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Moth's Graphics & Test Thread

WIP of a FPTP London Assembly; 63 of the 101 seats in North London (I haven't mapped out South London because eeuueugh).

london1.png
(uses @Thande's London basemap)

At the moment:

44 - 416,676 (41.8%) - Labour
11 - 216,707 (21.7%) - Conservative
03 - 025,029 (02.5%) - Havering Residents' Association
01 - 085,421 (08.6%) - Liberal Democrats
01 - 081,667 (08.2%) - United Kingdom Independence Party
01 - 003,688 (00.4%) - Independent (City of London & Westminster)
 
So 2 seats for Tower Hamlets first as well then.

Have you basically just combined wards into roughly equal populations?
 
WIP of a FPTP London Assembly; 63 of the 101 seats in North London (I haven't mapped out South London because eeuueugh).

View attachment 2333
(uses @Thande's London basemap)

At the moment:

44 - 416,676 (41.8%) - Labour
11 - 216,707 (21.7%) - Conservative
03 - 025,029 (02.5%) - Havering Residents' Association
01 - 085,421 (08.6%) - Liberal Democrats
01 - 081,667 (08.2%) - United Kingdom Independence Party
01 - 003,688 (00.4%) - Independent (City of London & Westminster)
Nifty work, though that's one big Assembly--even going back to the GLC format would only involve using the Westminster constituencies. Are you using the OTL Assembly data by ward, or council data?
 
So 2 seats for Tower Hamlets first as well then.

Have you basically just combined wards into roughly equal populations?
Yes, although with the smaller boroughs there is a bit of a funk as I wanted to try and not split the boroughs as best as I could (although if you look at the border in Barking, you'll see a trans-borough constituency).
Nifty work, though that's one big Assembly--even going back to the GLC format would only involve using the Westminster constituencies. Are you using the OTL Assembly data by ward, or council data?
As noted to U'sM, I've used the 2014 council election data; this is more because of the ease of which I can find it (god bless Andrew Teale), although there is no reason I can't do version of the map with the actual Assembly data.
 
As noted to U'sM, I've used the 2014 council election data; this is more because of the ease of which I can find it (god bless Andrew Teale), although there is no reason I can't do version of the map with the actual Assembly data.
The Assembly data by ward is all organised by spreadsheet on (I think) the London Datastore, and I rationalised it to a common format if that helps (though I have a separate spreadsheet for each borough).
 
Oh right, 'Graphics'. Some title graphics that were mainly for the purpose of visualising so I could develop them further.

A space thing I never quite got far with (I've mentioned this a few times here and there, in regards to skin growth):
roche2.png


What Zugzwang was initially called (the influence of the Coalition TV movie is a bit clearer here):
Untitled-3 (3).png

And for something I am still working on, but decided to do Supermassive first:
Untitled-10.png
 
wales (2).png

The Council for Wales and Monmouthshire election of 1988 was held on Thursday 10 November 1988. It was the thirteenth election for the Council for Wales and Monmouthshire, and the first of only two times that the Welsh Council has switched administration since its foundation. The election was won by Plaid Diwygio under the leadership of Thomas Davies, ending Labour's thirty-nine year long administration, and marking the first time since 1859 that a centre-right party had won the majority of seats in the country.

The Labour Party had won a strong majority in the previous Council election, having been the victor of every Council election since 1949, making them the longest serving government/administration in British history since the Great Reform Act, and under the Leadership of Gordon Howe were expected to return to the Council retaining said majority and his own third successive electoral victory. The most pessimistic expectations saw Labour winning only a plurality of seats in the Council, however the 1986 Boundary Review drastically reduced Labour's chances of retaining its majority when many of the seats were resolved the malapportionment issues that had otherwise favoured Labour, and reduced the size of the Council from 80 to 76. As well as this issues in Labour's bedrock, the mining communities, would cause as great deal of consternation for Howe and his Deputies, with the controversial decision to close unprofitable mines such as Big Pit and smaller mines dotted in the South and North taken in 1987. Although most of these closures had been ordered by the Westminster Government, Howe's hand wringing on the issue and indecision until it became economically detrimental to keep the Mines open resulted in the buck stopped squarely on his desk. In what became known as 'Coal Sunday', the closure of Big Pit in the autumn of 1987 was met with rioting across Torfaen that spread to Cardiff, where Howe was infamously forced to relocate the Council to Aberystwyth when miners marched on and clashed with police at the Council's meeting place of Cardiff City Hall.

