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Moth's Graphics & Test Thread
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Brick Through the Windshield
Or: Oh Dear 2
2007-2010: Gordon Brown (Labour)
def. 2009 Euros: Conservative/UUP - 26, UKIP - 13, Labour - 13, Liberal Democrats - 11, GPEW - 2, BNP - 2, SNP - 2, Others - 3
2010-2014: David Cameron (Conservative)
def. 2010 (Liberal Democrats Coalition): Gordon Brown (Labour), Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrats)
2011 AV: No - 58%, Yes - 42%
def. 2014 Euros: Liberal Democrats - 21, UKIP - 19, Labour - 12, Conservative - 12, SNP - 3, GPEW - 2, Others - 4
Scots!Independence: YES - 52%, NO - 48%
2014-2015: George Osborne (Conservative)
2015-2016: Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrats)
def. 2015 (Minority with SNP s/c until March 2016, then Majority): Alan Johnson (Labour), Nigel Farage (UKIP), Nicola Sturgeon/Angus Robertson (SNP), George Osborne (Conservative), Leanne Wood (Plaid Cymru), Natalie Bennett (Green)
2016-2018: Tim Farron (Liberal Democrats)
2019 STV: No - 51%, Yes 49%
2018-20??: Norman Lamb (Liberal Democrats)
Or: Oh Dear 2
2007-2010: Gordon Brown (Labour)
def. 2009 Euros: Conservative/UUP - 26, UKIP - 13, Labour - 13, Liberal Democrats - 11, GPEW - 2, BNP - 2, SNP - 2, Others - 3
2010-2014: David Cameron (Conservative)
def. 2010 (Liberal Democrats Coalition): Gordon Brown (Labour), Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrats)
2011 AV: No - 58%, Yes - 42%
def. 2014 Euros: Liberal Democrats - 21, UKIP - 19, Labour - 12, Conservative - 12, SNP - 3, GPEW - 2, Others - 4
Scots!Independence: YES - 52%, NO - 48%
2014-2015: George Osborne (Conservative)
2015-2016: Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrats)
def. 2015 (Minority with SNP s/c until March 2016, then Majority): Alan Johnson (Labour), Nigel Farage (UKIP), Nicola Sturgeon/Angus Robertson (SNP), George Osborne (Conservative), Leanne Wood (Plaid Cymru), Natalie Bennett (Green)
2016-2018: Tim Farron (Liberal Democrats)
2019 STV: No - 51%, Yes 49%
2018-20??: Norman Lamb (Liberal Democrats)
The Assembly is comprised of 101 members, one of whom is the Mayor of London who is directly elected through FPTP every four years and who appointed a presiding officer, and the other 100 Assembly Members elected elected proportionally by Borough and serving fixed four-year terms; however the Assembly may be unilaterally dissolved at any time by the Mayor or an Act of the Federal Parliament, unless it is within the four months preceding the next scheduled election.
The Assembly follows the Westminster parliamentary tradition of dress, Green chamber colour, and protocol.
Le Gouvernement
Écologie National - Not even six months into Jean-Paul Jacques' Presidency, and the ÉN has abdicated its promise to being the 'le gouvernement le plus vert de tous les temps', abandoning planned fuel and carbon taxes. Although this has done little to placate the EN's base in the cities, it has put the heat off the President and Prime Minister as the Mouvement de Commune slowly steps back from the picket lines that have ground France's economy to a halt and return to work. With this said, there has been some progress. The decriminalisation of cannabis in the Hexagon is expected within the year, minimum wage is set to rise, and gay marriage is to be legalised once the law is approved via referendum. However, there has been moral uproar over President Jacques' language, some in regards to proposed reforms first to the opposition parties, but also in regards to his talk of legalised euthanasia and the vague notions of the "vie complète", which has caused a great deal of anxiety as the concept splits French society down the middle.
La Liberté du Peuple - There is no one more anxious about the "vie complète" than Prime Minister Duplessis. Although he and the LLP have moderated the ÉN within their Coalition and dragged them towards a more pro-business sensibility, and indeed himself and President Jacques have been getting on like a house on fire, the tension between President and Prime Minister is palpable. They may have stood shoulder to shoulder in the face of Mouvement de Commune, even if they stepped back from proposed reforms, but now the Government may look like it'll fall apart. This isn't helped by the possibility of the LLP in the Algiers splitting to join the pro-Independence movement.
