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NotDavidSoslan's Test Thread

In the runoff, Sewall won 53.71% of the vote to Pastore's 46.29%.

As Rhode Island Governor, Pastore became popular and well-known nationwide for implementing primary elections for the governorship, a corporate tax and programs to fight water pollution. He capitalized on this to win the Labor Party nomination due to running against candidates who did not know how to deal with the new system.

Sewall's presidency saw middle-class tax cuts, wage and price controls to fight inflation, a law restricting unions, the creation of programs to improve public health, a major housing bill, and increased retirement pension benefits. He also sided with the West in the Cold War, later making the unpopular decision of sending 15,000 troops to Korea, and the Federalist Party endorsed him for reelection, receiving some government posts in return.

William J. Miller continued to run on a centrist platform of cultural liberalism and cooperation between capital and labor, but he failed to appeal to the majority of voters, and his campaign received little media attention, further consolidating the new two-party system in New England.

Sewall was initially the overwhelming favorite, but his underperforming expectations on the first round (some polls showed him winning reelection on the first round) showed the Conservatives' vulnerabilities and allowed Pastore to feel he had a chance of winning. He was the first Italian New Englander to become a major-party presidential nominee, and bet on the ethnic vote, but this failed to unseat a popular incumbent, and Labor only won the presidency again in 1958, when John F. Kennedy defeated Henry Cabot Lodge Jr.
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The surprisingly close first round and Sewall's eventual reelection were upsets, since Pastore was widely expected to defeat the incumbent who had been in Boston for eight years.

During his second term, Sewall sent New England troops to Korea as part of the UN coalition meant to defeat the communists, which was heavily unpopular, as this was perceived not to be New England's fight due to the geographic distance (it would later strongly oppose the Vietnam War during the premiership of John F. Kennedy). This led to the Labor Party winning a landslide in the 1952 midterms, and an eventual withdrawal of New England from the Korean peninsula after the armistice.

During late 1953, there was speculation over whether or not Pastore would run for a rematch, but he announced his candidacy on January 16, 1954, and won the presidential primary with 99% of the vote, only facing blank and write-in votes. Party fatigue and concerns about Sewall's health made Pastore the frontrunner, and few people thought Sewall would be reelected.

The incumbent chose to fight back by emphasizing his work with the Labor Party-controlled congress, especially on healthcare, education and housing, in order to prevent Pastore from capitalizing on these issues. This strategy worked, and his suggestions for a Ministry of Education and universal healthcare system were rejected by voters, who appeared content with the status quo amidst the booming economy.

The Liberal Party won 19% of the vote by running a congressman from Maine who opposed Sewall's hawkish foreign policy and pro-business stances. Its votes came from the usual strongholds, but the party would collapse after 1956 and eventually merge with Labor to form the Progressive Party of New England during JFK's presidency (lasting from 1959 to 1967). During the second round, most Liberal voters backed Sewall, who was thus re-elected.

John F. Kennedy defeated Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. with 60% of the vote in the 1958 presidential election, and implemented many progressive reforms during his presidency.
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Sumner Sewall retired in 1958 due to his failing health and exhaustion after 12 years as president, and Vice President Leverett Saltonstall and all of Sewall's cabinet did not run either. Senator Henry Cabot Jr. was nominated instead, defeating several other Conservative politicians in the June 5 primary with 57% of the vote.

Kennedy, who was elected to the Senate in 1952 and was widely seen as a charismatic and handsome politician, decided to run for President of New England after the 1956 midterms, when he was reelected (all officeholders in New England serve for four-year terms, unless there's a by-election). He beat several politicians to his left to win the Labor Party primary held on June 1, 1958, and gave a speech at the convention that entered history, especially with the quote "don't ask what your country can do for you: ask what you can do for your country".

The Liberal Party primary, the last before it merged with Labor to form the Progressive Party, nominated Margaret Chase Smith, a female politician, due to the party's almost nonexistent bench, and she only faced several perennial candidates.

The Labor Party platform announced several progressive proposals, including a national health service, repeal of restrictive immigration laws, nonintervention in foreign wars while remaining in NATO (of which New England is a founding member), creation of a Ministry of Education, and collective bargaining for unions, all of which appealed to workers and the urban middle class. Party militants used the slogan "It's Kennedy and me!", and as a millionaire, he had an easy time getting media coverage.