The victory of Plaid Diwygio is largely attributed to its response to Coal Sunday. Thomas Davies, elected leader of the caucus following the general merger in 1984, sought to personalise the 'national tragedy'. As the son of coal country, his father having been a miner and Davies was the first of his family to go to University, the Party did well to labour his working class connections in the campaign and present him as an example of positive social mobility, putting into contrast with his Cambridge educated Labour counterpart. As well as this, Davies made a point to appear at rallies, march with strikers (although chose carefully not to affiliate with those that were expected to be violent), and attended the TUC's conferences. This split coal country in two, one half turning towards Davies as 'one of there own', the other cautious of Plaid Diwygio. Although it would take another election before South Wales turned blue, Davies Red Tory approach- and comprehensive plan for post-Coal Wales- was popular among the working class and trade unions, and became a popular model for the national Conservative Party in the north of England. Despite targeting Labour's base, a great deal of Plaid Diwygio's support came from Ifanc Cymru; despite having come third in the last election and polling well in the South, the sudden death of long-time leader Huw Morgan in April of 1988 saw a quick erosion of the party's popularity. The Leadership of Rhuh Govannan proved disastrous- although young and energetic, the middle class and uncharismatic Govannan was unable to convince the electorate he was the right choice for Wales, his more socially conservative views alienating socialists in the South who had come to the party through Morgan, and his hardline nationalist opinions alienating the traditional base in the north who largely viewed the Welsh question as one of language, rather than nationality. In the radio broadcasted debates, Govannan refused to speak English; only a third of the country spoke Welsh, and of them not many liked what they heard.

The results saw Labour swept from power. All but four of their seats beyond South Wales went to Diwygio, with Brecon & Radnor and Flintshire North retaining only one of their two Labour Councillors. In the South, Labour saw heavy losses, losing control of much of Glamorgan and Cardiff, only retaining two seats in the capital thanks to split votes. Despite winning his own seat of Snowdonia with a handsome majority, Govannan returned to the Council alone; Ifanc Cymru's vote share had been cut in two, and nine Councillors lost their seats to Diwygio. Despite winning a majority of 14, Diwygio ultimately lost the popular vote, which was won by Labour, although this was largely through wasted landslide results in safe divisions.

Despite winning the popular vote, Labour would never be a significant force on the Wales and Monmouthshire Council defeat thrusting them into decline. Howe resigned following a second, more decisive defeat in 1991. Davies became Chairman of the Council, a position he held until his death in 2001. Although Govannan had led his party to defeat, as he retained Snowdonia, he remained Leader. His son and later fellow Snowdonia Councillor, Andras, would lead Ifanc Cymru to victory over Plaid Diwygio in 2012, ending its 24 years in office.
 
Kent, Constituencies & Top Up Seats

Ashford
24,061 - 43.6% - Conservative
18,100 - 32.8% - Liberal Democrats
06,567 - 11.9% - Green
06,456 - 11.7% - Labour


Canterbury
20,914 - 42.5% - Liberal Democrats
16,583 - 33.7% - Conservative
06,053 - 12.3% - Green
05,659 - 11.5% - Labour


Chatham and Aylesford
14,982 - 34.2% - Conservative
11,959 - 27.3% - Labour
10,207 - 23.3% - Liberal Democrats
04,775 - 10.9% - Green
01,884 - 04.3% - Kentish


Dartford
18,780 - 37.5% - Conservative
16,326 - 32.6% - Labour
12,370 - 24.7% - Liberal Democrats
02,604 - 5.2% - Green


Dover
19,398 - 38.5% - Labour
16,375 - 32.5% - Conservative
14,612 - 29.0% - Liberal Democrats