Écologie National - Not even six months into Jean-Paul Jacques' Presidency, and the ÉN has abdicated its promise to being the 'le gouvernement le plus vert de tous les temps', abandoning planned fuel and carbon taxes. Although this has done little to placate the EN's base in the cities, it has put the heat off the President and Prime Minister as the Mouvement de Commune slowly steps back from the picket lines that have ground France's economy to a halt and return to work. With this said, there has been some progress. The decriminalisation of cannabis in the Hexagon is expected within the year, minimum wage is set to rise, and gay marriage is to be legalised once the law is approved via referendum. However, there has been moral uproar over President Jacques' language, some in regards to proposed reforms first to the opposition parties, but also in regards to his talk of legalised euthanasia and the vague notions of the "vie complète", which has caused a great deal of anxiety as the concept splits French society down the middle.
La Liberté du Peuple - There is no one more anxious about the "vie complète" than Prime Minister Duplessis. Although he and the LLP have moderated the ÉN within their Coalition and dragged them towards a more pro-business sensibility, and indeed himself and President Jacques have been getting on like a house on fire, the tension between President and Prime Minister is palpable. They may have stood shoulder to shoulder in the face of Mouvement de Commune, even if they stepped back from proposed reforms, but now the Government may look like it'll fall apart. This isn't helped by the possibility of the LLP in the Algiers splitting to join the pro-Independence movement.
2005-2008: Andrew Jones (Labour)
The former Chancellor and a Welsh technocrat initially well liked upon entering office, but his lack of charisma, inability to connect, a foul temper, and ultimately a financial crisis left many flocking away.
2008-2012: William Ross (Conservative)
def. 2008 (Social Liberal Coalition): Andrew Jones (Labour), Peter Giles (Social Liberal)
2009 European Election: EPP - 26, S&D - 16, EFAN - 14, ALDE - 6, Greens/EFA - 6, NI - 4
2009 Electoral Reform Referendum: No 55%, Yes 45%
2012 Scots Independence: Yes 52%, No 48%
A modernising Scots Tory, although Ross failed to pull his party over the line into a Government Majority, via a coalition with the Social Liberal Party, was able to govern. Charismatic, although in an inauthentic way, Ross led an austerity government that cut more than it needed to, ultimately felled by Scotland's decision to leave the UK.
2012-2013: Oliver Austentine (Conservative)
A liberal Tory and Home Secretary thrust into high office following his successors resignation, Austentine lacked charisma, presence, and was dominated during a gloomy six months in office by coalition partners who aligned with him more than his own party while preparing the country for the loss of Scotland.
2013-2016: Samuel Bercow (Labour)
def. 2013 (Social Liberal minority Coalition with Scots s/c): Oliver Austentine (Conservative), Adam Mackay [abstaining]--Gwen Davies (Scots--Cymru Nationalist Alliance), Peter Giles (Social Liberal), Paul Wolfe (Independence), Louise Eastwood (Green)
def. 2014 European election: EFAN - 24, EEP - 20, S&D - 16, ALDE - 7, Greens/EFA - 5, NI - 1
The scrawny and gawky technocrat from Yorkshire was not cut out for high office, but thrust into the Premiership with the Social Liberals in coalition and the Scots in s/c, Bercow spent two unhappy years before finally going to the country. Initially billed as a left-winger, his centrist stances left much to be desired, and his continuation of austerity became a albatross around his neck.
2016-2018: Paul Wolfe (Independence)
def. 2016 (Minority): Samuel Bercow (Labour), Gwen Davies (Cymru), Peter Giles (Social Liberal), Louise Eastwood (Green)
2018 European Referendum: In 68%, Out 32%
A chain-smoking 'rough and tumble' nationalist who seizes power off the back of the Tories electoral collapse and the blowback in England against Scots Independence, Wolfe sought British Independence from Europe, only to be humiliated at the polls in a campaign that quickly became a way of pushing back against the Government's harsh economic policy and brutal social stances.