Henry Cabot Lodge promised to continue Sumner Sewall's legacy, as the president was fairly popular and well liked, especially among WASP and rural voters. However, he had to deal with party fatigue, the electorate's perception the economy was worse than it really was, and his lack of charisma compared to Jack. A inconclusive televised debate had little effect on the election other than damaging Smith due to her not being invited, and Kennedy by double digits on both rounds.
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I might make a timeline where Yan Xishan unified China during the Northern Expedition and ruled it as a dictator until his death in the 1950s. It would fall into chaos after his death until formally embracing Marxism-Leninism.
 
In 1961, the Labor and Liberal parties merged to form the Progressive Party of New England, which still exists today.

A dissidence of the Labor Party opposed this decision and formed the social democratic New Labour Party, slightly to the left of the Progressives.

JFK was reasonably popular in his first term, with his administration being known as "Camelot" and the Labor, later Progressive administration implementing collective bargaining, free childcare and a Ministry of Education, and during his second term, universal healthcare and the repeal of the restrictive 1928 immigration law passed by the final Federalist president, Calvin Coolidge.

Kennedy named progressive justices to the New England Supreme Court, which, according to the Constitution, consists of ten members, and opposed the United States' invasion of Cuba under President Richard Nixon, which ended in Fidel Castro's overthrow, the rise of a military junta and Nixon being assassinated by a Castro loyalist.

On June 5, 1962, the Conservative Party nominated Senator for New Hampshire Norris Cotton for President, who chose Representative for Connecticut Abner W. Sibal as his running mate. Cotton attacked JFK for raising taxes and used the slogan "Mr. Kennedy, give us our money back", expressed support for the Cuban government of General Eulogio Cantillo, and promised tax cuts and an anti-communist foreign policy. The polls were initially close and predicted a runoff, but Kennedy improved his polling as election day drew closer, and was eventually reelected in the first round. He did not run for reelection in 1966 and was succeeded by John Volpe, also from Massachusetts and who defeated Abraham Ribicoff in a competitive race.
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Early life of Éugene Blanchard (1821–1843)
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Blanchard in a 1838 daguerreotype; he was an avid photographer in Paris studios, who focused on taking pictures of working-class people.

Blanchard, a French lawyer, writer, photographer, political thinker and utopian socialist who debated Karl Marx through a series of letters and founded the ideology known as Blanchardism, was born in Paris on 27 October 1820, to a petite bourgeois family that owned two stores in the city and were staunch Bonapartists. One of his uncles fought in the Russian campaign and, "by miracle" according to Éugene in 1843, returned alive, while his father had no military experience. Éugene had three brothers and one sister, with his brothers also following him into politics.

Éugene Blanchard was educated at a Catholic school, which led to him developing a profound religious devotion that shaped his political beliefs. "We simply follow the teachings of Jesus Christ", he wrote in his 1850 book *A Better World*. There, he studied theology, grammar, arithmetic and Latin, a cultural preparation that greatly helped him during his adulthood.

When Éugene's father died in 1838, he inherited the family's only franchise, a barbershop in downtown Paris, and the new owner continued his father's policy of admitting working-class clients. But his focus was on writing, and, two years later, he closed his barbershop and started privately studying law, eventually entering the bar in 1843; this was the beginning of Éugene's fame, as an advocate for workers, peasants and shopkeepers who mixed agrarianism, economic progressivism and Catholicism into his ideology. He advocated for a peaceful road to socialism and class collaboration, leading to him debating Karl Marx in 1856.
 
Legal and early writing career of Éugene Blanchard (1843–1848)

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In 1845, Blanchard became famous for the first time by writing a historical novel about Joan of Arc titled "La Pacelle de Orleans" (The Maiden of Orleans).

In 1843, Blanchard entered the bar in Paris. He represented working-class plaintiffs against their bosses, usually in cases involving violence or abuse, since France did not have any laws protecting workers at the time. The young lawyer estabilished himself as a loud eloquent speaker who frequently sought loopholes in the laws.

