia
- Pronouns
- he/him
my utmost apologies to @Luke_Starkiller
[40] 1981 – 1987: George H. W. Bush (Republican | TX), fmr. Director of Central Intelligence
[41] 1987 – 1989: Guy Vander Jagt (Republican | MI), Vice President of the US
[42] 1989 – 1994: William W. Bradley (Democratic | NJ), U.S. Senator from New Jersey
[43] 1994 – 1997: Daniel K. Inouye (Democratic | HI), Vice President of the US
[44] 1997 – 2005: Fredrick L. Grandy (Republican | IA), Governor of Iowa
[45] 2005 – 2009: Mark R. Warner (Democratic | VA), U.S. Senator from Virginia
[46] 2009 – 2017: Elizabeth H. McCaughey (Republican | NY), fmr. Governor of New York
[47] 2017 – 2021: James M. Talent (Republican | MO), Vice President of the US
[48] 2021 – present: L. Tammy Duckworth (Democratic | IL), U.S. Senator from Illinois
1981-1987: George H. W. Bush * (Republican)
1989-1994: Bill Bradley ☠ (Democratic)
1997-2005: Fred Grandy (Republican)
[40] 1981 – 1987: George H. W. Bush (Republican | TX), fmr. Director of Central Intelligence
[41] 1987 – 1989: Guy Vander Jagt (Republican | MI), Vice President of the US
[42] 1989 – 1994: William W. Bradley (Democratic | NJ), U.S. Senator from New Jersey
[43] 1994 – 1997: Daniel K. Inouye (Democratic | HI), Vice President of the US
[44] 1997 – 2005: Fredrick L. Grandy (Republican | IA), Governor of Iowa
[45] 2005 – 2009: Mark R. Warner (Democratic | VA), U.S. Senator from Virginia
[46] 2009 – 2017: Elizabeth H. McCaughey (Republican | NY), fmr. Governor of New York
[47] 2017 – 2021: James M. Talent (Republican | MO), Vice President of the US
[48] 2021 – present: L. Tammy Duckworth (Democratic | IL), U.S. Senator from Illinois
1981-1987: George H. W. Bush * (Republican)
'80 (with Guy Vander Jagt) def. Jimmy Carter (Democratic), John B. Anderson (Independent)
'84 (with Guy Vander Jagt) def. Walter Mondale (Democratic)
1987-1989: Guy Vander Jagt (Republican)1989-1994: Bill Bradley ☠ (Democratic)
'88 (with Daniel Inouye) def. Guy Vander Jagt (Republican), Bob Livingston (Populist)
'92 (with Daniel Inouye) def. Bob Dornan (Republican)
1994-1997: Daniel Inouye (Democratic)1997-2005: Fred Grandy (Republican)
'96 (with John Warner) def. Geraldine Ferraro (Democratic)
'00 (with John Warner) def. Bob Kerrey (Democratic)
2005-2009: Mark Warner (Democratic)'04 (with Skip Humphrey) def. George Allen (Republican)
2009-2017: Betsy McCaughey (Republican)'08 (with Jim Talent) def. Mark Warner (Democratic), Matt Gonzales (Green)
'12 (with Jim Talent) def. Eliot Spitzer (Democratic)
2017-2021: Jim Talent (Republican)'16 (with Marco Rubio) def. Margaret Kelliher (Democratic)
2021-present: Tammy Duckworth (Democratic)'20 (with Daniel Mongiardo) def. Jim Talent (Republican)
Last edited:
Luke_Starkiller
Well-known member
Jokes on you, MY list was going to have Grandy succeeded by Doug Wilder, the *checks notes* ...US Senator from Virginia *crumples up paper, tosses it into trashcan*
All jokes aside, good list!
Luke_Starkiller
Well-known member
wait what happened to Bradley? I had Biden resigning after an aneurysm.
Meppo
Anticommunist Mole
- Location
- Default City, Russia
- Pronouns
- he/him
Assassinated by Ramzi Yousef during a diplomatic trip to Manila.
Luke_Starkiller
Well-known member
"The South Florida Shuffle"
Bush appoints someone more aggressive than Acosta to be the US Attorney for the Southern District of Florida in 2005. Then, around late 2006-early 2007, this guy goes after Epstein with more gusto. There's no plea deal; the pedophilic financier is properly prosecuted. Of course, some photos of his various affiliates get leaked- this is also the period when the left was holding the conspiracy ball- so when a certain former president and his wife are seen next to Epstein, the 2008 primaries get all shaken up.
44. 2009-2013: Fmr. Senator John Edwards (Democratic)
(with Kathleen Sibelius) def. 2008: John McCain (Republican)
45. 2013-2017: Fmr. Gov. Mitt Romney (Republican)
(with John Cornyn) def. 2012: John Edwards (Democratic)
46. 2017-2025: Sen. Bernie Sanders (Democratic)
(with Kay Hagan) def. 2016: Mitt Romney (Republican)
(with Kay Hagan) def. 2020: Chris Christie (Republican)
47. 2025-0000: Gov. Kristi Noem (Republican)
(with David Dewhurst) def. 2024: Kay Hagan (Democratic)
Bush appoints someone more aggressive than Acosta to be the US Attorney for the Southern District of Florida in 2005. Then, around late 2006-early 2007, this guy goes after Epstein with more gusto. There's no plea deal; the pedophilic financier is properly prosecuted. Of course, some photos of his various affiliates get leaked- this is also the period when the left was holding the conspiracy ball- so when a certain former president and his wife are seen next to Epstein, the 2008 primaries get all shaken up.
44. 2009-2013: Fmr. Senator John Edwards (Democratic)
(with Kathleen Sibelius) def. 2008: John McCain (Republican)
45. 2013-2017: Fmr. Gov. Mitt Romney (Republican)
(with John Cornyn) def. 2012: John Edwards (Democratic)
46. 2017-2025: Sen. Bernie Sanders (Democratic)
(with Kay Hagan) def. 2016: Mitt Romney (Republican)
(with Kay Hagan) def. 2020: Chris Christie (Republican)
47. 2025-0000: Gov. Kristi Noem (Republican)
(with David Dewhurst) def. 2024: Kay Hagan (Democratic)
- Pronouns
- He/Him
Prime Minister of Okcidenta Republic
51’ - 58’: Kaĉjo Leono - Okcidento (Liberal) [1]
51’ (All Party Coalition) def. Scattered Independents
54’ (Majority) def. Benedikto Horowitz (Social Democratic), Eriko Kuniklo (Democratic), Petros Vasiliadis (Agrarian)
58’ (Majority) def. Miĉjo Hirsch (Social Democratic), Eriko Kuniklo (Democratic), Andreas Rioux (Communist), Petros Vasiliadis (Agrarian)
58’ - 61’: Karlo Fiškaptisto (Liberal Majority) [2]
61’ - 64’: Miĉjo Hirsch (Social Democratic) [3]
61’ (Majority) def. Karlo Fiškaptisto (Liberal), Eriko Kuniklo (Democratic), Kostas Kordatos (Agrarian), Andreas Rioux (Communist)
64’ - 75’: Polono Tardí (Liberal) [4]
64’ (Majority) def. Miĉjo Hirsch (Social Democratic), Eriko Kuniklo (Democratic), Yano Kallio (Communist), Kostas Kordatos (Agrarian)
67’ (Majority) def. Miĉjo Hirsch (Social Democratic), Eriko Kuniklo (Democratic), Kostas Kordatos (Union of Farmers), Yano Kallio (Communist), Tomas Nikolatzis (Agrarian)
68’ Referendum on Electoral Reform: Jes 57%, Ne 43%
72’ (Pact with Democratic) def. Nikolai Zaropoulos (Social Democratic), Eriko Kuniklo (Democratic), Kostas Kordatos (Union of Farmers), Yano Kallio (Communist)
75’ - 77’: Vihelmo Pastisto (Liberal - Democratic Coalition) [5]
77’ - 82’: Raĥelo Kastelo (Social Democratic) [6]
77’ (‘Popola Fronto’) def. Vihelmo Pastisto - Zahario Klerulo (Liberal - Democratic Alliance), Felikso Oraĵisto (Communist), Nikos Kordatos (Union of Farmers)
82’ - : Lino Hassan (Liberal Democratic) [7]
82’ (Majority) def. Raĥelo Kastelo (Social Democratic), Felikso Oraĵisto (Communist), Nikos Kordatos (Union of Farmers), Iosif Rioux (Workers - Communist Unity)
1). In the grand aftermath of the Great War the Okcidenta Empire was split up and dismantled between the Grand Alliance and the Confederation of Nordland, in it’s place the new Okcidenta Republic would be formed, a neutral buffer state between the soon cooling allies. Discussions on who should become the leader of this new country would turn towards Kaĉjo Leono - Okcidento.
The proclaimed ‘Liberal Lion’, Kaĉjo came from the well connected Leono - Okcidento family, named so by Emperor Konstantinos I after a bloody campaign against the Hunu people in the early days of the Empire. By the time Kaĉjo was born though much of the families wealth had been lost to gambling and decadence, a fate that Kaĉjo escaped thanks to gaining a job as a Civil Servant that his Uncle Horacio managed to secure for him.
As a Civil Servant, Kaĉjo found himself in the frontline of the Liberal government of Jozefo Marx, a government that would bring about the welfare state, old age pension and a basic health insurance scheme. These progressive reforms and more would inspire the young Kaĉjo who would become an MP at the tender age of 25, in time becoming the firebrand figure of the Liberal Left and attacking the corruption of the later Emperors and there Nationalist lackeys, a charge that would see in and out of prison throughout the remaining years of Emperor Konstantinos VI.
Freed from prison as the Great War ended at the age of 58, the alliance and confederates agreed that Kaĉjo would make a good unity Prime Minister for the rebuilding nation. Whilst a believer in a state ran enterprises, some forms of economic planning and a welfare state, Kaĉjo also supported a cosy relationship with business and was notably a social conservative (apart from universal suffrage for which he supported) beliefs which made him palatable to big business and the Conservative factions of the nation.
The initial three year ‘All Party Government’ was mainly a grand coalition overseeing the rebuilding of the nation, the dismantling of the corruption that the Emperors had overseen and a rooting out of any War Criminals or Imperial Supporters from Government. In the aftermath of the 54’, which shockingly the Social Democratic Party became the main opposition and the conservative Democratic Party fell down to third, Kaĉjo saw his chance.
The remaining two terms of Kaĉjo’s Premiership would be his attempt to institute his vision onto Okcidenta. On one hand, the rampant corruption and influence that the old families and military used to have was shattered, replaced by the technocratic efficiency of scientists and bureaucrats. The poor and destitute able to gain basic shelter and income whilst the predatory practices of the old regime were curtailed or exorcised. Freedom of Speech and Civil Rights were brought in line with their neighbours.
On the other hand, Left Wing Activists were crackdown, Trade Unions hideously repressed and Kaĉjo’s support for old Liberal notions of Free Trade and a Balanced Budget rubbed many of his more modern counterparts the wrong way.
Additionally Kaĉjo long time bachelor status, his tendency to fill his cabinet with handsome young technocrats and habit of attending parties of high society with often an young assistant in toe was tabloid fuel particularly when contrasted with his habit of decrying the supposed indecency of so called ‘Communist Homosexual Intellectuals’ in demagogic speeches to social conservatives, there was often much discussion about Kaĉjo being ousted by his party.
In the end it didn’t have to come to that, a bout of ill health and the strains of the office got to him, and in 58’, Kaĉjo Leono - Okcidento, the grand old Liberal Lion would resign and spend the rest of his life in the mountains till his death at 81 from a heart attack whilst hiking with his long time companion Klaŭdio.
2). If anyone embodied the new Technocratic meritocracy that Leono - Okcidento left behind then it was Karlo Fiškaptisto. Born to a long line of seaside dwelling workers, Karlo sharp intellect and gravitation towards numbers would see him become an Engineer in time. His time overseeing the construction of Ockidanta’s war machine would impart both an admiration of the power of government but also a belief in the flaws of the corrupt Imperial system. He would begin to gravitate towards the Liberal opposition joining the Liberal Party in 50’, just before the end of the war. His rapid rise through parliament and the ranks of the cabinet can be pinned on a mixture of his sharp mind, competence and his boundless enthusiasm for the mechanics of state. As the Finance Minister before Kaĉjo departure, he would see the beginnings of Ockidanta’s post war economic boom, after the slow recovery over Kaĉjo’s previous terms in office. When the Liberal lion departed, Karlo seemed a sure fire fit for the office of Prime Minister.