2018-2018: Martin Bernard (Labour)
def. 2018 (Majority): Jane Andrew (Social Liberal--Conservative--Green--Cymru Unedig People's Voice), Simon Clarke (New Nation), Gwen Davies (Cymru), Paul Wolfe (Independence), Andy Sawn (Libertarian)
Who?
The former Chancellor and a Welsh technocrat initially well liked upon entering office, but his lack of charisma, inability to connect, a foul temper, and ultimately a financial crisis left many flocking away.
2008-2012: William Ross (Conservative)
def. 2008 (Social Liberal Coalition): Andrew Jones (Labour), Peter Giles (Social Liberal)
2009 European Election: EPP - 26, S&D - 16, EFAN - 14, ALDE - 6, Greens/EFA - 6, NI - 4
2009 Electoral Reform Referendum: No 55%, Yes 45%
2012 Scots Independence: Yes 52%, No 48%
A modernising Scots Tory, although Ross failed to pull his party over the line into a Government Majority, via a coalition with the Social Liberal Party, was able to govern. Charismatic, although in an inauthentic way, Ross led an austerity government that cut more than it needed to, ultimately felled by Scotland's decision to leave the UK.
2012-2013: Oliver Austentine (Conservative)
A liberal Tory and Home Secretary thrust into high office following his successors resignation, Austentine lacked charisma, presence, and was dominated during a gloomy six months in office by coalition partners who aligned with him more than his own party while preparing the country for the loss of Scotland.
2013-2016: Samuel Bercow (Labour)
def. 2013 (Social Liberal minority Coalition with Scots s/c): Oliver Austentine (Conservative), Adam Mackay [abstaining]--Gwen Davies (Scots--Cymru Nationalist Alliance), Peter Giles (Social Liberal), Paul Wolfe (Independence), Louise Eastwood (Green)
def. 2014 European election: EFAN - 24, EEP - 20, S&D - 16, ALDE - 7, Greens/EFA - 5, NI - 1
The scrawny and gawky technocrat from Yorkshire was not cut out for high office, but thrust into the Premiership with the Social Liberals in coalition and the Scots in s/c, Bercow spent two unhappy years before finally going to the country. Initially billed as a left-winger, his centrist stances left much to be desired, and his continuation of austerity became a albatross around his neck.
2016-2018: Paul Wolfe (Independence)
def. 2016 (Minority): Samuel Bercow (Labour), Gwen Davies (Cymru), Peter Giles (Social Liberal), Louise Eastwood (Green)
2018 European Referendum: In 68%, Out 32%
A chain-smoking 'rough and tumble' nationalist who seizes power off the back of the Tories electoral collapse and the blowback in England against Scots Independence, Wolfe sought British Independence from Europe, only to be humiliated at the polls in a campaign that quickly became a way of pushing back against the Government's harsh economic policy and brutal social stances.
2018-2018: Martin Bernard (Labour)
def. 2018 (Majority): Jane Andrew (Social Liberal--Conservative--Green--Cymru Unedig People's Voice), Simon Clarke (New Nation), Gwen Davies (Cymru), Paul Wolfe (Independence), Andy Sawn (Libertarian)
Who?
There is a sad grandeur to the Foreign Office. A palace of dreams, ornately and finely decorated with imperial splendor, with grand halls and narrow corridors soaked in the perspiration of the men who seemed to have build the world. When walking beneath the ceiling arches, one cannot shake the haunting sense of failure that permeates the building.
Indeed, it is failure. Unmistakable and unshakable. The drawing room of the nation may be impressive for the foreign diplomat, but for the British diplomat it serves to be nothing if not a reminder of the dampened flame of British power, the failures of those who came before, and ultimately the fragility of peace. Rooms are decorated with the permanent reminders of this; the names of countries and organisations that have long since be dumped unceremoniously into the dustbin of history adorn murals and paintings. The faces of men who built the world plaster the walls. Ancient maps and diagrams from the height of imperial power act as glorified mantlepiece decorations. Many take comfort in the pullback of power; others find it shameful. But for all it acts as a reminder.