Faversham and Mid Kent
20,974 - 44.9% - Conservative
13,827 - 29.6% - Liberal Democrats
05,559 - 11.9% - Green
05,419 - 11.6% - Labour
00,934 - 02.0% - Kentish


Folkestone and Hythe
21,278 - 40.3% - Liberal Democrats
20,592 - 39.0% - Conservative
04,594 - 08.7% - Kentish
03,273 - 06.2% - Green
03,062 - 05.8% - Labour


Gillingham and Rainham
18,163 - 34.4% - Conservative
14,837 - 28.1% - Liberal Democrats
11,985 - 22.7% - Labour
05,702 - 10.8% - Green
02,112 - 04.0% - Kentish


Gravesham
18,259 - 38.6% - Conservative
11,258 - 23.8% - Labour
11,022 - 23.3% - Liberal Democrats
04,920 - 10.4% - Green
01,845 - 03.9% - Kentish


Maidstone and the Weald
22,507 - 46.0% - Liberal Democrats
17,761 - 36.3% - Conservative
02,593 - 05.3% - Green
02,299 - 04.7% - Labour
02,202 - 04.5% - Kentish
01,566 - 03.2% - Independent


North Thanet
19,158 - 44.2% - Conservative
12,743 - 29.4% - Liberal Democrats
11,443 - 26.4% - Labour


Rochester and Strood
18,948 - 39.5% - Labour
16,406 - 34.2% - Conservative
12,616 - 26.3% - Liberal Democrats


Sevenoaks
22,431 - 45.4% - Conservative
15,514 - 31.4% - Liberal Democrats
07,411 - 15.0% - Kentish
04,051 - 08.2% - Labour


Sittingbourne and Sheppey
19,626 - 40.4% - Conservative
12,825 - 26.4% - Liberal Democrats
09,521 - 19.6% - Labour
06,606 - 13.6% - Kentish


South Thanet
17,684 - 38.5% - Conservative
16,720 - 36.4% - Labour
11,529 - 25.1% - Liberal Democrats


Tonbridge and Malling
23,912 - 46.6% - Conservative
16,677 - 32.5% - Liberal Democrats
03,899 - 07.6% - Labour
03,438 - 06.7% - Green
03,387 - 06.6% - Kentish


Tunbridge Wells
22,794 - 45.3% - Conservative
17,763 - 35.3% - Liberal Democrats
04,428 - 08.8% - Kentish
02,919 - 05.8% - Labour
02,415 - 04.8% - Green


Kent Top Up
329,769 - 39.5% - 1 - Conservative
259,341 - 31.1% - 2 - Liberal Democrats
161,322 - 19.3% - 3 - Labour
047,899 - 05.7% - 3 - Green
035,403 - 04.2% - Kentish
001,566 - 00.2% - Independent
 

portsmouthkk.png

Highland (1), Milton (2), Havelock (3), Southsea (4), St Thomas (5), St Paul (6), Guildhall (7), Old Portsmouth (8), Fratton (9), Victoria (10), Dockyards (11), Somerstown (12), Buckland (13), Baffins (14), Landport (15), Hilsea (16), Tipner (17), Copnor (18), Farlington (19), Drayton (20), Cosham (21), Paulsgrove & Portchester East (22), Portchester South (23), Portchester West (24), Fareham North East (25), Fareham North (26), Fareham North West (27), Fareham West (28), Fareham South (29), Stubbington (30), Fleetland (31), Bedenham (32), Bridgemary (33), Elson (34), Grange (35), Brockhurst (36), Forton (37), Hardway (38), Leesland (39), Christchurch (40), Gosport Town (41), Alverstock (42), Anglesea (43), Privett (44)​
 
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1973-1985: Jordan Parkinson (National) [1]
def. 1973 (Majority): William Lucas (Socialist)
def. 1977 (Majority): Matthew Whitehouse (Law & Order), Thomas Clements (Socialist), Patricia Austin (Peace & Ecology)
def. 1981 (Majority): Susan Whitehouse (Law & Order), William Lucas (Progressive), Thomas Clements (Socialist), Patricia Austin (Peace & Ecology)