Karlo just had two problems; he wasn’t particularly charismatic and his policy wonk nature meant that outside of his comfort zones of economic management and state control he was hopelessly lost. Rapidly artists and cartoonists depicted him as a computer with no heart and he was seen as aloof from the needs of the people. Despite the economic growth, wages stagnated and a series of wildcat strikes would test Karlo’s young government.
Karlo would send in the police but this would lead to a violent escalation as the police worked with corporate security and gangsters to put down the pickets. The fighting would escalate and the coal rich Meitner region was essentially closed off. Power shortages and industrial shut downs would panic the Liberal government. In the end, Karlo would cave and given in to the Trade Unions. To the Right, Karlo was seen as weak and to the Left, Karlo was seen as a dictator.
The ensuing economic spasm that followed the strikes, and the effect the strikes had on Ockidanta’s foreign standing would haunt the reminder of Karlo’s term as he counted down the days to his electoral loss.
3). Miĉjo Hirsch, a gruff no nonsense Trade Unionist had spent much of his life fighting the horror of the Imperial System and the inadequacies of Liberal Democracy. From a Militant Mining Family and having lost an eye in a mining accident, Hirsch presented the image of the Working Class left behind before and after the War. On the election night, this seemed up in the air, whilst the Social Democratic Party had gained a majority, it was a majority of four and if the Democratic Party and Independents joined the Liberals in a coalition, then a new Government could be formed. Thankfully for Hirsch, the young Populistic leader of the Agrarian party, Kostas Kordatos was happy to support a Socialist government in return for much needed funding for agriculture and the Democratic Party weren’t interested in forming an Anti-Socialist Government at that time.
So Hirsch would oversee three years of radical change.
Authoritarian Laws on Trade Unions and Strikes were rolled back, Industries like Coal and Steel were nationalised, Transport would be brought under Public Ownership and various other Social Democratic ideals instituted. Relying on the support of the Agrarians also meant that support for the creation of Cooperatives across the countryside and nation would occur, despite the bugbears of the Socialist government.
The big problem for Hirsch was his Government was divided. The Left of the Party were fond of the Socialists nations of the Alliance whilst the Right were fond of support the actions of the Confederation, which lead to controversy as the government was seen as supporting the actions of the Confederation when it invaded Lerna in 63’.
Meanwhile Hirsch, initially a vibrant and healthy leader of the opposition felt burned out by the job. Increasingly Housebound, he would designate the job to less savvy politicians like the Chancellor Jahno whose aloof technocratic view came across as awkward.
As election was called though in 64’, the old Hirsch came back, refreshed and alive on the campaign trail. Discussions about a ‘Popola Fronto’ after the election or a grand coalition of the Left would be discussed. But in the end, the Anti-Socialist faction of Agrarians would win out, and Hirsch would be on the backfoot when facing Tardí.
4). Polono Tardí, a figure who dominates Ockidanta’s modern politics. Even now, the old man can be seen influencing and grooming young politicians into accepting his own peculiar brand of Liberalism. Some deem him a ruthless demagogue, a man who would oversee the centralisation of the nation to the Yellow Machine, a period of corrupt and graft would emerge from this interaction between the Liberals, the bureaucracy and business, the Golden Triangle as it were.
But to others, Tadrí’s brand of Liberalism is what allow the party to finally gain the coalition its successor has to today, the aspirational working class, Nationalists, the well to do middle class and the Technostructure that grew in this culture of unfettered access.
Initially Tardí had been a school teacher from a working class background and a Socialist, being arrested several times in the immediate aftermath of the war, campaigning for Trade Union rights. However his chance of becoming a political candidate for the Social Democrats would be dashed, as many saw him as unreliable.
He would leave the party, and would run for a local council position as an Independent. His headstrong and charismatic appearance made him an attractive candidate and he would beat the established parties in an upset. Ever on the look out for potential political stars, Kaĉjo Leono - Okcidento would offer him a potential candidacy for the Liberal party in the 54’ election. Tardí accepted and would rapidly climb the ladder of cabient. Whilst he made plenty of political enemies, he would court a strong relationship with business and the grassroots, who would leverage support for him.
This would pay out when, in 62’ the Liberal Party hosted a leadership convention. Many expected Karlo Fiškaptisto to win, but Tardí would leverage his support within the party to win in an upset. Tardí would rapidly consolidate power, even making Karlo, Finance Minster which both the party and business approved of. As the 64’ election was underway, many expected Tardí to lose, but his populistic, Red baiting, firebrand campaign would see him through.
Throughout his time in office, Tardí was known as a man with no fixed political ideology in a true sense. To the shock of many, Tardí would keep the nationalised industries as they were, filling the boards with friends and colleagues who would quickly attach the industries to the Big Yellow Machine. He had campaigned against the ‘Socialistic’ plans to institute wage and price controls but would within his first few years in office in response to inflation, do just that.
Tardí said he was against Big Government but as the 60s wore on, increasingly the government would begin to nationalise oil production and centralise the regions resources.
On the world stage, Tardí would support the creation of the the World Trade Organisation and the Internal Financial Agency which would begin to dictate the economic powers of the former Alliance nations. Additionally, Tadrí would make him a firm Anti-Confederate calling out the ‘that insidious Statist ideology’ and would support controversial Alliance proxy wars, including sending troops to Erita during the Eritian War of Independence.
As Tardí time in office grew on, he would increasingly rid himself of any semblance of rivalry. Karlo Fiškaptisto would by 68’ be ran out of office and blamed for inflation, with the job going to Lino Hassan Sr. a firm Tardí supporter.
As the 60s wore on, fears of a Socialist Majority re-emerging was Tardí biggest fear. The electoral reform referendum whilst seemingly about allowing increased Democratic choice was more about ensuring the continuation of ‘Anti-Socialist’ government and increasing term times to allow ‘Anti-Socialist’ policies to bed properly if a government looked likely to fall. Indeed the elder Eriko Kuniklo would support the creation of an ‘Anti-Socialist Pact’ which in 72’ would be used to ensure a third term for Tardí.
Whilst older and increasingly unpopular, Tardí would stay on, having forged an iron grip on the party. Many assumed he would stay on till at least the 77’ election.
But Tardí son, Ludoviko, having used his fathers connections to build a Business Empire within the lucrative energy market would be arrested for being part of an embezzlement scheme which would unravel a series of corruption scandals happening within state owned enterprises, many connect to Tardí himself. As the ire of the people and additionally the police came closer towards the cabinet it was decided that Tardí was to be ousted. One day in 75’ as he was on a foreign trip to the capital of the Confederation, Heriner, Tardí would land to find out a motion of no confidence had been passed and that he was no longer leader of the Liberal Party, by the time he came back, he had been replaced.
Tardí continues to spend his time lambasting the Liberal Democratic Party and pondering a possible return to politics.
5). Vihelmo Pastisto was very much the right man at the wrong time, a unity candidate for the coalition and someone who was reasonably popular with the media and grassroots, he was to his misfortune, overtaken by events. Pastisto was from a rural background but left when the war began to lead to deprivation and starvation for his agrarian based family.
In the aftermath of the War, Pastisto was able to go to University to study medicine thanks to one of the educational support schemes instituted by the post war government. From there he would become a Doctor. Joining the Liberal Party and competing in politics due to the Social Democratic attempts to nationalise the healthcare industry, he would rapidly be seen as a popular parliamentarian and in time a fairly uncontroversial health minister (an impressive feat given there have been twenty four ministers in the position of the course of thirty one years). Leaving the cabinet to spend more time with his young family, Pastisto would rapidly find himself the perfect candidate for the Liberal Party following the corruption scandals left by Tardí.
Pastisto initially resisted, being pushed into by his wife, Adorina, to accept the offer. In the end the party had to agree to let Pastisto be able to have time off, to spend time with his family and to listen to classical music.
As a Prime Minister untainted by corruption, a committed family man and competent operator, Pastisto was seen as a safe pair of hands. Rapidly it became apparent that the problems were unlikely to be resolved by him alone through.
A corruption investigation into his own party lead to political infighting and several prominent politicians like Lino Hassan Sr. leaving the party altogether.
Pastisto’s dry economic beliefs and individual freedoms meant little in the Centralised, Inflationary state left by Tardí, deflationary measures would be deeply unpopular and the once soft spoken man of the people found himself lambasted as figure of disgust for his attempts to balance the books.
Additionally, Pastisto would attempt to heal the broken relationship between the Confederation, whilst Tardí would have started the charge, Pastisto would attempt to form a lasting detente. Whilst this would lead to an increase in trade and importantly oil between the nations, the Confederation had a mixed view in Okcidenta. Additionally the ever militant coal miners would strike several times, seeing the government’s detente as an attempt to circumvent their power.
As 77’ approached, Pastisto was detested, disliked by most political corners and seen as a figure who had let the nation down. However recently he’s become more admired, particularly due to Hassan Jr’s glowing admiration for him. Pastisto has retired from politics, instead spending time with his family, practicing as a part time Doctor and occasionally writing books, both fiction and non-fiction of varying quality.
6). Raĥelo Kastelo would lead the most Left Wing Government that Ockidanta had ever seen, the proclaimed ‘Red Queen’ had United the Left through her fiery leadership and smashed the Anti-Socialist Pact, within five years her party was moribund and her government would cast aside in a landslide. Kastelo’s is a curious case.
From a deprived inner city family, Kastelo would gain education thanks to her joining the Nurses Corp as War broke. The toil and hardship she saw on and off the battlefield would inspire her to eventually become a Socialist. Become a Parliamentarian in the crushing defeat of 54’, Kastelo would establish herself as a firebrand of the Left, fighting for Equal Pay, Equal Rights and would March against colonialism and the atomic bomb.
Despite that, she would find herself being given a cabinet position in the Hirsch Government. As Education Minister she controversial ended Grammar Schools, would instituted further support schemes for University and would force Private Schools to pay taxes. The Right lambasted her as a wannabe dictator but her education policies has meant that Ockidanta has the highest education rate of any of the post war nations and the highest number of University Graduates too.
In opposition, Kastelo would slowly become the leader of the Left as the Social Democrats were consumed by bitter infighting in the wake of Tardí’s Majority. Following the bitter defeat of 72’, in which the Moderate Nikolai Zaropoulos lost a winnable election to Tardí, the Left struck and gained control of the party and propelled Kastelo to leadership.
Forming an alliance with the controversial Union of Farmers, as ever desperate for pork barrel and finding Tardí’s efforts to integrate Ockidanta into the Global Economy horrifiying, and the newly reformed Communist Party which proclaimed to now be engaged in ‘NeoCommunsim’, Kastelo would storm ahead in the 77’ election and enter Government.
Kastelo would be a radical Prime Minister, overseeing the decriminalisation of homosexuality and abortion, increasing the minimum wage and giving Trade Unions more power and control. However this connection with the Unions would be a constant frustration, her support for an Industrial Democracy and increased Cooperative Businesses rankled the old stodgy Trade Union Barons.
Her attempts to institute Economic Nationalist policies, whilst popular, would anger her neighbours and lead to a series of embarrassing trade wars and increased inflation. A near run on the Dollar would be saved by quick devaluation but the lingering distrust that business and commerce had against Kastelo grew.
The removal of Alliance Military bases would lead to controversy and a series of diplomatic incidents. Additionally splits with the Communist Party would ripple within the Government, as Iosif Rioux formed a new Communist Party with the active support of the Mining Trade Union who had clashed with the Kastelo Government over a pay package.
Still by the time of the 82’ election hope was that a Second Majority for Socialism would occur, despite the best efforts of Capital, the economy was functioning and the people felt better off and free. A series of military skirmishes on the border with the Confederation would put everyone on the back foot. Fears of a Confederate invasion would divide the Kastelo Cabinet and chaos would abound. Whilst Kastelo would iron out the issues with Premier Chabon, the lingering distrust that had built up against Kastelo exploded from all corners. This wave of discontentment would overcome Kastelo.
She would retire soon after her lose and spend her time fighting for the causes she believes in and additionally touring the Socialist Nations of the World as part of her attempt craft ‘Kastelo Vision’ as she calls it of Socialism, which is increasingly become popular with Young Bearded University Radicals.