For some, the Foreign Office is not a partisan nor political posting; it is a fiefdom of Westminister where Mandarins act merely as firm handed guides for the Foreign Secretary and his Ministers of State, all above petty politics and working on an order that has been around for centuries. For others, it is perhaps one of the most partisan postings in the country, where a strange new world of politics alien to that of the nations is hidden behind a false and stiff veneer. Regardless, it is a coveted posting, one that has facilitated the egos of the titanic figures of their days and led fifteen to the doors of Downing Street. One of the great offices of state, it is often overlooked due to the power of the Treasury and Home Office.
But to overlook it would be a mistake. Nations have been built in the hallowed halls of the Foreign Office. Wars have been fought, empires have crumbled. Entire civilisations have been permitted to rise or have been wiped out in the course of a mid-day meeting. Despite the sad grandeur and the immovable burden of past failure, it is a building and an office that still represents and wields an awesome amount of power.
This is the story of those who wield that power.
Indeed, it is failure. Unmistakable and unshakable. The drawing room of the nation may be impressive for the foreign diplomat, but for the British diplomat it serves to be nothing if not a reminder of the dampened flame of British power, the failures of those who came before, and ultimately the fragility of peace. Rooms are decorated with the permanent reminders of this; the names of countries and organisations that have long since be dumped unceremoniously into the dustbin of history adorn murals and paintings. The faces of men who built the world plaster the walls. Ancient maps and diagrams from the height of imperial power act as glorified mantlepiece decorations. Many take comfort in the pullback of power; others find it shameful. But for all it acts as a reminder.
For some, the Foreign Office is not a partisan nor political posting; it is a fiefdom of Westminister where Mandarins act merely as firm handed guides for the Foreign Secretary and his Ministers of State, all above petty politics and working on an order that has been around for centuries. For others, it is perhaps one of the most partisan postings in the country, where a strange new world of politics alien to that of the nations is hidden behind a false and stiff veneer. Regardless, it is a coveted posting, one that has facilitated the egos of the titanic figures of their days and led fifteen to the doors of Downing Street. One of the great offices of state, it is often overlooked due to the power of the Treasury and Home Office.
But to overlook it would be a mistake. Nations have been built in the hallowed halls of the Foreign Office. Wars have been fought, empires have crumbled. Entire civilisations have been permitted to rise or have been wiped out in the course of a mid-day meeting. Despite the sad grandeur and the immovable burden of past failure, it is a building and an office that still represents and wields an awesome amount of power.
This is the story of those who wield that power.
In the City, there were two Liberals. They sat together on the Council. Though they never admitted they were Liberals, or indeed that they were in any way allied, they sat together as they represented the two-member ward of Fleet. The Senior Councillor was Andrew Aniseed, barely thirty-five. A wiry scot without a chin who combed his hair back in waves, he often wore sweet roses in the hole of his lapel. The Junior was Joseph Hurtubise. Twenty years Andrew's senior, the Goldie rower wore disappointment like a suit. But usually he wore a jumper over his shirt and tie. A strong jaw was lost in neck and bristles. Neither man was married.
On Sundays, they went canvassing. Some time ago they had arranged a system so they would never cross paths while patrolling the doorsteps of Fleet with the bright young things who were sure could dislodge the other. On Monday's they would meet in the canteen of the Council and have breakfast together in silence. They both had the fried breakfast, although Andrew gave Joseph his sausage and bacon in exchange for the others tomato and mushrooms. Beyond this they rarely interacted, except the odd community event or cross-party charity case.
It was therefore a notable occurrence when their paths crossed on a warm Sunday evening in May. As he walked down Callaghan Road, one of the suburban new builds on the fringe of the ward, with his small team, Andrew saw the bulbous of Joseph lumbering down the street with young men dancing around his feet. Their eyes met. Sweat dripped from Andrew's brow. Joseph's knuckles went white as he squeezed his hand into a fist. The two approached each other, their teams holding back- there was going to be a fight, they were sure of it.
"What are you doing?" Andrew hissed as he stood over Joseph.
