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Biaggi’s Second Opium Den

gentleman biaggi said:
pat tillman as paul kagame tl
Click to expand...
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1969-1975: George McGovern (Democratic)🔫
1975-1977: William Dorn (Democratic)
1968 def. (with William Dorn) Richard Nixon (Republican), George Wallace (Independent)
1972 def. (with William Dorn) Ronald Reagan (Republican)
1977-1985: William Scranton II (Republican)
1976 def. (with John Conlan) William Dorn (Democratic), Meldrim Thompson (Conservative)
1980 def. (with John Conlan) Bob Moretti (Democratic), Ron Dellums (Independent Peace Conference), Evan Mecham (Conservative)
1985-1986: John Tunney (Democratic) 💔
1986-1989: Woody Jenkins (Democratic then Conservative)
1984 def. (with Woody Jenkins) John Conlan (Republican), Ralph Nader (IPC), Fob James (Conservative)
1989-1991: Jesse Jackson (IPC elected with Majority Democratic support)🚯
1991-1993: Jeremiah Denton (Conservative)
1988 def. (with Jeremiah Denton [elected by senate]) Woody Jenkins (Conservative), Charles Percy (Republican), Adlai Stevenson III (Democratic), Ron Paul (Libertarian)
1993-1997: Lee Iacocca (United)
1992 def. [backed by Democratic-Republican Constitutional Unity pact] (with Norman Schwarzkopf) Jeremiah Denton (Conservative), Ron Daniels (IPC)
1997-0000: Gary Hart (Democratic-IPC)
1996 def. (with Ralph Nader) Howard Phillips (Conservative), Norman Schwarzkopf (United-Republican), William Scranton III (Natural Law)



George McGovern’s meteoric rise from Kennedy-backed primary challenger of Lyndon Johnson to President would come with a strange ally. William Jennings Bryan Dorn, named for the man so many Democrats tried to emulate, would be a key factor in swinging the key South Carolina delegation to McGovern at the convention, something that earned him the endless ire of machine Democrats in his state. Dorn would be rewarded with the Vice Presidency as McGovern defeated Richard Nixon amongst the chaos and crisis of 1968. His distinct Southern drawl would lead to him being known as “the southern president” as he would often be the one responsible for “smoothing over” liberal policies; such as more money to the ghettos or leaving Vietnam or busing or environmental protection to the conservative south. Indeed, when McGovern faced Reagan in 1972, Dorn was the party’s strongest soldier, campaigning throughout the south and helping the president win Georgia and Louisiana en route to re election.



In retrospect it seems strange. McGovern was a transformative liberal president in the mold of his predecessors Johnson and Kennedy; appointing Arthur Goldberg as Chief Justice, utilizing Robert Morgenthau, Whitney Young, and Fred Harris to redefine the cabinet, passing the Equal Rights Amendment, Universal Basic Income, and the National Healthcare Act. However, all of this was unsurprising; McGovern had long been a noted liberal, and was consistent with his politics. However, his Vice President, William Dorn, had been praised by the Liberty Lobby only 4 years prior, and had once been a noted conservative. It was an alliance that made little sense to outsiders, until you lifted the hood of the McGovern administration.



McGovern’s election was supposed to be the triumph of American liberalism. Against all odds, they won. An unpopular war, a rough economy, a furious white population, an angry establishment, all weren’t enough to take out the liberal bloc of the country. However, McGovern would also make alliances with conservatives, many of whom would be called “swamp creatures” by Robert Kennedy. Richard Viguerie, Howard Phillips, Ted Sorenson, Woody Jenkins, Tom Turpinseed, all slithered around the McGovern administration, often pushing him in ways many modern liberals didn’t want to accept. Congress was filled with these creatures as well, with Marolyn Allen, John Rarick, and Louise Day Hicks becoming high ranking Democrats; often with the endorsement of McGovern. For christssake Mario Procaccino was elected mayor of New York. Dorn held this unstable coalition together, and when McGovern was assassinated by members of the Manson Family it was his turn to pick up the pieces.