Blanchard first came to public attention in late 1845, when he aggressively sought that the courts prosecute a factory owner who raped one of his female workers. He called the "exorbitant privilege" (a phrase that entered French vernacular) of the upper classes "atrocious and against the principles of our nation", and argued that "any Frenchman that breaks the law should be prosecuted, regardless of any condition". The case quickly became a national scandal, but the government of Louis Philippe I, which was aligned to the bourgeoisie, only punished the defendant with a token fine. This outraged the French public and spelled trouble for the Bourbon government, eventually leading to the Revolution of 1848.

Blanchard used his fame as a lawyer and advocate for the common man to dwell into writing, one of his passions. Around Christmas 1846, he published a historical novel about Joan of Arc, titled "The Maiden of Orleans" after her nickname. The book was the fruit of around one year of research and writing, and was a massive success, especially among Catholics. The work consolidated Blanchard as one of the main writers in France, and he donated 97 percent of the profits to mutual aid associations helping the working class.

Blanchard actively supported the Revolutions of 1848, stating that "the oppressive elites holding the peoples of the world down must be crushed by them", and opposed the candidacy of Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte, stating that the Bonapartists "would make the emperor deeply ashamed" and advocating for a boycott of elections.
 
Early political career of Éugene Blanchard (1848–1856)

After the election of Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte to the French presidency, Blanchard became a major opponent of Bonaparte, viewing him as a representative of the bourgeoisie, supposedly unlike his uncle. He accused the Bonapartists of "handling out crumbs to the workers to prevent them from revolting", and continued to call for an early version of the welfare state, workers' rights and the promotion of Catholicism.

Blanchard's support for religion and class collaboration eventually caught the attention of Karl Marx, who, in 1851, wrote a tract titled "Critique of the Blanchardists". There, Marx called Blanchard a infantile and possible reactionary who projected his petit bourgeois background into philosophy, and compared him to Proudhon, another Frenchman. When Blanchard learned of the accusations, he hit back with the book "Assessing "Scientific Socialism", which stated Marxism would lead to a tyranny surpassing all others.

Blanchard was a major opponent of the future Napoleon III. He urged the public to boycott the plebiscites held by Bonaparte, and, in 1853, was arrested for sedition after the Blanchardists organized a protest against his coronation. Blanchard's trial, described by a biographer as a "stravaganza", saw the experienced lawyer mention laws protecting the right to protest; he was eventually acquitted and gained immense popularity, toning down his criticism of Bonaparte afterwards.

Blanchard wrote the book "The Scientific Economy" in 1854, where he argued for an economic system based around:

• Universal insurance;
• A national system of cooperatives;
• Protectionism and high tariffs;
• Government protection of charities.

Blanchard also promoted miasma theory and advocated for industrialisation to be limited in order to clean up the air and rivers and prevent cholera. The Scientific Economy argued for industry to have a limited role and governments to focus on protecting workers and peasants, making his ideology similar to that of the Russian narodniks.

From 1854 onwards, Blanchard supported French intervention in Crimea, referring to Russia as a "cruel despotism that oppresses its peasants, keeping them in the most desperate condition". A man informed about world events, he supported the Circassian cause and advocated for Haiti's debt to be pardoned.

Starting in March 1856, Blanchard and Marx debated each other through a series of letters.
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In 1856, French utopian socialist political thinker Éugene Blanchard and Karl Marx exchanged 11 letters where they debated each other on agrarianism, reformism and class collaboration.
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Blanchard in 1855
As a political thinker, Blanchard sought to analyze history through an unbiased lens, which Marx argued was impossible, and, like Proudhon and Bakunin, feared scientific socialism would lead to tyranny (his fears were later proven correct by Stalinism).

In the debates, Blanchard argued humans of different classes always worked together to survive in difficult circumstances, and that a socialist society, the inevitable result of societal transform stop, would be no different. He also connected industry to the alleged correctness of miasma theory and argued a focus on agriculture would clean up the air. Marx refuted all of these arguments, especially the latter; he privately wrote Blanchard was a "reactionary deep down" due to his opposition to industry, and coined the term "bourgeois socialism" to refer to Blanchardism.

Historians dispute who won those long-distance debates, and argue they were inconclusive due to the difficulty of arguing from such a long distance (Blanchard lived in Paris, Marx in England) and the fact both interlocutors are seen as brillant thinkers. The two mutually ceased engagement thereafter, and Marx never wrote about Blanchard and his movement again, due to viewing them as a "waste of time".
 