7). Lino Hassan Jr. dramatic landslide victory has shocked many, for the first time in a decade a Majority Government leads the Okcidenta Republic. A dashing and young charismatic leader, Lino represents a different breed of ‘Liberal’ politician, more interested in the profit margin over the people.
Indeed instead of the Economic Nationalism seen by his predecessors, Hassan is keen to oversee the integration of the Okcidenta Republic within the increasingly connected world, being a strong supporter of joining the Western Trade Bloc, whilst in the long term it would increase the growth of the Okcidenta Economy in the short term the power of the Trade Unions and the strength of Okcidenta’s State Owned Industries begins to suffer through the requisite austerity measures and deflationary measures required for joining.
Whilst Hassan is increasingly looking like he’ll secure a second term, he’s not the same popular opposition figure he once was, indeed as I write the possibility of a Left Wing Alliance between Social Democrats and Communists seems likely, indeed there aim seems less to ensure Socialism but more to modernise and make the country more economically prosperous.
The insidious hand of Capital has for now, beaten that of the People.
Have to say, I do have to say doing fictional lists is hard, hats off to folks like @Turquoise Blue and @monroetempleton who able to do it seemingly easily and not do write ups which go through half a dozen ideas at once, though to be fair, I did do this entirely on my phone.
51’ - 58’: Kaĉjo Leono - Okcidento (Liberal) [1]
51’ (All Party Coalition) def. Scattered Independents
54’ (Majority) def. Benedikto Horowitz (Social Democratic), Eriko Kuniklo (Democratic), Petros Vasiliadis (Agrarian)
58’ (Majority) def. Miĉjo Hirsch (Social Democratic), Eriko Kuniklo (Democratic), Andreas Rioux (Communist), Petros Vasiliadis (Agrarian)
58’ - 61’: Karlo Fiškaptisto (Liberal Majority) [2]
61’ - 64’: Miĉjo Hirsch (Social Democratic) [3]
61’ (Majority) def. Karlo Fiškaptisto (Liberal), Eriko Kuniklo (Democratic), Kostas Kordatos (Agrarian), Andreas Rioux (Communist)
64’ - 75’: Polono Tardí (Liberal) [4]
64’ (Majority) def. Miĉjo Hirsch (Social Democratic), Eriko Kuniklo (Democratic), Yano Kallio (Communist), Kostas Kordatos (Agrarian)
67’ (Majority) def. Miĉjo Hirsch (Social Democratic), Eriko Kuniklo (Democratic), Kostas Kordatos (Union of Farmers), Yano Kallio (Communist), Tomas Nikolatzis (Agrarian)
68’ Referendum on Electoral Reform: Jes 57%, Ne 43%
72’ (Pact with Democratic) def. Nikolai Zaropoulos (Social Democratic), Eriko Kuniklo (Democratic), Kostas Kordatos (Union of Farmers), Yano Kallio (Communist)
75’ - 77’: Vihelmo Pastisto (Liberal - Democratic Coalition) [5]
77’ - 82’: Raĥelo Kastelo (Social Democratic) [6]
77’ (‘Popola Fronto’) def. Vihelmo Pastisto - Zahario Klerulo (Liberal - Democratic Alliance), Felikso Oraĵisto (Communist), Nikos Kordatos (Union of Farmers)
82’ - : Lino Hassan (Liberal Democratic) [7]
82’ (Majority) def. Raĥelo Kastelo (Social Democratic), Felikso Oraĵisto (Communist), Nikos Kordatos (Union of Farmers), Iosif Rioux (Workers - Communist Unity)
1). In the grand aftermath of the Great War the Okcidenta Empire was split up and dismantled between the Grand Alliance and the Confederation of Nordland, in it’s place the new Okcidenta Republic would be formed, a neutral buffer state between the soon cooling allies. Discussions on who should become the leader of this new country would turn towards Kaĉjo Leono - Okcidento.
The proclaimed ‘Liberal Lion’, Kaĉjo came from the well connected Leono - Okcidento family, named so by Emperor Konstantinos I after a bloody campaign against the Hunu people in the early days of the Empire. By the time Kaĉjo was born though much of the families wealth had been lost to gambling and decadence, a fate that Kaĉjo escaped thanks to gaining a job as a Civil Servant that his Uncle Horacio managed to secure for him.
As a Civil Servant, Kaĉjo found himself in the frontline of the Liberal government of Jozefo Marx, a government that would bring about the welfare state, old age pension and a basic health insurance scheme. These progressive reforms and more would inspire the young Kaĉjo who would become an MP at the tender age of 25, in time becoming the firebrand figure of the Liberal Left and attacking the corruption of the later Emperors and there Nationalist lackeys, a charge that would see in and out of prison throughout the remaining years of Emperor Konstantinos VI.
Freed from prison as the Great War ended at the age of 58, the alliance and confederates agreed that Kaĉjo would make a good unity Prime Minister for the rebuilding nation. Whilst a believer in a state ran enterprises, some forms of economic planning and a welfare state, Kaĉjo also supported a cosy relationship with business and was notably a social conservative (apart from universal suffrage for which he supported) beliefs which made him palatable to big business and the Conservative factions of the nation.
The initial three year ‘All Party Government’ was mainly a grand coalition overseeing the rebuilding of the nation, the dismantling of the corruption that the Emperors had overseen and a rooting out of any War Criminals or Imperial Supporters from Government. In the aftermath of the 54’, which shockingly the Social Democratic Party became the main opposition and the conservative Democratic Party fell down to third, Kaĉjo saw his chance.
The remaining two terms of Kaĉjo’s Premiership would be his attempt to institute his vision onto Okcidenta. On one hand, the rampant corruption and influence that the old families and military used to have was shattered, replaced by the technocratic efficiency of scientists and bureaucrats. The poor and destitute able to gain basic shelter and income whilst the predatory practices of the old regime were curtailed or exorcised. Freedom of Speech and Civil Rights were brought in line with their neighbours.
On the other hand, Left Wing Activists were crackdown, Trade Unions hideously repressed and Kaĉjo’s support for old Liberal notions of Free Trade and a Balanced Budget rubbed many of his more modern counterparts the wrong way.
Additionally Kaĉjo long time bachelor status, his tendency to fill his cabinet with handsome young technocrats and habit of attending parties of high society with often an young assistant in toe was tabloid fuel particularly when contrasted with his habit of decrying the supposed indecency of so called ‘Communist Homosexual Intellectuals’ in demagogic speeches to social conservatives, there was often much discussion about Kaĉjo being ousted by his party.
In the end it didn’t have to come to that, a bout of ill health and the strains of the office got to him, and in 58’, Kaĉjo Leono - Okcidento, the grand old Liberal Lion would resign and spend the rest of his life in the mountains till his death at 81 from a heart attack whilst hiking with his long time companion Klaŭdio.
2). If anyone embodied the new Technocratic meritocracy that Leono - Okcidento left behind then it was Karlo Fiškaptisto. Born to a long line of seaside dwelling workers, Karlo sharp intellect and gravitation towards numbers would see him become an Engineer in time. His time overseeing the construction of Ockidanta’s war machine would impart both an admiration of the power of government but also a belief in the flaws of the corrupt Imperial system. He would begin to gravitate towards the Liberal opposition joining the Liberal Party in 50’, just before the end of the war. His rapid rise through parliament and the ranks of the cabinet can be pinned on a mixture of his sharp mind, competence and his boundless enthusiasm for the mechanics of state. As the Finance Minister before Kaĉjo departure, he would see the beginnings of Ockidanta’s post war economic boom, after the slow recovery over Kaĉjo’s previous terms in office. When the Liberal lion departed, Karlo seemed a sure fire fit for the office of Prime Minister.
Karlo just had two problems; he wasn’t particularly charismatic and his policy wonk nature meant that outside of his comfort zones of economic management and state control he was hopelessly lost. Rapidly artists and cartoonists depicted him as a computer with no heart and he was seen as aloof from the needs of the people. Despite the economic growth, wages stagnated and a series of wildcat strikes would test Karlo’s young government.
Karlo would send in the police but this would lead to a violent escalation as the police worked with corporate security and gangsters to put down the pickets. The fighting would escalate and the coal rich Meitner region was essentially closed off. Power shortages and industrial shut downs would panic the Liberal government. In the end, Karlo would cave and given in to the Trade Unions. To the Right, Karlo was seen as weak and to the Left, Karlo was seen as a dictator.
The ensuing economic spasm that followed the strikes, and the effect the strikes had on Ockidanta’s foreign standing would haunt the reminder of Karlo’s term as he counted down the days to his electoral loss.
3). Miĉjo Hirsch, a gruff no nonsense Trade Unionist had spent much of his life fighting the horror of the Imperial System and the inadequacies of Liberal Democracy. From a Militant Mining Family and having lost an eye in a mining accident, Hirsch presented the image of the Working Class left behind before and after the War. On the election night, this seemed up in the air, whilst the Social Democratic Party had gained a majority, it was a majority of four and if the Democratic Party and Independents joined the Liberals in a coalition, then a new Government could be formed. Thankfully for Hirsch, the young Populistic leader of the Agrarian party, Kostas Kordatos was happy to support a Socialist government in return for much needed funding for agriculture and the Democratic Party weren’t interested in forming an Anti-Socialist Government at that time.
So Hirsch would oversee three years of radical change.
Authoritarian Laws on Trade Unions and Strikes were rolled back, Industries like Coal and Steel were nationalised, Transport would be brought under Public Ownership and various other Social Democratic ideals instituted. Relying on the support of the Agrarians also meant that support for the creation of Cooperatives across the countryside and nation would occur, despite the bugbears of the Socialist government.
The big problem for Hirsch was his Government was divided. The Left of the Party were fond of the Socialists nations of the Alliance whilst the Right were fond of support the actions of the Confederation, which lead to controversy as the government was seen as supporting the actions of the Confederation when it invaded Lerna in 63’.
Meanwhile Hirsch, initially a vibrant and healthy leader of the opposition felt burned out by the job. Increasingly Housebound, he would designate the job to less savvy politicians like the Chancellor Jahno whose aloof technocratic view came across as awkward.
As election was called though in 64’, the old Hirsch came back, refreshed and alive on the campaign trail. Discussions about a ‘Popola Fronto’ after the election or a grand coalition of the Left would be discussed. But in the end, the Anti-Socialist faction of Agrarians would win out, and Hirsch would be on the backfoot when facing Tardí.
4). Polono Tardí, a figure who dominates Ockidanta’s modern politics. Even now, the old man can be seen influencing and grooming young politicians into accepting his own peculiar brand of Liberalism. Some deem him a ruthless demagogue, a man who would oversee the centralisation of the nation to the Yellow Machine, a period of corrupt and graft would emerge from this interaction between the Liberals, the bureaucracy and business, the Golden Triangle as it were.
But to others, Tadrí’s brand of Liberalism is what allow the party to finally gain the coalition its successor has to today, the aspirational working class, Nationalists, the well to do middle class and the Technostructure that grew in this culture of unfettered access.
Initially Tardí had been a school teacher from a working class background and a Socialist, being arrested several times in the immediate aftermath of the war, campaigning for Trade Union rights. However his chance of becoming a political candidate for the Social Democrats would be dashed, as many saw him as unreliable.
He would leave the party, and would run for a local council position as an Independent. His headstrong and charismatic appearance made him an attractive candidate and he would beat the established parties in an upset. Ever on the look out for potential political stars, Kaĉjo Leono - Okcidento would offer him a potential candidacy for the Liberal party in the 54’ election. Tardí accepted and would rapidly climb the ladder of cabient. Whilst he made plenty of political enemies, he would court a strong relationship with business and the grassroots, who would leverage support for him.
This would pay out when, in 62’ the Liberal Party hosted a leadership convention. Many expected Karlo Fiškaptisto to win, but Tardí would leverage his support within the party to win in an upset. Tardí would rapidly consolidate power, even making Karlo, Finance Minster which both the party and business approved of. As the 64’ election was underway, many expected Tardí to lose, but his populistic, Red baiting, firebrand campaign would see him through.
Throughout his time in office, Tardí was known as a man with no fixed political ideology in a true sense. To the shock of many, Tardí would keep the nationalised industries as they were, filling the boards with friends and colleagues who would quickly attach the industries to the Big Yellow Machine. He had campaigned against the ‘Socialistic’ plans to institute wage and price controls but would within his first few years in office in response to inflation, do just that.