1985-1990: William Lucas (Progressive) [2]
def. 1985 (Law & Order Coalition): Jordan Parkinson (National), Susan Whitehouse (Law & Order), Thomas Clements (Socialist), Patricia Austin (Peace & Ecology)
def. 1989 (Law & Order Coalition): Peter Day (National), Susan Whitehouse (Law & Order), Thomas Clements (Socialist), Patricia Austin (Peace & Ecology)

1990-1997: Anthony Thompson (Progressive) [3]
def. 1993 (Majority): Peter Day (National), Susan Whitehouse (Law & Order), Owen Wright (Socialist), Patricia Austin/Nick Harry (Peace & Ecology)
def. 1997 (Minority): Charles Davies (National), Owen Wright (Socialist), David Booth (Law & Order)

1997-2001: Alexander Stevenson (Progressive) [4]
2001-2005: Charles Davies (National) [5]

def. 2001 (Law & Order and Socialist Coalition): Alexander Stevenson (Progressive), David Booth (Law & Order), Lewis Howe (Socialist)
2005-2011: John Archer (Progressive) [6]
def. 2005 (Majority): Charles Davies (National), David Booth (Law & Order), Lewis Howe (Socialist)
def. 2009 (National Coalition): David Booth (Law & Order), Francis Clarke (National), Nick Harry (Nationalist)
2011-2013: Susan
def. 2013:
 
Extract From: The By-Elections That Rocked the World (The Guardian)

Initially many suspected that the first by-election of the 2000 Parliament would come in the form of Portsmouth Fareham, after MP and Father of the House Jim Callaghan contracted pneumonia during the first bitter winter of the new millennium. The Labour Government, already sinking in the polls from their victory in the 2000 election, rushed to pork barrel the seat- although one of the safest in the country, much of the Labour vote was recognised to be tied to Callaghan himself who had, except during the brief time in the late 70s when he had served as Mayor of Portsmouth, been the Member of Parliament for the seat since the 1946 Election. Callaghan himself found the preparations for the by-election amusing, and indeed at a surgery embarrassed Council Leader Leo Madden by introducing him as his "esteemed anointed successor" (Madden would indeed succeed Callaghan when he passed away in 2004). Portsmouth Fareham would not be the first by-election of the new Parliament. However, when asked where he believed the first by-election would be in response to speculation, Callaghan would accurately predict that it would be "...somewhere up in the north, like Berwick."

The sudden resignation of Christine Creech, MP for Berwick-upon-Border, blindsided many, however was not unexpected. Member of Scottish Voice, an SNP backed political organisation that operated exclusively in the Berwick Special Zone, Creech's resignation came following several fraught months of negotiations in an attempt to sit in Parliament as an MP without swearing an Oath to the Monarch. When she was unsuccessful, instead of continuing her abstentionist policy, Creech resigned, allegedly prompted to do so by the Speaker of the House during a final heated negotiation session. The by-election was called for the 7th June, with a short campaign of a month. Scottish Voice nominated the Dumfries-born solicitor and activist Gordon Mundell. Although self-defining as a "small u-unionist", Mundell's support for Brewick's permanent transfer into Scotland, having been thrust into the political spotlight by acting witness at the Committee for Constitutional Affairs over the matter, is likely the reason for his apparent idiosyncratic nomination, one that was, in later years, revealed to have been orchestrated by SNP Depute Gordon Brown in a deliberate attempt to sabotage Scottish Voice.

The Unionist Party nominated Donald Cameron. Born in London to upper middle class Anglo-Scot parents like many of the current British Establishment, he studied at Oxford and was employed by the British Colonial Administration in first Hong Kong, and then Nigeria. Returning to the Home Islands, Cameron worked for London Mayor Roy Major until the start of the Mayor's third term in 1996 when he was selected for the List of and unexpectedly won a seat as a Scottish MEP in the European Congress. This job change likely saved Cameron's political future when Mayor Major resigned in a maelstrom of scandal the following year. Reelected to the Congress in May 2001, Cameron was selected for the by-election by the local Unionist Association. Markably more liberal than previous Unionist candidates in Berwick, Cameron's main personal focus was to improve upon the increased vote share at the last General Election, which saw the party shift into second place ahead of Labour, with Cameron motivated by the promise of a top-down selection by the safe National Alliance seat of Edinburgh Pentlands, although many of his colleagues considered the seat winnable with the loss of Creech and the selection of Mundell.