Éugene Blanchard and the Blanchardist movement during the 1850s and 1860s

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Adolf Stoecker, a Lutheran theology student during the 1850s, was later one of Blanchard's main followers, and considered the French writer and thinker to be his mentor.

After 1856, Blanchard remained famous and a nonfiction and historical fiction writer. In 1858, the book "The Diplomacy of France" was published by Blanchard. The Diplomacy of France took an anti-Russia stance, suggested the rejection of aggressive wars alongside a strong military, and condemned colonialism, calling for France to withdraw from Algeria (a sentiment which made the FLN rediscover him a century later). These views reinforced his reputation as an independent thinker, and the book sold well.

The following year, he finished writing a historical novel about Babeuf's conspiracy, shedding light on a event which had been essentially forgotten.

Notable followers of Blanchard during the decade included the antisemitic, Anglophobic Alphonse Toussenel, who was the chief editor of Blanchard's newspaper Le Noveau Monde, and the Fourierist Victor Considerant (the most visible face of the movement other than Blanchard), and there were thousands of anonymous ones, mostly unskilled workers and farmers. Unlike earlier utopian socialists, he took a theoretical stance and proposed the restructuring of French society, opposing attempts to set up communes.

In 1862, Blanchard came out as an opponent of Napoleon III's intervention in Mexico, which he referred to as a "miserable war of conquest", and declared his solidarity with the Liberals led by Benito Juarez. After writing an article in Le Noveau Monde criticizing the war, Blanchard was imprisoned again, and since Bonaparte was firmly in power, he was sentenced to two years in prison, serving until September 1864. By this time, his ideology had gained attention outside of France, with Prussian Lutheran theologian Adolf Stoecker and Serbian nationalist Vasa Pelagić identifying as Blanchardists.

During the late 1860s, Blanchard tried to set up a "Christian International" of Christian socialist groups, which was officially formed in 1868 and headed by the Christian Workers' Party of France, but it never became nowhere as relevant as the Marxist internationals and was disbanded by 1883. After he condemned the anticlerical measures of the Paris Commune, Blanchardism began a slow decline, furthered by his refusal to participate in both electoral politics and violent revolution.
 
The religion of my OC characters

Gustavo Henrique: Roman Catholic

Maria the Conqueror: Eastern Orthodoxy

Ed Donnell: Southern Methodist Church

Todd Edwards: Roman Catholic

Marian Andreescu: Eastern Orthodoxy

Abdillahi bin Masoud: Sunni Islam

Carlos García: Roman Catholicism
 
Registration for the 2024 presidential election in the Republic of Atlantis closed on 10 April 2024, with six tickets being registered, four of whom involve coalitions.

Antônio Silveira was elected President of Atlantis in 2020 by a 16% margin on the first round. His administration was initially going well, with a land reform plan, environmental protection initiatives and reversion of several 1990s privatisations being hallmarks of this period. The 2022 local elections went accordingly for the centre-left Atlantic Socialist Party, which elected mayors in all state capitals outside of the most right-wing states.

On 10 September 2023, there was a major earthquake in the strait separating Atlantis' three major islands. The earthquake left 600 people dead and wounded 17,000, and caused $368 million in damages, and while the government's initial response was praised, there were revelations of corruption and mismanagement that eventually overshadowed it and allowed the centre-right opposition PDA to present a viable challenge in the presidential elections. Vice President Teresa Manuela, a 21st century socialist, also resigned from office to form another party and run against her former boss with another left-wing woman, who ran for President in 2016 and 2020, as her running mate.

Reinaldo de Oliveira

Reinaldo is a wealthy businessman and real state developer who served as the mayor of a major city; in this position, he enacted strict law and order policies that eradicated large-scale crime and removed gangs from the city, while building and renewing major public works. He announced his candidacy for President in 2016, but eventually dropped out and endorsed a right-wing former President who sought a final non-consecutive term, subsequently founding a podcast and creating a cryptocurrency, a field he pioneered in Atlantis. His proposals are to reduce the size of the government, lower taxes, crack down on crime, and oppose efforts to legalize abortion. Reinaldo's running mate is Governor Paulina Matos, the sister of failed presidential candidate Edgar Matos, who is also a successful, accomplished and experienced state governor.