Tardí said he was against Big Government but as the 60s wore on, increasingly the government would begin to nationalise oil production and centralise the regions resources.
On the world stage, Tardí would support the creation of the the World Trade Organisation and the Internal Financial Agency which would begin to dictate the economic powers of the former Alliance nations. Additionally, Tadrí would make him a firm Anti-Confederate calling out the ‘that insidious Statist ideology’ and would support controversial Alliance proxy wars, including sending troops to Erita during the Eritian War of Independence.
As Tardí time in office grew on, he would increasingly rid himself of any semblance of rivalry. Karlo Fiškaptisto would by 68’ be ran out of office and blamed for inflation, with the job going to Lino Hassan Sr. a firm Tardí supporter.
As the 60s wore on, fears of a Socialist Majority re-emerging was Tardí biggest fear. The electoral reform referendum whilst seemingly about allowing increased Democratic choice was more about ensuring the continuation of ‘Anti-Socialist’ government and increasing term times to allow ‘Anti-Socialist’ policies to bed properly if a government looked likely to fall. Indeed the elder Eriko Kuniklo would support the creation of an ‘Anti-Socialist Pact’ which in 72’ would be used to ensure a third term for Tardí.
Whilst older and increasingly unpopular, Tardí would stay on, having forged an iron grip on the party. Many assumed he would stay on till at least the 77’ election.
But Tardí son, Ludoviko, having used his fathers connections to build a Business Empire within the lucrative energy market would be arrested for being part of an embezzlement scheme which would unravel a series of corruption scandals happening within state owned enterprises, many connect to Tardí himself. As the ire of the people and additionally the police came closer towards the cabinet it was decided that Tardí was to be ousted. One day in 75’ as he was on a foreign trip to the capital of the Confederation, Heriner, Tardí would land to find out a motion of no confidence had been passed and that he was no longer leader of the Liberal Party, by the time he came back, he had been replaced.
Tardí continues to spend his time lambasting the Liberal Democratic Party and pondering a possible return to politics.
5). Vihelmo Pastisto was very much the right man at the wrong time, a unity candidate for the coalition and someone who was reasonably popular with the media and grassroots, he was to his misfortune, overtaken by events. Pastisto was from a rural background but left when the war began to lead to deprivation and starvation for his agrarian based family.
In the aftermath of the War, Pastisto was able to go to University to study medicine thanks to one of the educational support schemes instituted by the post war government. From there he would become a Doctor. Joining the Liberal Party and competing in politics due to the Social Democratic attempts to nationalise the healthcare industry, he would rapidly be seen as a popular parliamentarian and in time a fairly uncontroversial health minister (an impressive feat given there have been twenty four ministers in the position of the course of thirty one years). Leaving the cabinet to spend more time with his young family, Pastisto would rapidly find himself the perfect candidate for the Liberal Party following the corruption scandals left by Tardí.
Pastisto initially resisted, being pushed into by his wife, Adorina, to accept the offer. In the end the party had to agree to let Pastisto be able to have time off, to spend time with his family and to listen to classical music.
As a Prime Minister untainted by corruption, a committed family man and competent operator, Pastisto was seen as a safe pair of hands. Rapidly it became apparent that the problems were unlikely to be resolved by him alone through.
A corruption investigation into his own party lead to political infighting and several prominent politicians like Lino Hassan Sr. leaving the party altogether.
Pastisto’s dry economic beliefs and individual freedoms meant little in the Centralised, Inflationary state left by Tardí, deflationary measures would be deeply unpopular and the once soft spoken man of the people found himself lambasted as figure of disgust for his attempts to balance the books.
Additionally, Pastisto would attempt to heal the broken relationship between the Confederation, whilst Tardí would have started the charge, Pastisto would attempt to form a lasting detente. Whilst this would lead to an increase in trade and importantly oil between the nations, the Confederation had a mixed view in Okcidenta. Additionally the ever militant coal miners would strike several times, seeing the government’s detente as an attempt to circumvent their power.
As 77’ approached, Pastisto was detested, disliked by most political corners and seen as a figure who had let the nation down. However recently he’s become more admired, particularly due to Hassan Jr’s glowing admiration for him. Pastisto has retired from politics, instead spending time with his family, practicing as a part time Doctor and occasionally writing books, both fiction and non-fiction of varying quality.
6). Raĥelo Kastelo would lead the most Left Wing Government that Ockidanta had ever seen, the proclaimed ‘Red Queen’ had United the Left through her fiery leadership and smashed the Anti-Socialist Pact, within five years her party was moribund and her government would cast aside in a landslide. Kastelo’s is a curious case.
From a deprived inner city family, Kastelo would gain education thanks to her joining the Nurses Corp as War broke. The toil and hardship she saw on and off the battlefield would inspire her to eventually become a Socialist. Become a Parliamentarian in the crushing defeat of 54’, Kastelo would establish herself as a firebrand of the Left, fighting for Equal Pay, Equal Rights and would March against colonialism and the atomic bomb.
Despite that, she would find herself being given a cabinet position in the Hirsch Government. As Education Minister she controversial ended Grammar Schools, would instituted further support schemes for University and would force Private Schools to pay taxes. The Right lambasted her as a wannabe dictator but her education policies has meant that Ockidanta has the highest education rate of any of the post war nations and the highest number of University Graduates too.
In opposition, Kastelo would slowly become the leader of the Left as the Social Democrats were consumed by bitter infighting in the wake of Tardí’s Majority. Following the bitter defeat of 72’, in which the Moderate Nikolai Zaropoulos lost a winnable election to Tardí, the Left struck and gained control of the party and propelled Kastelo to leadership.
Forming an alliance with the controversial Union of Farmers, as ever desperate for pork barrel and finding Tardí’s efforts to integrate Ockidanta into the Global Economy horrifiying, and the newly reformed Communist Party which proclaimed to now be engaged in ‘NeoCommunsim’, Kastelo would storm ahead in the 77’ election and enter Government.
Kastelo would be a radical Prime Minister, overseeing the decriminalisation of homosexuality and abortion, increasing the minimum wage and giving Trade Unions more power and control. However this connection with the Unions would be a constant frustration, her support for an Industrial Democracy and increased Cooperative Businesses rankled the old stodgy Trade Union Barons.
Her attempts to institute Economic Nationalist policies, whilst popular, would anger her neighbours and lead to a series of embarrassing trade wars and increased inflation. A near run on the Dollar would be saved by quick devaluation but the lingering distrust that business and commerce had against Kastelo grew.
The removal of Alliance Military bases would lead to controversy and a series of diplomatic incidents. Additionally splits with the Communist Party would ripple within the Government, as Iosif Rioux formed a new Communist Party with the active support of the Mining Trade Union who had clashed with the Kastelo Government over a pay package.
Still by the time of the 82’ election hope was that a Second Majority for Socialism would occur, despite the best efforts of Capital, the economy was functioning and the people felt better off and free. A series of military skirmishes on the border with the Confederation would put everyone on the back foot. Fears of a Confederate invasion would divide the Kastelo Cabinet and chaos would abound. Whilst Kastelo would iron out the issues with Premier Chabon, the lingering distrust that had built up against Kastelo exploded from all corners. This wave of discontentment would overcome Kastelo.
She would retire soon after her lose and spend her time fighting for the causes she believes in and additionally touring the Socialist Nations of the World as part of her attempt craft ‘Kastelo Vision’ as she calls it of Socialism, which is increasingly become popular with Young Bearded University Radicals.
7). Lino Hassan Jr. dramatic landslide victory has shocked many, for the first time in a decade a Majority Government leads the Okcidenta Republic. A dashing and young charismatic leader, Lino represents a different breed of ‘Liberal’ politician, more interested in the profit margin over the people.
Indeed instead of the Economic Nationalism seen by his predecessors, Hassan is keen to oversee the integration of the Okcidenta Republic within the increasingly connected world, being a strong supporter of joining the Western Trade Bloc, whilst in the long term it would increase the growth of the Okcidenta Economy in the short term the power of the Trade Unions and the strength of Okcidenta’s State Owned Industries begins to suffer through the requisite austerity measures and deflationary measures required for joining.
Whilst Hassan is increasingly looking like he’ll secure a second term, he’s not the same popular opposition figure he once was, indeed as I write the possibility of a Left Wing Alliance between Social Democrats and Communists seems likely, indeed there aim seems less to ensure Socialism but more to modernise and make the country more economically prosperous.
The insidious hand of Capital has for now, beaten that of the People.
Have to say, I do have to say doing fictional lists is hard, hats off to folks like @Turquoise Blue and @monroetempleton who able to do it seemingly easily and not do write ups which go through half a dozen ideas at once, though to be fair, I did do this entirely on my phone.
Conster
Well-known member
- Location
- South Shenzhen, China
- Pronouns
- he/him
Die Wahlrechtsreformkoalition
1966-1972: Kurt Georg Kiesinger (CDU/CSU) [1]
NPD breaks 5% in 1969 and a grand coalition nobody really wants to be in ushers in FPTP, inadvertently fostering political violence. Kiesinger gets the lousy end of things when Munich goes Very Badly, Strauß ramps up the security apparatus which ends up being his own undoing when he uses it to spy on political opponents, and von Weizsäcker manages to project, and maintain, just enough calm in a frayed nation to stay in office for over a decade.
1966-1972: Kurt Georg Kiesinger (CDU/CSU) [1]
1969 (coalition with SPD) def. Willy Brandt (SPD), Walter Scheel (FDP), Adolf von Thadden (NPD)
1971 def. Willy Brandt (SPD)
1972-1979: Franz Josef Strauß (CSU/CDU) [2]1975 def. Herbert Wehner (SPD)
1979-0000: Richard von Weizsäcker (CDU)1979 def. Georg Leber (SPD), Friedrich Zimmermann (CSU)
1983 def. Hans-Jochen Vogel (SPD), Friedrich Zimmermann (CSU)
1987 def. Hans-Ulrich Klose (SPD), Friedrich Zimmermann (CSU)
NPD breaks 5% in 1969 and a grand coalition nobody really wants to be in ushers in FPTP, inadvertently fostering political violence. Kiesinger gets the lousy end of things when Munich goes Very Badly, Strauß ramps up the security apparatus which ends up being his own undoing when he uses it to spy on political opponents, and von Weizsäcker manages to project, and maintain, just enough calm in a frayed nation to stay in office for over a decade.
Steve Brinson
The possum is not OK. Neither are we.
- Location
- Brooklyn (originally Houston)
- Pronouns
- he/him
Inspired to create this by @Time Enough
Governors of Zurit and Peuverit
14952-14960: Kuromati Nikreubi (National)
14988-14992: Salekiro Mataitet (Patriots)
15050-15058: Kitabava Dozaisava (Broad Front)
Organized in the aftermath of Federalist victory in the Great Mozolitian War, Zurit and Peuverit was one of many small nations with big dreams. Its location at the mouth of the Stalat River gave it a verdant agricultural hinterland, as well as access to the mines of the Zarodel Mountains; Zurit was already the second-largest city in the region at the Translation, and the floods of 14933 - due in part to the climatological consequences of the Translation - made it the largest. They also produced political consequences, as displaced merchants from Velelit and Vokol competed with the existing establishment.
Even after independence, these faultlines emerged. Immigrant businessmen formed the Reform Party, while the suburban set joined with Peuveren landowners who feared being overwhelmed to form the National Party. Initially, the Nationalists dominated, less due to any particularly stellar policy successes - Zurit lost trade to rebounding Velelit and Vokol as well as the new prominence of Erden - than to demographics, with rural voters locking down the malapportioned hinterland. The Reformists flirted with providing 'critical support' to the government, particularly under the 'modernizer' Nihunkuseta, with putting their full weight behind Neuruva Odoné's nascent Workingmen's Party despite its own inclination to nativism, with any number of other panicked bids to save the party - and failed each time.
In the end, all they had was the slow boring of hard boards - figuring out models of business that could tolerate worker power, gaining ground in rural areas and among migrants to the city. And then the Nationalists tore themselves apart, as Nihunkuseta's chosen successor tried to commit to Zurit over Peuverit and was rewarded with an internal revolt. Niseno Stonadovo hated the city, and the feeling was mutual (though the greatest antipathy on both sides was with Joderá's native Zurit Province, which competed directly with the upriver and benefited far more directly from urban trade and infrastructure), but the upriver loved him, and his religious populism even let him scrape out a couple of seats in deep-green urban neighborhoods. Then the Panic of '75 crushed exports, and Stonadovo fell.