"What am I doing? What the bloody hell do you think you're playing at?" Joseph spat, stabbing a finger at Andrew's chest.
"This is my patch tonight." Andrew declared definetly through gritted teeth, his own finger pressing against his chest. He turned on his heels, and marched back to his group.
"What do we do?" Joseph's asked as he returned.
"We leave." Andrew said firmly to shocked faces.
"Leave?" A young man with coiffed hair said in disbelief to Joseph, arms clutching a bundle of out cards tightly to his chest. "But we've done half the street!"
"We're leaving, and that's that."
The two groups left Callaghan Road, and the next day sat on opposite sides of the canteen, making a point to leave their unwanted food items on their plates as they put them into the tray rack, and to sit as far apart from one another in their neighbouring seats. A gulf had grown between them. And when Andrew Aniseed was informed of Joseph Hurtubise's death on the Friday of that week, that gulf became a void. It was his heart in the end, it had simply given way. The bye-election was set for two months, but the news didn't pay much attention. Another man had died.
On Sundays, they went canvassing. Some time ago they had arranged a system so they would never cross paths while patrolling the doorsteps of Fleet with the bright young things who were sure could dislodge the other. On Monday's they would meet in the canteen of the Council and have breakfast together in silence. They both had the fried breakfast, although Andrew gave Joseph his sausage and bacon in exchange for the others tomato and mushrooms. Beyond this they rarely interacted, except the odd community event or cross-party charity case.
It was therefore a notable occurrence when their paths crossed on a warm Sunday evening in May. As he walked down Callaghan Road, one of the suburban new builds on the fringe of the ward, with his small team, Andrew saw the bulbous of Joseph lumbering down the street with young men dancing around his feet. Their eyes met. Sweat dripped from Andrew's brow. Joseph's knuckles went white as he squeezed his hand into a fist. The two approached each other, their teams holding back- there was going to be a fight, they were sure of it.
"What are you doing?" Andrew hissed as he stood over Joseph.
"What am I doing? What the bloody hell do you think you're playing at?" Joseph spat, stabbing a finger at Andrew's chest.
"This is my patch tonight." Andrew declared definetly through gritted teeth, his own finger pressing against his chest. He turned on his heels, and marched back to his group.
"What do we do?" Joseph's asked as he returned.
"We leave." Andrew said firmly to shocked faces.
"Leave?" A young man with coiffed hair said in disbelief to Joseph, arms clutching a bundle of out cards tightly to his chest. "But we've done half the street!"
"We're leaving, and that's that."
The two groups left Callaghan Road, and the next day sat on opposite sides of the canteen, making a point to leave their unwanted food items on their plates as they put them into the tray rack, and to sit as far apart from one another in their neighbouring seats. A gulf had grown between them. And when Andrew Aniseed was informed of Joseph Hurtubise's death on the Friday of that week, that gulf became a void. It was his heart in the end, it had simply given way. The bye-election was set for two months, but the news didn't pay much attention. Another man had died.
(originally posted on AH.com on May 14, 2017)
Roche Tower is a parliamentary constituency represented by Arthur Cameron, who has served as Parliamentary Undersecretary of State for Care and Support since 22 December 2049 in the House of Commons of the Parliament of the United Kingdom.
An extremely marginal constituency, Roche Tower is one of the three 'city in the sky seats' in Parliament, constituencies that are based entirely within super-tall sky-cities. Though a geographically small constituency, in fact one of the smallest in the county, it is also one of the most densely populated and tallest.
Roche Tower largely serves as the housing for commuters travelling in-and-out of the London Megalopolis, with the economy of the seat rooted predominantly in services and gig, though there are small retail and manufacturing elements.
The Tower Council is split nearly evenly between Municipal Reform and the Progressive Party, with a single seat held by Indpendent 45th Floor Residents Association, who sit with the Progressives.
The Roche Tower by-election was a UK parliamentary by-election in the constituency of Roche Tower, which was held on 4 February 2049. It was triggered by the death of the Progressive Member of Parliament George Pamplin on 12 December 2048, who was killed in the Goliath Space Elevator Disaster. The contest was won by Arthur Cameron of Municipal Reform.