Dorn went out with a fight. Despite near decades of unanswered Democratic rule, Dorn cobbled together the remains of the New Deal Coalition and very very very narrowly lost to William Scranton. Scranton was a marked change from the previous years of Republican leadership, hailing from the moderate eastern wing of the party, and when he was nominated, a Meldrim Thompson/Jesse Helms ticket was formed to oppose him, creating an independent conservative party in the process. Still, when the Conservative Party was formed, it garnered very little attention from conservative Democrats, indeed it was mocked as a “Yankees Fable”, with much of its support base coming from western mormons and northeastern anti taxers.



That was until the 1984 election. If you thought 1968 produced a strange ticket, 1984 produced a ticket of California governor John Tunney, a man made in the mold of the Kennedys, and Louisiana senator Woody Jenkins, who had been a leader in the party’s conservative wing. The ticket didn’t get along well and was often described as “schizophrenic”, but after 8 years of Republican rule, it won out. John Conlan was sent home, and a new ticket could be inaugurated.



That was until president Tunney died of a heart attack early in 1986. Tunney’s death has been described as “suspicious” by many, but it put Woody Jenkins in power. Jenkins spent two months trying to work with a liberal congress before renouncing his Democratic party affiliation and joining the Conservatives; something which sent shockwaves through the nation.



After years of irrelevance, the Conservatives found something to lead the way. Jenkins’ switch led to a massive jump for the party, which gained a large mass of seats in congress as a result.



However, the resulting anger and confusion from the switch of Jenkins led to the messy and divisive 1988 election. A four race between the Conservatives, Democrats, Republicans, and the left-wing Independent Peace Conference led to a shocking result. The Conservatives and IPC finished 1 and 2 in the electoral college. The senate, controlled by Conservatives and Republicans quickly re-elected Woody Jenkins’ Vice President, Jeremiah Denton, while the house took a little longer to elect their leader. The fact of the matter was that the house was still controlled by Democrats, but the Democratic candidate, boring Adlai Stevenson III finished outside the top 3, meaning a Democrat couldn’t be elected. Furious at Woody Jenkins and refusing to elect a Republican, the Democratic caucus, to many people’s shock, elected Jesse Jackson, the IPC candidate president.



Jackson’s election as the first black president by technicality awoke something within the white majority of America. Furious about Jackson’s election, protests broke out across the country, and the conservative senate blocked any of his legislation. On February 18, 1989, conservative minded Americans stormed the capitol, and struck fear into congress. When the 1990 elections swept in a Conservative and Republican supermajority, Jackson was impeached and removed. The resulting riots from left wing and black Americans led many to fear a second civil war, even as president Denton tried desperately to keep the peace.



As a result, the former ruling parties of the United States, the Democrats and the Republicans forged together a ticket of the two most popular non-“political” Americans they could find. Lee Iacocca and Norman Schwarzkopf cobbled together a “United” ticket; one which only narrowly defeated president Denton (himself running more to the center than expected). The Iacocca years were spent trying to rebuild America’s standing, and his “National Union” cabinet would produce many American heroes. However, the most popular of the heroes was Gary Hart. Once George McGovern’s Chief of Staff, then the senator from Colorado, Hart worked his way into being CIA director under Iacocca; wherein he brutally prosecuted “anti-American dividers” particularly those connected to February 18. His prosecutions were brutal, and with the help of Deputy Doug Jones, he tied several Conservative leaders to hate groups like the KKK or Liberty Lobby. When Iacocca deemed these prosecutions “too political” Hart was dismissed, and his dismissal made him a hero amongst liberals, who, after uniting the Democratic Party and IPC, returned the White House to their hands in 1996.
 