He took his party with him. Salekiro Mataitet was a symbol of the new era - only twenty-eight, turbulent son of a Vokolian father and a Zuren mother, Mataitet had risen from the bottom to the top of urban class society. He passed a series of massive reforms - universal education to 16, universal male suffrage, the end to legal distinctions on ethnicity, catastrophic insurance. But though he never fought the unions or cooperatives directly, he was also broadly suspicious of them. Sponta Aletokava, radical leader of the All-Zurit Industrial Cooperative revived the Workingmen's Party, and would have dragged Mataitet under were it not for splits in the Nationalists and an "Orange Bloom" in Peuverit. But the radicalism of Mataitet's first term curdled, shockingly quickly, into reaction, and he was deposed by his own party after a badly-calculated 'back me or sack me' vote.
Tavena Voroiheudora was a longtime ward-heeler, one of the few Zuren founding members of the Reform Party, but he knew the party's only hope was in the workers. He pushed electoral reform to rebalance urban power, then abolished serfdom and created a legal right to strike. His death at the age of 81 ended a Governorship often considered to be the greatest in the nation's history - Taitada was a perfectly fine Governor but not by any means equipped to fill his predecessor's shoes.
Mataitet returned at the head of a center-right movement - ironically, after being booted by one party for being too conservative, he was booted by another for being too radical, and too 'foreign'. Vetinora's methods - breaking strikes with the army, putting the restive waterfront under military control, and establishing penal mining camps in the mountains - were controversial, but at the time they had genuine domestic popularity against the dirty, scary radicals led by immigrant dockworker Pohnis Aljen. As millenarian movements spread across the nation, Vetinora ran election after election on the 'us or them' principle, then changed the electoral system so that 'they' could never win.
Ironically, when the economy began to stagnate, it was infusions of capital from Tsoino - and remittances from workers there and in Erden - that kept the country steady. In '48, Erden decided to press its luck, supporting its own candidate - the religious establishment took advantage of the split to put its own woman forward. But many of its strongest supporters were also genuine and committed democrats. When Dozaisava wanted to sign a peace deal with the inland agrarian revolutionaries, the military establishment fought back - and Dozaisava turned around and established a pact with the underground left. A return to free elections under the old constitution, in exchange for support to get through the next few years.
The rest of the details need no elaboration. Eastern independence was signed in '52, albeit with a border controversial on both sides. The Broad Front broke apart in the strike wave of '56, as radicals agitated for Dual Power and secularist liberals for a fully open market. The Evangelicals briefly held onto power as the party of 'good vibes', but came crashing down over a series of sex scandals; the socialist Democrats ruled the '60s, then the corporate liberal Reformists contested the '70s. Only time will tell if the return of the Patriots will be a return to the autocracy of their last period in power...
Governors of Zurit and Peuverit
14952-14960: Kuromati Nikreubi (National)
'52 def. Nezano Sudojarou (Reform), Doselem Nihunkuseta (Federal)
'56 def. Mojova Najakuvida (Reform), Neuruva Odoné (Workingmen's)
14960-14968: Vivota Nihunkuseta (National)'60 def. Neuruva Odoné (Reform)
'64 def. Kuvitain Gadoziko (Reform), Mozino Orona (Workingmen's)
14968-14972: Varainero Joderá (National)'68 def. Kulenoso Keubana (Reform)
14972-14976: Niseno Stonadovo (National)'72 def. Ininazia Rogonté (Reform), Oseta Joderá (Realist)
14976-14983: Salekiro Mataitet (Reform)'76 def. Niseno Stonadovo (National)
'80 def. Benado Kubiré (National), Direno Nevem (Traditionalist), Sponta Aletokava (Workingmen's)
14983-14986: Tavena Voroiheudora (Reform) ⚱'84 def. Dorono Dunarí (National), Direno Nevem (Traditionalist)
14986-14988: Ponino Taitada (Reform)14988-14992: Salekiro Mataitet (Patriots)
'88 def. Ponino Taitada (Reform), Pohnis Aljen (New), Netema Buveni (Traditionalist)
14992-15000: Vanatika Vetinora (Patriots)'92 def. Pohnis Aljen (New), Kuhino Obeká (Reform)
'96 def. Monate Tavone (Reform)
15000-15008: Noboka Buluto (Patriots)'00 no free elections
'04 no free elections
15008-15018: Vanatika Vetinora (Patriots)'08 no free elections
15018-15028: Kulenoso Tisitalo (Patriots)'18 no free elections
15028-15038: Podozano Nikreubi (Patriots)'28 no free elections
15038-15048: Vozasemo Skimitá (Patriots)'38 no free elections
15048-15050: Kitabava Dozaisava (Evangelical)'48 def. Teuzeugon Eusoleutsen (pro-Erden), Netida Dovetenaku (Patriots)
15050-15050: Direno Seubona (Military)15050-15058: Kitabava Dozaisava (Broad Front)
'54 def. Dovoto Netiveno (Patriots), Emurun Jodaté and Valavo Sadavoda (United Radical)
15058-15062: Neunemo Keukané (Evangelical)'58 def. Dovoto Netiveno (Patriots), Dazimo Beneleto (Democrats), Motina Misokata (Reform)
15062-15070: Amasota Damira (Democrats)'62 def. Neunemo Keukané (Evangelical), Podabo Taitira (Reform), Pogida Misareu (Patriots)
'66 def. Ininazia Dodoneu (Reform), Dejomo Kasati (Patriots), Tomode Mosiso (Evangelical)
15070-15074: Ininazia Dodoneu (Reform)'70 def. Oreuloga Deutimo (Democrats), Subovina Bulutoné (Patriots)
15074-15078: Pageta Bazako (Democrats)'74 def. Ininazia Dodoneu (Reform), Kalata Obolahana (Patriots)
15078-: Nemotaiso Lekuva (Patriots)'78 def. Pageta Bazako (Democrats), Sudula Suvetané (Reform)
Organized in the aftermath of Federalist victory in the Great Mozolitian War, Zurit and Peuverit was one of many small nations with big dreams. Its location at the mouth of the Stalat River gave it a verdant agricultural hinterland, as well as access to the mines of the Zarodel Mountains; Zurit was already the second-largest city in the region at the Translation, and the floods of 14933 - due in part to the climatological consequences of the Translation - made it the largest. They also produced political consequences, as displaced merchants from Velelit and Vokol competed with the existing establishment.
Even after independence, these faultlines emerged. Immigrant businessmen formed the Reform Party, while the suburban set joined with Peuveren landowners who feared being overwhelmed to form the National Party. Initially, the Nationalists dominated, less due to any particularly stellar policy successes - Zurit lost trade to rebounding Velelit and Vokol as well as the new prominence of Erden - than to demographics, with rural voters locking down the malapportioned hinterland. The Reformists flirted with providing 'critical support' to the government, particularly under the 'modernizer' Nihunkuseta, with putting their full weight behind Neuruva Odoné's nascent Workingmen's Party despite its own inclination to nativism, with any number of other panicked bids to save the party - and failed each time.
In the end, all they had was the slow boring of hard boards - figuring out models of business that could tolerate worker power, gaining ground in rural areas and among migrants to the city. And then the Nationalists tore themselves apart, as Nihunkuseta's chosen successor tried to commit to Zurit over Peuverit and was rewarded with an internal revolt. Niseno Stonadovo hated the city, and the feeling was mutual (though the greatest antipathy on both sides was with Joderá's native Zurit Province, which competed directly with the upriver and benefited far more directly from urban trade and infrastructure), but the upriver loved him, and his religious populism even let him scrape out a couple of seats in deep-green urban neighborhoods. Then the Panic of '75 crushed exports, and Stonadovo fell.
He took his party with him. Salekiro Mataitet was a symbol of the new era - only twenty-eight, turbulent son of a Vokolian father and a Zuren mother, Mataitet had risen from the bottom to the top of urban class society. He passed a series of massive reforms - universal education to 16, universal male suffrage, the end to legal distinctions on ethnicity, catastrophic insurance. But though he never fought the unions or cooperatives directly, he was also broadly suspicious of them. Sponta Aletokava, radical leader of the All-Zurit Industrial Cooperative revived the Workingmen's Party, and would have dragged Mataitet under were it not for splits in the Nationalists and an "Orange Bloom" in Peuverit. But the radicalism of Mataitet's first term curdled, shockingly quickly, into reaction, and he was deposed by his own party after a badly-calculated 'back me or sack me' vote.
Tavena Voroiheudora was a longtime ward-heeler, one of the few Zuren founding members of the Reform Party, but he knew the party's only hope was in the workers. He pushed electoral reform to rebalance urban power, then abolished serfdom and created a legal right to strike. His death at the age of 81 ended a Governorship often considered to be the greatest in the nation's history - Taitada was a perfectly fine Governor but not by any means equipped to fill his predecessor's shoes.
Mataitet returned at the head of a center-right movement - ironically, after being booted by one party for being too conservative, he was booted by another for being too radical, and too 'foreign'. Vetinora's methods - breaking strikes with the army, putting the restive waterfront under military control, and establishing penal mining camps in the mountains - were controversial, but at the time they had genuine domestic popularity against the dirty, scary radicals led by immigrant dockworker Pohnis Aljen. As millenarian movements spread across the nation, Vetinora ran election after election on the 'us or them' principle, then changed the electoral system so that 'they' could never win.
Ironically, when the economy began to stagnate, it was infusions of capital from Tsoino - and remittances from workers there and in Erden - that kept the country steady. In '48, Erden decided to press its luck, supporting its own candidate - the religious establishment took advantage of the split to put its own woman forward. But many of its strongest supporters were also genuine and committed democrats. When Dozaisava wanted to sign a peace deal with the inland agrarian revolutionaries, the military establishment fought back - and Dozaisava turned around and established a pact with the underground left. A return to free elections under the old constitution, in exchange for support to get through the next few years.
The rest of the details need no elaboration. Eastern independence was signed in '52, albeit with a border controversial on both sides. The Broad Front broke apart in the strike wave of '56, as radicals agitated for Dual Power and secularist liberals for a fully open market. The Evangelicals briefly held onto power as the party of 'good vibes', but came crashing down over a series of sex scandals; the socialist Democrats ruled the '60s, then the corporate liberal Reformists contested the '70s. Only time will tell if the return of the Patriots will be a return to the autocracy of their last period in power...
theflyingmgoose
Well-known member
25- WILLIAM McKINLEY- March 4, 1897-March 4, 1905
26- CHARLES FAIRBANKS- March 4, 1905-March 4, 1909
27- ALTON PARKER- March 4, 1909-March 4, 1917
29- WARREN HARDING- March 4, 1917-March 4, 1921
30- WILLIAM McADOO- March 4, 1921-October 14, 1926
31- JOHN COX- October 14, 1926-March 4, 1929
32- CALVIN COOLIDGE- March 4, 1929-March 4, 1933
33- EUGENE DEBS- March 4, 1933-May 29, 1933
34- HENRY WALLACE- May 29, 1933-June 6, 1933
35- DOUGLAS MacARTHUR- June 6, 1933-February 10, 1938
(-)- HENRY WALLACE- February 10, 1938-November 21, 1938
36- THEODORE ROOSEVELT- November 21, 1938-? (c. 1944)
An averted Progressive Era leads to an 85 year old Teddy Roosevelt leading America through WWII. Any questions?
26- CHARLES FAIRBANKS- March 4, 1905-March 4, 1909
27- ALTON PARKER- March 4, 1909-March 4, 1917
29- WARREN HARDING- March 4, 1917-March 4, 1921
30- WILLIAM McADOO- March 4, 1921-October 14, 1926
31- JOHN COX- October 14, 1926-March 4, 1929
32- CALVIN COOLIDGE- March 4, 1929-March 4, 1933
33- EUGENE DEBS- March 4, 1933-May 29, 1933
34- HENRY WALLACE- May 29, 1933-June 6, 1933
35- DOUGLAS MacARTHUR- June 6, 1933-February 10, 1938
(-)- HENRY WALLACE- February 10, 1938-November 21, 1938
36- THEODORE ROOSEVELT- November 21, 1938-? (c. 1944)
An averted Progressive Era leads to an 85 year old Teddy Roosevelt leading America through WWII. Any questions?