John Thomas Jr.

Born in 1976 to an American immigrant, the younger John Thomas travelled across Africa and South America beginning in 1991, and after 2003, worked as a corporate lawyer, representing major Atlantic businesses in cases of corporate fraud and pollution. He identifies as a supporter of the Austrian school and minarchism, viewing anarcho-capitalism as an utopia. In 2018, John Thomas founded and became the leader of the Partido Libertário, and was elected a city councillor for the party in 2022; his presidential bid would have languished in obscurity if it wasn't for Javier Milei's election to the presidency in Argentina, which allowed the right-wing populist National Republican Party to form a coalition with the PL and other right-wing parties. John Thomas promises a flat tax, referendum on abortion, privatisation of healthcare, the legalisation of marijuana and prostitution, and ending all foreign aid.

Teresa Manuela

The fifty-something daughter of left-wing intellectuals, Teresa Manuela is a socially progressive democratic socialist who entered politics upon election to the Chamber of Deputies in 2000; she was re-elected in 2004 and 2008, becoming majority leader in 2012 and being one of the main voices opposing the impeachment of Daniela Paiva. As minority leader for the PSA and a leader of its socialist faction, he was chosen as Antônio Silveira's running mate in 2020, and elected Vice President.

She initially collaborated with Silveira on much of his agenda, but broke with him after the September 2023 earthquake, soon resigning from the vice presidency, which has since been vacant, and forming the United Democratic Front left-wing party, which proposes the nationalisation of major industries, multipolarity in foreign relations and a strong welfare state. She has focused on targeting Atlantic unions, which have traditionally supported centre-left parties, but been lukewarm towards her candidacy.

The lastest poll was as follows:

• Reinaldo de Oliveira: 35%
• Antônio Silveira: 30%
• Teresa Manuela: 17%
• John Thomas: 12%

Pundits expect Reinaldo to win in the first round, but the second round and downballot races remain uncertain.
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I am thinking of creating another OC, who would be a modernizing Supreme Ruler of White Russia with a military background. Under his command, the Whites will win the Russian Civil War and implement an ultranationalist, expansionist, anti-Western and anti-communist dictatorship that will nevertheless industrialize the country by building on the industrial base of the old Tsardom and following a land reform policy based on the traditional peasant commune (he will be in many respects similar to Putin, for instance, being cold and calculating and denying Ukrainian identity)
 
Early life of Alexander Platov (1871–1885)

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Aleksandr Platov at age 14, after enlisting in the Tsarist cavalry as a cadet.

Alexander Sergeyvich Platov, the Supreme Ruler of Russia between 1918 and 1924 and the President of Russia between 1924 and his death in 1936, was born in Novocherkassk, Rostov Oblast, on 10 July 1871 in the Gregorian calendar, to a proeminent Don Cossack family descended from Lieutenant General Matvei Platov, who was the ataman of the Don Cossacks and founded the city Aleksandr was born in. The nobleman's house he was born in has been preserved, and he lived there until becoming an adult.

Platov recieved a tutor who taught him Russian, history, mathematics, geography and rethoric. He developed a strong fascination with historical figures such as Ivan IV, Aleksandr Nevsky and Peter the Great, who modernized and expanded the Russian state, and as the White Army commander and dictator of Russia, claimed to base his governance on these figures, including Ivan the Terrible. Childhood friends described the future ruler as ambitious, egotistical and devoted to study, reading books on history and geography during his spare time; he was also a hippophile who frequently rode horses with his father and brothers throughout the nearby steppe. Unsurprisingly, in 1885, Platov continued his family's military tradition by being enlisted in a local cavalry unit as a cadet.

During his years as a Cossack cadet, Platov made an impression on his superiors with his intelligence and talent, and was steadily promoted once he became an adult.

He was promoted to Prikaznyi in 1891, Mladshiy uryadnick in 1893, and Starshiy uryadnik in 1896, the latter shortly after Nicholas II's accession.