An extremely marginal constituency, Roche Tower is one of the three 'city in the sky seats' in Parliament, constituencies that are based entirely within super-tall sky-cities. Though a geographically small constituency, in fact one of the smallest in the county, it is also one of the most densely populated and tallest.
Roche Tower largely serves as the housing for commuters travelling in-and-out of the London Megalopolis, with the economy of the seat rooted predominantly in services and gig, though there are small retail and manufacturing elements.
The Tower Council is split nearly evenly between Municipal Reform and the Progressive Party, with a single seat held by Indpendent 45th Floor Residents Association, who sit with the Progressives.
2003-2005: Charles Montgomery (Conservative) ?
def. 2003 (Majority): Thomas Blair (Labour), John Davies (Liberal Democrats)
A weak and ineffectual PM who disappears during a London Terror Crisis in 2005, and presumed dead following Downing Streets destruction.
2005-2005: James Brown (Conservative) [acting]
Montgomery's President of the Board of Trade, Brown is made Prime Minister following Montgomery's disappearance and presumed assassination. Killed when a bomb blast destroys Downing Street.
2005-2008: Helen James (Conservative, later National)
2007-2008 National Government
Survivor of the London Terror Crisis, James becomes Prime Minister and promises to lead Britain into a 'new golden age', however controversial handling of later terror incidents sees her face a no confidence motion by her party. Surviving this, she forms a National Government, however is ultimately usurped by her popular Home Secretary and defeated in a landslide.
2008-2008: Peter Hastings (Independent led Hastings Coupon)
idk it's a doctor who reference
def. 2003 (Majority): Thomas Blair (Labour), John Davies (Liberal Democrats)
A weak and ineffectual PM who disappears during a London Terror Crisis in 2005, and presumed dead following Downing Streets destruction.
2005-2005: James Brown (Conservative) [acting]
Montgomery's President of the Board of Trade, Brown is made Prime Minister following Montgomery's disappearance and presumed assassination. Killed when a bomb blast destroys Downing Street.
2005-2008: Helen James (Conservative, later National)
2007-2008 National Government
Survivor of the London Terror Crisis, James becomes Prime Minister and promises to lead Britain into a 'new golden age', however controversial handling of later terror incidents sees her face a no confidence motion by her party. Surviving this, she forms a National Government, however is ultimately usurped by her popular Home Secretary and defeated in a landslide.
2008-2008: Peter Hastings (Independent led Hastings Coupon)
idk it's a doctor who reference
Prior to the 2016 General Election, the Constituency was consistently dominated by the Liberal Party, who between 1989 and 2012 returned with a full slate of candidates. Since 2007, the seat has been represented by both Jane Ainsworth and Susan Macfarlane. In 2011, Michelle Maclean of the Socialist Party won the fifth seat in a by-election following the resignation of Michael Ross, previously the Liberal Leader of the House. In 2016 Maclean topped the ballot, and the three were joined by Peter Atkinson and Siobhan Collins of the National Party. This was despite an otherwise landslide Liberal victory in England, with many noting that the election of the National MPs was due to the election of the centre-right Social Democratic Party within Scotland and the United Commonwealth in the 2015 snap election.
Very clever and subtle idea, I like it.
The People's Flag
The 2020 Canadian Federal Election was held on August 10, 2020, to elect 280 members of the House of Commons of Canada. The writs of election were issued on June 3 by Governor General Wilson Campbell on advise of Prime Minister Hugh McMann following the collapse of the National Liberal–Moderate coalition.
Early in the election it was expected that the Moderate Party would leapfrog its coalition partner and the opposition to become the largest party, with polling indicating a possible romp into majority, however Moderate support cratered in early July due to the Aspen Scandal, with allegations that the Prime Minister himself authorised the illegal acceptance of donations for access, traded insider secrets with American investors, and maintained a secret account with the Bank of Colorado. The Moderate's quickly collapsed in the polls, their reputation further damaged when McMann walked out of televised debates upon being heckled by Québec Lève-toil! leader André Gangon.