- Pronouns
- He/Him
1957 - 1963: Harold Macmillan (Conservative)
1959 (Majority) def. Hugh Gaitskell (Labour), Jo Grimond (Liberal)
1963 - 1964: Quintin Hogg (Conservative Majority)
1964 - 1969: Hugh Gaitskell (Labour)
1964 (Majority) def. Quintin Hogg (Conservative), Jo Grimond (Liberal)
1969 - 1971: Iain Macleod (Conservative)†
1969 (Majority) def. Hugh Gaitskell (Labour), Jo Grimond (Liberal)
1971 - 1974: Peter Thomas (Conservative Majority)
1974 - 1977: Barbara Castle (Labour)
1974 (Liberal Confidence & Supply) def. Peter Thomas (Conservative), Eric Lubbock (Liberal)
1977 - 1982: Humphrey Atkins (Conservative)
1977 (Majority) def. Barbara Castle (Labour), Eric Lubbock (Liberal), Donald Stewart (Scottish National)
1982 - : Richard Marsh (Labour)
1982 (Majority) def. Humphrey Atkins (Conservative), Manuela Sykes (Liberal)
After The Famous Monster of Filmland: The Left In The Wake of Hugh Gaitskell’s Premiership
Chapter 8: The Pact
“In the days that followed the bewildering election of May 1974, it seemed that another one would around the corner. Labour would, with 310 seats be able to form a minority government, but it quickly became apparent that the Labour Party wasn’t as united as Barbara Castle would like it to be fair, and the political tensions the nation was experiencing didn’t seem conducive to calling another election.
A life line would be provided by Eric Lubbock, as the Liberals found themselves king maker for any Labour Government with there Fifteen Seats. Discussions behind closed doors spearhead by Michael Foot would bring up dividends. Reform of Local Government, Social Reforms, The Freedom of Information Act, support for the radical redistribution of power within the public and private sector and the National control of the North Sea Oil Project seemed amiable to the Liberal Party, though disagreements about the Nationalisation of the Energy sector and Electoral Reform would lead to that can being kicked down the road. Indeed the Liberals, under a firmly radical leadership were able to gain a fair bargain from the former Bevanite, indeed even the coalition-sceptics like John Pardoe, agreed that it provided them an opportunity to usher proposals they supported fair easier than could be said with the Tories.
Labour suddenly found itself back in power, under a more radical and Left Wing Leadership with a Liberal Party open to providing support to a Castle Government for at least a few years. But not everyone within the Labour Movement and beyond was on board, and indeed tensions over the Trade Unions and proposals for Industrial Cooperatives would be the beginning of infighting between Castle and her former allies…”
Our Man Dick: An Examination of Richard Marsh
“Richard Marsh politically was never easy to pin down, initially in the early 50s he had been campaigning for Labour Party selection wearing a Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament badge and being friendly with Trotskyists. By the early 60s this was definitely not the case, having been groomed by Gaitskell into a loyal ally. To the surprise of many though, Marsh would support Callaghan over Crosland in the 1970 leadership election, as Marsh’s firm Eurosceptic nature bore fruit. Indeed Marsh would be one of several Eurosceptic Gaitskellites who would vote for Castle on the final ballot, allowing her victory.
Indeed Marsh’s connections to the Trade Unions and the Gaitskellites would allow him to once again enter cabinet, this time under Castle, as Secretary of State for Energy. Marsh took to the job fairly well, dutifully following the script he was given, but he rapidly made enemies through his consistent habit of leaking information to the press and his brash showmanship.
Indeed Marsh found himself increasingly popular with business and the media, his suave exterior and his moderate political leanings. Indeed his book ‘A Future for Britain: The Social Market’ (primarily written by his co-authors like Peter Jay and Robert Skidelsky) which presented an idea for the future of British Social Democracy intermingling in the emergences of the New Right would be help lead to Marsh’s ousting in 1976 from the cabinet (additionally by this point Castle was fed up with his show boating).
Many thought that Marsh’s political career would end there, indeed many suspected in the increasingly Leftward shift of the Labour Party that Marsh would be unable to return. But the strikes of 77’ did a lot to damage the reputation of the Labour Party and the Trade Unions. The possibility of a Leftist takeover of the Labour Party by figures like Ken Coates seemed disturbingly real for the more moderate Politicians and Trade Unionists. Meanwhile, Marsh had done the rounds, dedicating his time to buttering up Constituency Parties and Prominent Trade Unionists, and presenting an image for a New Dynamic Britain.
With support from a revived Campaign for Democratic Socialism and folks like Clive Jenkins, Marsh would successfully take part in the ousting of Castle and his establishment as leader. For now Marsh presented a Unity cabinet, he rolled back on his previous statements about the Social Market and backed a firm support for Keneysian economics.
But behind the scenes, Marsh’s supporters whirred into life and would start crafting the next stage for Britain’s political future. Edmund Dell, the soon to be Chancellor started crafting plans to modernise Britain’s economy, even if there had to be some pain along the way…”
1959 (Majority) def. Hugh Gaitskell (Labour), Jo Grimond (Liberal)
1963 - 1964: Quintin Hogg (Conservative Majority)
1964 - 1969: Hugh Gaitskell (Labour)
1964 (Majority) def. Quintin Hogg (Conservative), Jo Grimond (Liberal)
1969 - 1971: Iain Macleod (Conservative)†
1969 (Majority) def. Hugh Gaitskell (Labour), Jo Grimond (Liberal)
1971 - 1974: Peter Thomas (Conservative Majority)
1974 - 1977: Barbara Castle (Labour)
1974 (Liberal Confidence & Supply) def. Peter Thomas (Conservative), Eric Lubbock (Liberal)
1977 - 1982: Humphrey Atkins (Conservative)
1977 (Majority) def. Barbara Castle (Labour), Eric Lubbock (Liberal), Donald Stewart (Scottish National)
1982 - : Richard Marsh (Labour)
1982 (Majority) def. Humphrey Atkins (Conservative), Manuela Sykes (Liberal)
After The Famous Monster of Filmland: The Left In The Wake of Hugh Gaitskell’s Premiership
Chapter 8: The Pact
“In the days that followed the bewildering election of May 1974, it seemed that another one would around the corner. Labour would, with 310 seats be able to form a minority government, but it quickly became apparent that the Labour Party wasn’t as united as Barbara Castle would like it to be fair, and the political tensions the nation was experiencing didn’t seem conducive to calling another election.
A life line would be provided by Eric Lubbock, as the Liberals found themselves king maker for any Labour Government with there Fifteen Seats. Discussions behind closed doors spearhead by Michael Foot would bring up dividends. Reform of Local Government, Social Reforms, The Freedom of Information Act, support for the radical redistribution of power within the public and private sector and the National control of the North Sea Oil Project seemed amiable to the Liberal Party, though disagreements about the Nationalisation of the Energy sector and Electoral Reform would lead to that can being kicked down the road. Indeed the Liberals, under a firmly radical leadership were able to gain a fair bargain from the former Bevanite, indeed even the coalition-sceptics like John Pardoe, agreed that it provided them an opportunity to usher proposals they supported fair easier than could be said with the Tories.
Labour suddenly found itself back in power, under a more radical and Left Wing Leadership with a Liberal Party open to providing support to a Castle Government for at least a few years. But not everyone within the Labour Movement and beyond was on board, and indeed tensions over the Trade Unions and proposals for Industrial Cooperatives would be the beginning of infighting between Castle and her former allies…”
Our Man Dick: An Examination of Richard Marsh
“Richard Marsh politically was never easy to pin down, initially in the early 50s he had been campaigning for Labour Party selection wearing a Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament badge and being friendly with Trotskyists. By the early 60s this was definitely not the case, having been groomed by Gaitskell into a loyal ally. To the surprise of many though, Marsh would support Callaghan over Crosland in the 1970 leadership election, as Marsh’s firm Eurosceptic nature bore fruit. Indeed Marsh would be one of several Eurosceptic Gaitskellites who would vote for Castle on the final ballot, allowing her victory.
Indeed Marsh’s connections to the Trade Unions and the Gaitskellites would allow him to once again enter cabinet, this time under Castle, as Secretary of State for Energy. Marsh took to the job fairly well, dutifully following the script he was given, but he rapidly made enemies through his consistent habit of leaking information to the press and his brash showmanship.
Indeed Marsh found himself increasingly popular with business and the media, his suave exterior and his moderate political leanings. Indeed his book ‘A Future for Britain: The Social Market’ (primarily written by his co-authors like Peter Jay and Robert Skidelsky) which presented an idea for the future of British Social Democracy intermingling in the emergences of the New Right would be help lead to Marsh’s ousting in 1976 from the cabinet (additionally by this point Castle was fed up with his show boating).
Many thought that Marsh’s political career would end there, indeed many suspected in the increasingly Leftward shift of the Labour Party that Marsh would be unable to return. But the strikes of 77’ did a lot to damage the reputation of the Labour Party and the Trade Unions. The possibility of a Leftist takeover of the Labour Party by figures like Ken Coates seemed disturbingly real for the more moderate Politicians and Trade Unionists. Meanwhile, Marsh had done the rounds, dedicating his time to buttering up Constituency Parties and Prominent Trade Unionists, and presenting an image for a New Dynamic Britain.
With support from a revived Campaign for Democratic Socialism and folks like Clive Jenkins, Marsh would successfully take part in the ousting of Castle and his establishment as leader. For now Marsh presented a Unity cabinet, he rolled back on his previous statements about the Social Market and backed a firm support for Keneysian economics.
But behind the scenes, Marsh’s supporters whirred into life and would start crafting the next stage for Britain’s political future. Edmund Dell, the soon to be Chancellor started crafting plans to modernise Britain’s economy, even if there had to be some pain along the way…”
- Location
- Op een dag, Nederland.
- Pronouns
- she/her & ne/nem
1880-1886: Spencer Cavendish, Marquess of Hartington (Liberal)
1880 [maj.]: def. Benjamin Disraeli, 1st Earl of Beaconsfield (Conservative), William Shaw (Home Rule)
1886-1891: Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury (Conservative)
1886 [maj.]: def. Spencer Cavendish, Marquess of Hartington (Liberal), Charles Stewart Parnell (IPP)
1891-1898: Joseph Chamberlain (Liberal)
1891 [maj.]: def. Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury (Conservative), Charles Stewart Parnell (IPP)
1896 [min.]: def. Lord Randolph Churchill (Conservative), various IPP branches - Parnellites, Anti-Parnellites, etc.
1898-1902: Lord Randolph Churchill (Conservative)
1898 [min.]: def. Joseph Chamberlain (Liberal - 'Chamberlain Coupon'), Herbert Gladstone (Liberal - 'Sans-Coupon'), Michael Davitt (INF)
1902-1906: Spencer Cavendish, 8th Duke of Devonshire (Liberal)
1902 [maj.]
1904 [maj.]: def. Lord Randolph Churchill (Conservative), John Redmond (IPP)
1906-1917: Edward Grey (Liberal)
1907 [maj.]: def. Arthur Balfour (Conservative), John Redmond (IPP)
1912 [maj.]: def. Arthur Balfour (Conservative), John Redmond (IPP)
1917-1924: Lord Robert Cecil (Conservative)
1917 [maj.]: def. Edward Grey (Liberal), John Redmond (IPP), several Irish seats declared vacant due to the Crisis.
1921 [maj.]: def. Richard Haldane (Liberal), Willie Redmond (Irish Representative Caucus [appointed by Council of Ireland])
1924-1927: Austen Chamberlain (Liberal)
1924 [maj.]: def. Lord Robert Cecil (Conservative), Willie Redmond (IRC [appointed by Council of Ireland])
1927-1934: Leo Amery (Liberal)
1927 [maj.]: def. William Joynson-Hicks (Conservative), James Dillon (IRC [appointed by Council of Ireland])
1931 [maj.]: def. Winston Churchill (Conservative), Irish seats not filled by Council of Ireland under John MacBride
1934 Imperial Referendum: 57.1% No
1934-1935: Oswald Mosley, 6th Baronet (Liberal)
1934 [maj.]