gentleman biaggi said:
1969-1975: George McGovern (Democratic)🔫
1975-1977: William Dorn (Democratic)
1968 def. (with William Dorn) Richard Nixon (Republican), George Wallace (Independent)
1972 def. (with William Dorn) Ronald Reagan (Republican)
1977-1985: William Scranton II (Republican)
1976 def. (with John Conlan) William Dorn (Democratic), Meldrim Thompson (Conservative)
1980 def. (with John Conlan) Bob Moretti (Democratic), Ron Dellums (Independent Peace Conference), Evan Mecham (Conservative)
1985-1986: John Tunney (Democratic) 💔
1986-1989: Woody Jenkins (Democratic then Conservative)
1984 def. (with Woody Jenkins) John Conlan (Republican), Ralph Nader (IPC), Fob James (Conservative)
1989-1991: Jesse Jackson (IPC elected with Majority Democratic support)🚯
1991-1993: Jeremiah Denton (Conservative)
1988 def. (with Jeremiah Denton [elected by senate]) Woody Jenkins (Conservative), Charles Percy (Republican), Adlai Stevenson III (Democratic), Ron Paul (Libertarian)
1993-1997: Lee Iacocca (United)
1992 def. [backed by Democratic-Republican Constitutional Unity pact] (with Norman Schwarzkopf) Jeremiah Denton (Conservative), Ron Daniels (IPC)
1997-0000: Gary Hart (Democratic-IPC)
1996 def. (with Ralph Nader) Howard Phillips (Conservative), Norman Schwarzkopf (United-Republican), William Scranton III (Natural Law)
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fresh, original and other various synonyms. the inclusion of Doug Jones as Hart's Deputy CIA Director is an insanely good use of Jones as a character
 
"For many walk, of whom I often told you, and now tell you even weeping, that they are enemies of the cross of Christ, whose end is destruction, whose god is their appetite, and whose glory is in their shame, who set their minds on earthly things."
-Philippians 3:18-19
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Indeed, by the 1980 election, President Gary Hart had made many enemies. This was to be expected from the man who managed the rebellious Gavin campaign of 1972, and who, after only a year and change of senate service, became the first man to truly unseat a sitting president in a century. His defeat of president Long made him very popular amongst the party's liberal wing, but had conservatives within his own party steaming. Still, in 1976, he easily dispatched of mealy-mouth Charles Percy and crazy Meldrim Thompson to ensure Democratic control of the White House, a near-constant since 1932.

1980 was much different. Hart had struggled in the White House, his temper and "guerrilla politics" alienated the establishment of the Democratic party, and his youth and inexperience caused him to struggle with getting any of his wanted legislation passed. Not only that, but former president Russell Long was a man with many friends in the Senate, and was more than willing to make late-night calls to block Hart's legislation. Indeed, Hart's biggest accomplishments were largely foreign; blocking off aid to Zaire, installing Norodom Sihanouk as leader of Cambodia in a UN intervention, and continuing the "Cuban Thaw" started by Hatfield. As such, when 1980 came along, and Hart was facing down the barrel of a recession, almost everyone expected him to lose.

The man he would lose to would not be a Republican, the traditional party of opposition to the Democrats, but rather the Courage party. Formed in 1968 to support George Wallace's independent campaign, they had stuck around, maintaining a coalition of ex-segregationists, Mormons, petite bourgeoise Birchers, and religious zealots. Their candidate, former Vietnam War vet and governor of Ohio William Calley was chosen as a "human face" for the party. Young, relatively liked, and governor of a key state (winning a shockingly close three-way race at only 31 years of age). However, the biggest contributing factor to Calley's selection was his importance to the Vietnam POW movement, which posited that America had left thousands of veterans in Vietnam when Hatfield pulled out in 1969. Calley and his running-mate, fellow vet Jeremiah Denton, constantly used the conspiracy to win over voters. When election day hit, the collective white rage since 1968 bubbled to the surface. Vietnam, urban riots, desegregation, busing, Kanawha, the Cuban Thaw, all had created a furious base for Calley just big enough for him to squeak by in the electoral college.
 
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