In 1898, Platov was deployed to the Far East for the first time, and developed an obsession with the Yellow Peril, believing that the "mongols" would dominate Europe by 3000 AD, and becoming a major military theorist and advocate for the expansion of heavy industry. His political ideology developed around this time, and consisted of a Pan-Slavic, anti-Western brand of national conservatism that advocated for a state capitalist economy geared towards industrialisation, and land reform based on the traditional Russian mir. In 1902, he visited Moscow for the first time, but did not meet the Tsar or any members of the Romanov family, which he wouldn't do until 1909.

In late 1903, as Japan became entrenched in Korea and Manchuria against Nicholas II's designs, the then Vakhmistr Platov was deployed to Yekaterinburg, soon becoming an important figure in the city's social scene. When the war with Japan broke out, his unit was sent to Manchuria.
 
Platov had fought during earlier battles in the war, losing and being wounded at one point but showing bravery and alleged heroism that impressed the Russian High Command.

Thus, during the Battle of Mukden, he was entrusted the command of 20,000 cavalrymen, armed with carbines and sabers. Platov dedicated the men in his army to the Mother of God before the battle, and personally led his forces, albeit from the rearguard to avoid being gunned down by the Japanese, whom he hated.

By 20 February 1905, Platov personally supported a peace treaty with Japan confirming Korea as a lost cause, but Nicholas II disagreed and continued to believe in a decisive victory. The cavalry division under the farmer's command fought "bravely and savagely", according to Russian history expert Montefiore, during the battle, and remained in action until Russia lost, by which time they had been reduced to 8,000 men, mostly on foot as their horses were mauled by Japanese machine guns.

After the Portsmouth Peace Agreement, Platov returned to Russia as a hero, soon marrying a Baltic German countess who had fallen in love with him, and having five children: Pyotr, Pavel, Ivan, Ekaterina and Aleksandr, all of whom were named after historical Russian rulers. While remaining overall respectful of the Tsar and supportive of the House of Romanov, Platov knew Nicholas II was incompetent, and the Rasputin situation later solidified this, a factor that led to Platov not restoring the monarchy during his dictatorship.

These views caused Platov to cease to be promoted until the Great War¹ began, and the military hierarchy soon lost much of their administration for him. His career would only pick up steam again during the Great War¹.

1 = I am unsure if World War II would still happen with a White Army victory.
(I had forgotten to post this earlier)
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During the offensive, Platov commanded cavalry forces in Galicia and Lodomeria, becoming one of the main officers responsible for its success.

However, the Tsarist forces suffered over 900,000 casualties during the operation, hurting the government's popularity and increasing antiwar sentiment in Russia.

Although Platov is often thought to have participated in Rasputin's assassination, there's no evidence of this, as he was busy fighting the Germans instead of dealing with domestic politics. The successful offensive planned and carried out by Platov and Brusilov benefitted the former politically.

Platov's battle planning exploited vulnerabilities in the Austro-Hungarian forces, which contributed to Russia's greatest military success during the Great War. During the offensive, he and Brusilov became great friends and military partners, seen as complementing each other as cavalry and infantry commanders, respectively.

After the success of the offensive, Nicholas II forgot about Platov's previous enmity towards him and promoted the officer, at age 45, to the highest rank a Cossack could have in the Imperial Army. During 1917, some reactionary officers saw Platov as their greatest chance of a military coup that would destroy the Bolsheviks, but he refused the offer, instead creating a paramilitary force to fight Communism himself.
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During the Provisional Government, the IAS's numbers grew, and Kerensky's eventual ban on the militia did not prevent its growth, especially among Cossacks.

Arrest warrants for Platov and his close friend and ally Kolchak failed to catch the IAS leadership, as he fled to Yekaterinburg through the Trans-Siberian Railway, and soon began the formation of a reactionary government there.

After the Bolshevik takeover of Petrograd, the government was formally proclaimed as the Russian State, with Platov as President and Kolchak as Vice President, and counting on support from Japan, which the General had reconciled with, as he came to admire their refusal to westernize.

The Bolsheviks saw the monarchists as much as a threat as the liberal PG, with the Soviet of Petrograd's 9 September meeting also including an unanimous agreement to repress the reaction, and before, during and after the Revolution, the two armies repeatedly fought eachother in Moscow and Petrograd, with the IAS being under the control of municipal commanders who were typically war veterans or small nobles. Platov publicly claimed, shortly before the revolution, to have converted to Monarchism, making all White movement leaders join the IAS other than the SRs, whom Platov nevertheless placated by promising to carry out land reform based on the traditional peasant commune instead of collectivization.