1935-1936: Winston Churchill (Conservative)
1935 [maj.]: def. Oswald Mosley, 6th Baronet (Liberal), Irish seats permanently declared vacant due to the 'Emergency'
1936-1943: Oswald Mosley, 6th Baronet (Liberal)
1936 [min., appointed by King Edward IX]
1937 [maj., appointed by King Edward IX]
1943 [min., appointed by King Edward IX]
1943-1944: John Strachey (Liberal)
1943 [min., appointed by King Edward IX]
1944-1952: Herbrand Sackville, 9th Earl De La Warr (Liberal)
1943 [min., appointed by King Edward IX]
1944 [wartime coalition]: election cancelled due to Great War
1951 [min., appointed by Queen Victoria II]
1952-1963: David Maxwell Fyfe (Conservative)
1952 [maj.]: def. Herbrand Sackville, 9th Earl De La Warr ('National' Liberal), Arthur Comyns Carr ('Fellowship' Liberal)
1958 [maj.]: def. Harold Macmillan ('National' Liberal), Honor Balfour ('Fellowship' Liberal)
1963-1965: Andrew Cavendish, 11th Duke of Devonshire (Liberal)
1963 [min., appointed by Queen Victoria II]
1965-1967: Alec Home, 14th Earl of Home (People's Revolutionary Committee of Great Britain) [unrecognised]
1965 [attempted revolution]
1965-1974: Gerald Nabarro (Conservative)
1967 [National Government]: unopposed
1971 [maj.]: def. Frank Byers (Liberal), Commonwealth Party seats declared void
1974-1975: Merlin Hanbury-Tracy, 7th Baron Sudeley (Conservative)
1974 [maj.]
1975-1987: Deborah Cavendish, Dowager Duchess of Devonshire (Liberal)
1975 [maj.]: def. Merlin Hanbury-Tracy, 7th Baron Sudeley (Conservative), Commonwealth Party seats declared void
1977 House of Lords Referendum: 68.1% Reform
1981 [maj.]: def. Peter Carington, 6th Baron Carrington (Conservative), John Major-Ball (Commonwealth)
1986 [maj.]: def. Peter Carington, 6th Baron Carrington (Conservative), John Major-Ball (Commonwealth)
1987-1993: Peter Hain (Liberal)
1988 [maj.]: def. Edward Goldsmith (Conservative), Sara Parkin (Commonwealth)
1991 EC Referendum: 57.1% Yes
1993-1999: Lord William Waldegrave (Conservative)
1993 [maj.]: def. Peter Hain (Liberal), Sara Parkin (Commonwealth), Alan Sked ('Anti-EC' Liberal)
1998 [maj.]: def. John Sinclair (Liberal), Robin Cook (Commonwealth)
1999-2006: Stephen Breyer-Hare (Conservative)
2001 [maj.]: def. Polly Toynbee and Robin Cook (Liberal and Commonwealth), J. B. Corbyn (PEOPLE)
2006-2013: Helena Bonham Carter (Liberal)
2006 [maj. with Sue Slipman (Commonwealth)]: def. Stephen Breyer-Hare (Conservative)
2011 [maj. with Sue Slipman (Commonwealth)]: def. George Osborne (Conservative)
2013-2020: George Osborne (Conservative)
2013 [min., appointed by King William V]
2014 [maj.]: def. Helena Bonham Carter (Liberal), Tony Blair (Commonwealth)
2019 [maj.]: def. Mark Thatcher (Liberal), Tony Blair (Commonwealth)
2020-2023: Zac Goldsmith (Conservative)
2020 [maj.]
2023-present: Tamsin Omond (Liberal)
2023 [maj.]: def. Zac Goldsmith (Conservative)
As Britain celebrates its first non-binary Prime Minister, and its most radical since the days of the Duchess and Peter Hain, many murmur that the merger of the Liberals with the Populist elements of politics promises more wide policies, including something the Prime Minister has not hidden their ambition towards - true universal suffrage [not the current workabout where "collective property suffrage" is a thing for lots of poorer sorts which arguably insanely enables trade unions], the dream which Alec Home led his unsuccessful revolution over. Well, that and socialism. Look, his execution really polarised people's views, so it's easy to portray him as a martyr for radical policies that the establishment begrudgingly accept.
Nevertheless, Britain is under new management, and the European Congress and the world as a whole looks on with concern.
[okay this was a list in where I went "hm, what if I had the Duke of Devonshire, the SDP one, as a PM in a 19thC-punk world" and then it ran away]
1880 [maj.]: def. Benjamin Disraeli, 1st Earl of Beaconsfield (Conservative), William Shaw (Home Rule)
1886-1891: Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury (Conservative)
1886 [maj.]: def. Spencer Cavendish, Marquess of Hartington (Liberal), Charles Stewart Parnell (IPP)
1891-1898: Joseph Chamberlain (Liberal)
1891 [maj.]: def. Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury (Conservative), Charles Stewart Parnell (IPP)
1896 [min.]: def. Lord Randolph Churchill (Conservative), various IPP branches - Parnellites, Anti-Parnellites, etc.
1898-1902: Lord Randolph Churchill (Conservative)
1898 [min.]: def. Joseph Chamberlain (Liberal - 'Chamberlain Coupon'), Herbert Gladstone (Liberal - 'Sans-Coupon'), Michael Davitt (INF)
1902-1906: Spencer Cavendish, 8th Duke of Devonshire (Liberal)
1902 [maj.]
1904 [maj.]: def. Lord Randolph Churchill (Conservative), John Redmond (IPP)
1906-1917: Edward Grey (Liberal)
1907 [maj.]: def. Arthur Balfour (Conservative), John Redmond (IPP)
1912 [maj.]: def. Arthur Balfour (Conservative), John Redmond (IPP)
1917-1924: Lord Robert Cecil (Conservative)
1917 [maj.]: def. Edward Grey (Liberal), John Redmond (IPP), several Irish seats declared vacant due to the Crisis.
1921 [maj.]: def. Richard Haldane (Liberal), Willie Redmond (Irish Representative Caucus [appointed by Council of Ireland])
1924-1927: Austen Chamberlain (Liberal)
1924 [maj.]: def. Lord Robert Cecil (Conservative), Willie Redmond (IRC [appointed by Council of Ireland])
1927-1934: Leo Amery (Liberal)
1927 [maj.]: def. William Joynson-Hicks (Conservative), James Dillon (IRC [appointed by Council of Ireland])
1931 [maj.]: def. Winston Churchill (Conservative), Irish seats not filled by Council of Ireland under John MacBride
1934 Imperial Referendum: 57.1% No
1934-1935: Oswald Mosley, 6th Baronet (Liberal)
1934 [maj.]
1935-1936: Winston Churchill (Conservative)
1935 [maj.]: def. Oswald Mosley, 6th Baronet (Liberal), Irish seats permanently declared vacant due to the 'Emergency'
1936-1943: Oswald Mosley, 6th Baronet (Liberal)
1936 [min., appointed by King Edward IX]
1937 [maj., appointed by King Edward IX]
1943 [min., appointed by King Edward IX]
1943-1944: John Strachey (Liberal)
1943 [min., appointed by King Edward IX]
1944-1952: Herbrand Sackville, 9th Earl De La Warr (Liberal)
1943 [min., appointed by King Edward IX]
1944 [wartime coalition]: election cancelled due to Great War
1951 [min., appointed by Queen Victoria II]
1952-1963: David Maxwell Fyfe (Conservative)
1952 [maj.]: def. Herbrand Sackville, 9th Earl De La Warr ('National' Liberal), Arthur Comyns Carr ('Fellowship' Liberal)
1958 [maj.]: def. Harold Macmillan ('National' Liberal), Honor Balfour ('Fellowship' Liberal)
1963-1965: Andrew Cavendish, 11th Duke of Devonshire (Liberal)
1963 [min., appointed by Queen Victoria II]
1965-1967: Alec Home, 14th Earl of Home (People's Revolutionary Committee of Great Britain) [unrecognised]
1965 [attempted revolution]
1965-1974: Gerald Nabarro (Conservative)
1967 [National Government]: unopposed
1971 [maj.]: def. Frank Byers (Liberal), Commonwealth Party seats declared void
1974-1975: Merlin Hanbury-Tracy, 7th Baron Sudeley (Conservative)
1974 [maj.]
1975-1987: Deborah Cavendish, Dowager Duchess of Devonshire (Liberal)
1975 [maj.]: def. Merlin Hanbury-Tracy, 7th Baron Sudeley (Conservative), Commonwealth Party seats declared void
1977 House of Lords Referendum: 68.1% Reform
1981 [maj.]: def. Peter Carington, 6th Baron Carrington (Conservative), John Major-Ball (Commonwealth)
1986 [maj.]: def. Peter Carington, 6th Baron Carrington (Conservative), John Major-Ball (Commonwealth)
1987-1993: Peter Hain (Liberal)
1988 [maj.]: def. Edward Goldsmith (Conservative), Sara Parkin (Commonwealth)
1991 EC Referendum: 57.1% Yes
1993-1999: Lord William Waldegrave (Conservative)
1993 [maj.]: def. Peter Hain (Liberal), Sara Parkin (Commonwealth), Alan Sked ('Anti-EC' Liberal)
1998 [maj.]: def. John Sinclair (Liberal), Robin Cook (Commonwealth)
1999-2006: Stephen Breyer-Hare (Conservative)
2001 [maj.]: def. Polly Toynbee and Robin Cook (Liberal and Commonwealth), J. B. Corbyn (PEOPLE)
2006-2013: Helena Bonham Carter (Liberal)
2006 [maj. with Sue Slipman (Commonwealth)]: def. Stephen Breyer-Hare (Conservative)
2011 [maj. with Sue Slipman (Commonwealth)]: def. George Osborne (Conservative)
2013-2020: George Osborne (Conservative)
2013 [min., appointed by King William V]
2014 [maj.]: def. Helena Bonham Carter (Liberal), Tony Blair (Commonwealth)
2019 [maj.]: def. Mark Thatcher (Liberal), Tony Blair (Commonwealth)
2020-2023: Zac Goldsmith (Conservative)
2020 [maj.]
2023-present: Tamsin Omond (Liberal)
2023 [maj.]: def. Zac Goldsmith (Conservative)
As Britain celebrates its first non-binary Prime Minister, and its most radical since the days of the Duchess and Peter Hain, many murmur that the merger of the Liberals with the Populist elements of politics promises more wide policies, including something the Prime Minister has not hidden their ambition towards - true universal suffrage [not the current workabout where "collective property suffrage" is a thing for lots of poorer sorts which arguably insanely enables trade unions], the dream which Alec Home led his unsuccessful revolution over. Well, that and socialism. Look, his execution really polarised people's views, so it's easy to portray him as a martyr for radical policies that the establishment begrudgingly accept.
Nevertheless, Britain is under new management, and the European Congress and the world as a whole looks on with concern.
[okay this was a list in where I went "hm, what if I had the Duke of Devonshire, the SDP one, as a PM in a 19thC-punk world" and then it ran away]
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Blackentheborg
Dennis Skinner's molotov
- Location
- Grand Hotel Abyss
- Pronouns
- He/Him
Forgot I never followed through with this.
Constitution Party presidential tickets
1992: none, endorsed Ross Perot/James Stockdale (Independent) (0 EV, 18.91% PV)
1996: Pat Buchanan/Ted Gunderson (0 EV, 1.52% PV)
2000: Bob Barr/Will Dannemeyer (3 EV, 6.74% PV)
2004: Sam Brownback/Ellen Craswell (9 EV, 2.75% PV)
2008: none, endorsed Bob Barr/Roy Moore (286 EV, 50.7% PV)
2012: Roy Moore/Tom Tancredo (11 EV, 12.92% PV)
2016: Steve King/Jack Kimball (1 EV, 3.39% PV)
2020: Curtis Yarvin/Brad Parscale (4 EV, 9.1% PV)
Following a much more spectacular and bombastic impeachment trial, the moral majority in the Republican party are up in arms with letting Clinton get away with it. Barr, riding a wave of popularity after serving as House manager of the impeachment, quickly becomes the protest vote for the growing paleoconservative bible thumpers unhappy with the Republican nominee, John McCain, the moderate's moderate. No problem, chuckled the Democrats, they'd just gotten Gore over the line (a small miracle derived from keeping the boss under virtual house arrest), this is all a flash in the pan. Give it a couple of years and they'll be another Ross Perot thing.
Then 9/11 happened.