The Labour Party nominated perennial candidate Sean Walker, who at the time was serving as the leader of their 3 person caucus on the Berwick Council. Having fallen behind the Unionist Party in the last election, Walker's goal was to reclaim second place, or at the very least hold his deposit. Labour, fearing how a potential loss of deposit would reflect on the Government, would send extensive support to Berwick, with Premier Jackson and her Cabinet visiting the constituency personally. The Alliance for Protectionism (later and more commonly known as the 'Protectionist Party') would nominate their Spokesperson for Home Affairs Paul Stevens, while the Greens nominated local Councillor Rachel Wheeler. Michelle McLowery, a local Nurse, ran as a pro-NHS Independent, while Markus Leggett, unhappy with the selection of Gordon Mundell, ran as a 'Creechite', although failed to qualify as a party candidate and was placed on the ballot instead as an Independent.

Compared to other by-elections in this article, Berwick-upon-Border was a largely placid affair. The question of if Berwick should become part of Scotland quickly became a central issue with the campaign, with Scottish Voice treating the by-election as a referendum on the matter. Although Mundell and Creech disagreed on a great deal, both voiced their support for this radical move, claiming that public services, educational standards, and health care would improve dramatically with the border moved twenty miles, comparing their belief to the recent German and Korean Reunifications. At a special Question Time husting, Mundell would even famously claim that "there is a great sense on the doorstep that Berwick is Scottish, and once in Parliament, I intend to make sure what is strong feelings become legal reality". Cameron and the Unionists took a dim view on this issue; their attempts to fight the by-election on parents choice when it came to education quickly became a sideshow to the issue of Berwick's status. Cameron himself opposed what he called "needless debate" that "detracted from real important issues facing the people that won't be solved with the flick of a wrist the border to our South", although agreed that there was a need to reexamine Berwick's status. At the Question Time, Cameron famously proclaimed that: "I am prepared to make a big, open offer to the people of Berwick- Scottish Voice will not deliver on the promise of moving the border. It has no leverage, no power, and no hope. It is not a Party of Government, nor is it a Party that will ever be a Party of Government. The National Alliance, however, can and will do what it can once it returns to Government to settle this issue fairly. This is not a referendum, as my opponent is so quick to claim, it is a by-election, and we should all be thinking about who can represent this Constituency the best, and if you don't mind, I think I am that man."

Despite a largely innocuous campaign, the results were contentious. With one of the lowest turnouts in post-war by-elections, a drop of over 50%, Donald Cameron was elected with a majority of 134 votes after several recounts that lasted into the weekend. Mundell was narrowly defeated, polling only 8,036 votes, with a percentage drop of 10%, a 13.4% swing to Cameron, while the Labour Party failed to win backs its deposit, shedding 18.6% of its vote for what would in time prove to be Sean Walker's last election campaign. Premier Jackson was reportedly so in despair at the results that she considered resigning. The Protectionists made a strong showing, however failed to win back their deposit, falling a little under half way. Following the election, Leggett was blamed by Scottish Voice supporters for the results, as his poll of 344 votes, had they straight transferred to Scottish Voice, would have granted them a majority of 210. In 2003 he was found dead in his home.

Both Cameron and Mundell would, following the election, lead productive political lives. Cameron was reelected with a greatly increased majority in 2005, and in 2010 became Foreign Secretary. Following the 2009 General Election, Cameron would lobby for Berwick's status to be reexamined. Mundell himself would travel north. Mundell, following a brief retirement, joined the Unionist Party of Scotland, and in 2006 was elected at the Aberdeenshire East by-election. After being made the Secretary of State for the Environment in 2015, both him and Cameron's past competition for Berwick was raised as a point of humour.

berwickuponborder.png
 
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