The Russian Civil War was a stalemate until 1920, when the White Army, thinking they had little time left before foreign troops withdrew, launched a successful offensive that destroyed the Reds and put them on the defensive until their defeat, whereupon Lenin, Trotsky, Kamenev and Stalin were publicly tried in Moscow and executed by firing squad, and all political parties outlawed, with President Platov not restoring the monarchy and relying on the army and former nobility for support instead of a political party.
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The anthem of the White Army was "God Save the Tsar", although the Romanov monarchy was not restored until 1937, one year after Platov's death.

Platov was the army's commander-in-chief as president of the Russian State, a position that gave him powers almost as sweeping as those the Tsar had before February 1917, while Kolchak, served as his deputy commander, and Wrangel, the "Black Baron" as Chief of Staff.

The White Army's political proposals were to establish a conservative dictatorship in Russia, based on the concepts of "Orthodoxy, Autocracy and Nationality", and industrialize Russia by establishing a capitalist economy with heavy state intervention, as well as a land reform program based on the peasant mir instead of collectivism. They did not call for the recovery of Russia's pre-1917 territories in order to not scare away Western support, and in fact, the Democratic Republic of Georgia was not annexed until the 1930s due to joining the League of Nations on 14 April 1922.

The units of the White Army were under an unified command, as said above, and coordinated among themselves, as well as foreign anti-Bolshevik troops, whenever possible. After the Western governments and Japan all removed their troops from Russia, the Whites became solely responsible for the communist defeat.

Mongolia eventually became a de facto military dictatorship led by Baron Roman Van Ungern-Sternberg, who proclaimed himself Ungern Khan after the death of the Bogd Khan, and began a reign of terror in Mongolia, while the Fengtian Clique eventually defeated the unbacked Kuomintang and proclaimed Zhang Zuolin emperor.
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After the Russian Civil War, General Alexander Platov estabilished himself as the President of Russia, with fellow Don Cossack Alexander Kolchak as Prime Minister, and turned the country into a military dictatorship.

(I do not feel content with the wikibox, since there are several mistakes and inconsistencies I either did not notice or ignored after noticing due to the amount of time it took me to finish).

The White Army, backed by the Czechoslovak Legion, captured Moscow on 8 March 1920, and Petrograd on 17 April, capturing the Red Army's top leadership, putting them on trial for treason and executing them. Both contemporary and modern observers have described those trials as deeply flawed and as violating the rule of law.

During the Russian Civil War, Platov was interpreted to be a formidable administrator and diplomat, who began incipient land reform programs in areas he retook from the Bolsheviks, and got Finland to join the war on the Whites' side on 6 April 1917, causing Petrograd to fall less than two weeks later.

The Russian Republic's authority remained shaky throughout 1920 and 1921, with the continued presence of foreign troops making Platov be seen as a Western puppet, funny enough, and Left-SR and Anarchist unrest continuing. There were rumours of a military coup, but they proved unfounded and the new Russian Army remained loyal to the President, while moderate commanders who were seen as hotbeds of discontent were purged to consolidate the new order. On 17 October 1921, the British, Russian, Japanese, French and American governments signed a deal with the following conditions:

1. The withdrawal of Allied military forces from Russia;
2. Russia having to respect the independence of Georgia, Poland, Belarus and the Baltic states;
3. Russia promising not to attack Japan and Afghanistan;
4. Russia having to repress communists.

By April 1922, all non-Russian military forces had left the giant country, and the only rebels left were the Basmachi in Central Asia, led by Enver Pasha before his killing. Platov maintained the Orthodox Church as the privileged state religion, but tolerated other faiths (with the exception of Jews, who suffered increasing restrictions and pogroms), allowing Turkic Muslims to freely practice theirs.

Platov's administration did not hold any general elections or estabilish a single party; he ran Russia as a military dictatorship supported by the Army and Orthodox Church, and which followed the same doctrine as the former Tsardom, which was not restored until 1937 – Orthodoxy, Autocracy and Nationality.
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