By the time the issue of changing horses mid-stream was no longer a problem, Barr came roaring back into the limelight, coalescing enough angry, increasingly phobic support to snag the Republican nomination. That should've been enough, but then his VP got ideas; specifically, ideas that Barr had betrayed his third party links that helped him over the hump. People sleeping on the streets due to the Great Recession seemed extremely apathetic to the Vice President deciding to change parties and being kicked off the ticket for renomination, but they had bigger problems to worry about, like figuring out if you could boil shoes or if that was just a cartoon stereotype.
We Will All Go Together When We Go
List of Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom since 2019
2019-2022: Boris Johnson (Conservative)
2024-2024: Liz Truss (Conservative)
Sunak gets pasted in the local elections, but manages to stagger on until conference season, trailing badly in the polls. The inevitable rebellion comes after yet another Cabinet exit - the traditional sacking of Suella Braverman - and Johnson swats aside anaemic competition to retake his old job. He restores the Tory polling deficit to a respectable ten points, before promptly swanning off on holiday and accidentally drowning in the pool of a wealthy donor pal. A disbelieving party brass grudgingly prepares for the Deputy PM to lead them to defeat, but the backbenches have other ideas. They rally around the only figure mad enough to stand, her reputation somewhat improved in headbanger circles after eighteen months of preaching to the choir. Suggestions that the election be held after Christmas to give the new administration time to bed in are rebuffed by stony-faced Tory grandees.
Casualties of the second Truss detonation include Theresa May, Tom Tugendhat, Kemi Badenoch, and Truss herself.
List of Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom since 2019
2019-2022: Boris Johnson (Conservative)
2019 Conservative leadership election def. Jeremy Hunt, Michael Gove, Sajid Javid, Rory Stewart, and Others
2019 (majority) def. Jeremy Corbyn (Labour), Nicola Sturgeon (Scottish National), Jo Swinson [defeated] (Liberal Democrats)
2022 Conservative leadership vote of confidence: CONFIDENCE (<60%)
2022-2022: Liz Truss (Conservative)09/2022 Conservative leadership election def. Rishi Sunak, Penny Mordaunt, Kemi Badenoch, Tom Tugendhat, and Others
2022-2023: Rishi Sunak (Conservative)10/2022 Conservative leadership election: Unopposed (following withdrawal of Penny Mordaunt and effective withdrawal of Boris Johnson)
2023 Conservative leadership vote of confidence: CONFIDENCE (<65%)
2023-2024: Boris Johnson (Conservative) †2023 Conservative leadership election def. Tom Tugendhat and Mark Harper
2024-2024: James Cleverly (Conservative)2024-2024: Liz Truss (Conservative)
2024 Conservative leadership election def. James Cleverly (inc.*)
2024-20__: Keir Starmer (Labour)2024 (majority) def. Liz Truss [defeated] (Conservative), Nicola Sturgeon (Scottish National), Ed Davey (Liberal Democrats), Nigel Farage (Reform UK)
Sunak gets pasted in the local elections, but manages to stagger on until conference season, trailing badly in the polls. The inevitable rebellion comes after yet another Cabinet exit - the traditional sacking of Suella Braverman - and Johnson swats aside anaemic competition to retake his old job. He restores the Tory polling deficit to a respectable ten points, before promptly swanning off on holiday and accidentally drowning in the pool of a wealthy donor pal. A disbelieving party brass grudgingly prepares for the Deputy PM to lead them to defeat, but the backbenches have other ideas. They rally around the only figure mad enough to stand, her reputation somewhat improved in headbanger circles after eighteen months of preaching to the choir. Suggestions that the election be held after Christmas to give the new administration time to bed in are rebuffed by stony-faced Tory grandees.
Casualties of the second Truss detonation include Theresa May, Tom Tugendhat, Kemi Badenoch, and Truss herself.
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Come Out, Ye Black and Tans Reds
List of Presidents of the United States of America:
1861 - 1864: Abraham Lincoln (Republican)
1860 (with Hannibal Hamlin) def. John C. Breckenridge (Southern Democrat), John Bell (Constitutional Union), Stephen A. Douglas (Democrat)
1864 - 1865: Abraham Lincoln (National Union: Republican - Unionist - Unconditional Unionist - War Democrat - Radical Democracy)
1864 (with Andrew Johnson) def. George B. McClellan (Democrat)
1865 - 1866: Lafayette S. Foster (Republican) [acting]
1866 - 1878: Ulysses S. Grant (Republican)
1865 (with Edwin Stanton) def. Winfield Scott Hancock (Democrat)
1869 (with Benjamin Wade) def. George B. McClellan (Democrat)
1873 (with Charles F. Adams) def. Lafayette S. Foster (Opposition-Democrat)
1878 - 1882: James O’Brien (Democrat)
1877 (with Henry B. Payne) def. James G. Blaine (Republican)
1882 - 1883: Ulysses S. Grant (Republican)
1881 (with Benjamin Butler) def. Thomas F. Bayard (National Democrat), James O’Brien (American Democrat), Marcus M. Pomeroy (Greens)
1883 - 1885: Benjamin Butler (Republican)
1885 - 1886: Benjamin Butler (Greens)
1886 - 1894: Powell Clayton (Republican)
1885 (with Joseph B. Foraker) def. John G. Carlisle [replacing Thomas A. Hendriks] (Democrat), Benjamin Butler (Greens)
1889 (with Joseph B. Foraker) def. John G. Carlisle (Democrat), Benjamin F. Shively (Greens)
1894 - 1902: Frederick Dent Grant (Republican)
1893 (with Matthew Quay) def. Charles Macune (Greens), Simon B. Buckner (Democrat)
1897 (with Mark Hanna) def. Richard P. Bland (Green Democrat)
1902 - 1903: Mark Hanna (Republican)
1901 (with Winthrop M. Crane) def. John Peter Altgeld (Green Democrat)
1903 - 1910: Winthrop M. Crane (Republican)
1905 (with William McKinley) def. Thomas E. Watson (Green Democrat)
1910 - 1914: William McKinley (Republican)
1909 (with Albert J. Beveridge) def. George Gray (‘Green’ Democrat)
1914 - 1918: Woodrow Wilson (Democrat)
1913 (with James C. McReynolds) def. Theodore Roosevelt (Democrat), Eugene Debs (Socialist - ‘Black and Tans’ Republicans)
1918 - 1922: Theodore Roosevelt (Republican)
1917 (with Warren G. Harding) def. Woodrow Wilson (Democrat), Eugene Debs (Radical)
1922 - 1930: Albert Ritchie (Democrat)
1921 (with Eugene Foss) def. Theodore Roosevelt (Republican), George H. White (Radical)
1925 (with Eugene Foss) def. Robert M. La Follette (Progressive-Radical), Charles E. Hughes (Republican)
1930 - 1934: Royal S. Copeland (Democrat)
1929 (with Harry F. Byrd) def. William R. Hearst (Republican), James Weldon Johnson (Radical)
1934 - 1936: Leonidas C. Dyer (Republican)
1933 (with Fiorello La Guardia) def. Royal S. Copeland (Democrat), Norman Thomas (Radical)
1936 - 1938: Leonidas C. Dyer (Fair Deal Coalition: Republican - Radical - Farmers’ Alliance - Progressive - Social Democratic)
1937 (with Huey Long) def. Josiah Bailey (Democrat)
1938 - 1939: Huey Long (Fair Deal Coalition)
1939 - 1962: Huey Long (Share Our Wealth)
1941 (with Fiorello La Guardia) def. Harry F. Byrd (Democrat)
1945 (with Vito Marcantonio) def. Harry F. Byrd (Democrat)
1949 (with Vito Marcantonio) def. George S. Patton (United Opposition)
1953 (with Charles Hamilton Houston) def. Ralph W. McGinn (United Opposition), W. Lee O’Daniel (Anti-Longist)
1957 (with Charles Hamilton Houston) def. Charles L. Sullivan (Anti-Longist), Joseph McCarthy (United Opposition)
1962 - 0000: Margaret C. Smith (Share Our Wealth)
1961 (with Adam Clayton Powell) def.Arthur Kent White (Anti-Longist)
Credits to @Japhy and Lacktoastandtolerant from the other place, as I used ideas from both of them when creating this list.
List of Presidents of the United States of America:
1861 - 1864: Abraham Lincoln (Republican)
1860 (with Hannibal Hamlin) def. John C. Breckenridge (Southern Democrat), John Bell (Constitutional Union), Stephen A. Douglas (Democrat)
1864 - 1865: Abraham Lincoln (National Union: Republican - Unionist - Unconditional Unionist - War Democrat - Radical Democracy)
1864 (with Andrew Johnson) def. George B. McClellan (Democrat)
1865 - 1866: Lafayette S. Foster (Republican) [acting]
1866 - 1878: Ulysses S. Grant (Republican)
1865 (with Edwin Stanton) def. Winfield Scott Hancock (Democrat)
1869 (with Benjamin Wade) def. George B. McClellan (Democrat)
1873 (with Charles F. Adams) def. Lafayette S. Foster (Opposition-Democrat)
1878 - 1882: James O’Brien (Democrat)
1877 (with Henry B. Payne) def. James G. Blaine (Republican)
1882 - 1883: Ulysses S. Grant (Republican)
1881 (with Benjamin Butler) def. Thomas F. Bayard (National Democrat), James O’Brien (American Democrat), Marcus M. Pomeroy (Greens)
1883 - 1885: Benjamin Butler (Republican)
1885 - 1886: Benjamin Butler (Greens)
1886 - 1894: Powell Clayton (Republican)
1885 (with Joseph B. Foraker) def. John G. Carlisle [replacing Thomas A. Hendriks] (Democrat), Benjamin Butler (Greens)
1889 (with Joseph B. Foraker) def. John G. Carlisle (Democrat), Benjamin F. Shively (Greens)
1894 - 1902: Frederick Dent Grant (Republican)
1893 (with Matthew Quay) def. Charles Macune (Greens), Simon B. Buckner (Democrat)
1897 (with Mark Hanna) def. Richard P. Bland (Green Democrat)
1902 - 1903: Mark Hanna (Republican)
1901 (with Winthrop M. Crane) def. John Peter Altgeld (Green Democrat)
1903 - 1910: Winthrop M. Crane (Republican)
1905 (with William McKinley) def. Thomas E. Watson (Green Democrat)
1910 - 1914: William McKinley (Republican)
1909 (with Albert J. Beveridge) def. George Gray (‘Green’ Democrat)
1914 - 1918: Woodrow Wilson (Democrat)
1913 (with James C. McReynolds) def. Theodore Roosevelt (Democrat), Eugene Debs (Socialist - ‘Black and Tans’ Republicans)
1918 - 1922: Theodore Roosevelt (Republican)
1917 (with Warren G. Harding) def. Woodrow Wilson (Democrat), Eugene Debs (Radical)
1922 - 1930: Albert Ritchie (Democrat)
1921 (with Eugene Foss) def. Theodore Roosevelt (Republican), George H. White (Radical)
1925 (with Eugene Foss) def. Robert M. La Follette (Progressive-Radical), Charles E. Hughes (Republican)
1930 - 1934: Royal S. Copeland (Democrat)
1929 (with Harry F. Byrd) def. William R. Hearst (Republican), James Weldon Johnson (Radical)
1934 - 1936: Leonidas C. Dyer (Republican)
1933 (with Fiorello La Guardia) def. Royal S. Copeland (Democrat), Norman Thomas (Radical)
1936 - 1938: Leonidas C. Dyer (Fair Deal Coalition: Republican - Radical - Farmers’ Alliance - Progressive - Social Democratic)
1937 (with Huey Long) def. Josiah Bailey (Democrat)
1938 - 1939: Huey Long (Fair Deal Coalition)
1939 - 1962: Huey Long (Share Our Wealth)
1941 (with Fiorello La Guardia) def. Harry F. Byrd (Democrat)
1945 (with Vito Marcantonio) def. Harry F. Byrd (Democrat)
1949 (with Vito Marcantonio) def. George S. Patton (United Opposition)
1953 (with Charles Hamilton Houston) def. Ralph W. McGinn (United Opposition), W. Lee O’Daniel (Anti-Longist)
1957 (with Charles Hamilton Houston) def. Charles L. Sullivan (Anti-Longist), Joseph McCarthy (United Opposition)
1962 - 0000: Margaret C. Smith (Share Our Wealth)
1961 (with Adam Clayton Powell) def.
Credits to @Japhy and Lacktoastandtolerant from the other place, as I used ideas from both of them when creating this list.