The National Liberal Party, led by John Atkinson, won 236 seats, allowing it to form the first majority government in over a decade, and for Atkinson to become the first Liberal Prime Minister since 1984. The Co-operative Party, led by former Premier of British Columbia, Alex Chu, won 127 seats and remained the Official Opposition, narrowly coming second in vote share to the Liberals and sweeping through most of the west, winning every riding in Yukon, British Columbia, Alberta, and Manitoba under the banner of furthering workers rights and pushing back against globalisation. No other party retained major party status; despite poor polling in the fallout of the Aspen Scandal, the Moderate Party expected to retain half of its caucus. Instead it won just 4 seats, McMann himself defeated for reelection in his riding of Charlottetown. The Moderate Party fell into joint-fourth behind the nationalist Québec Lève-toi!, tying with the secessionist Ontario First, who themselves saw a slew of defeats despite selection of the popular Provincial Finance Minister, Susan Campbell, to the Leadership. The Federal EcoCratic Party won no seats for the first time in twenty years.
The People's Flag was a 1989 novella by Lawrence Huw-Clarke, his only major work before his death in 1990. Telling the story of Canada in 2020, his focus was largely upon the election itself, projecting his own experiences in the recent 1988 Federal Election as an activist for the NDP in Quebec. Although his predictions that the NDP would eventually shed milquetoast social democracy for democratic socialism, that the Liberal and Conservative Party's would merge in an anti-socialist pact (and just as quickly split), and Ontario would see its own secessionist movement did not come true, his prediction that Quebec would remain in Canada and that the Liberals would eventually return to government did. Huw-Clarke's book, despite largely being focused on the futile fight for the riding of Le Fjord against the popular incumbent, the robust and bellicose Gangon, contained lengthy digressions that expanded the federal scope of the story, many framed as Globe & Mail articles, others as PoV's from the protagonist's brother, Jason Long, a Liberal MP in Manitoba who faces defeat despite the party's otherwise surge performance in Ontario and Quebec. Praised at the time for being 'close to the knuckle', The People's Flag was largely dismissed as Socialist agitprop, and for having an anti-Quebecois prejudice. A follow up focusing on a following election in which Alex Chu becomes Prime Minister was allegedly planned, but Huw-Clarke's death in a car accident while campaigning for the NDP in northern Ontario during that years provincial election ultimately prevent us from knowing anything about it beyond this premise. The novella fell out of print and is now regarded as a unique find in charity shops and in scruffy NDP activist libraries, with those who do own it identifying heavily with the unnamed protagonist and his struggles in Le Fjord. idk
The 2020 Canadian Federal Election was held on August 10, 2020, to elect 280 members of the House of Commons of Canada. The writs of election were issued on June 3 by Governor General Wilson Campbell on advise of Prime Minister Hugh McMann following the collapse of the National Liberal–Moderate coalition.
Early in the election it was expected that the Moderate Party would leapfrog its coalition partner and the opposition to become the largest party, with polling indicating a possible romp into majority, however Moderate support cratered in early July due to the Aspen Scandal, with allegations that the Prime Minister himself authorised the illegal acceptance of donations for access, traded insider secrets with American investors, and maintained a secret account with the Bank of Colorado. The Moderate's quickly collapsed in the polls, their reputation further damaged when McMann walked out of televised debates upon being heckled by Québec Lève-toil! leader André Gangon.
The National Liberal Party, led by John Atkinson, won 236 seats, allowing it to form the first majority government in over a decade, and for Atkinson to become the first Liberal Prime Minister since 1984. The Co-operative Party, led by former Premier of British Columbia, Alex Chu, won 127 seats and remained the Official Opposition, narrowly coming second in vote share to the Liberals and sweeping through most of the west, winning every riding in Yukon, British Columbia, Alberta, and Manitoba under the banner of furthering workers rights and pushing back against globalisation. No other party retained major party status; despite poor polling in the fallout of the Aspen Scandal, the Moderate Party expected to retain half of its caucus. Instead it won just 4 seats, McMann himself defeated for reelection in his riding of Charlottetown. The Moderate Party fell into joint-fourth behind the nationalist Québec Lève-toi!, tying with the secessionist Ontario First, who themselves saw a slew of defeats despite selection of the popular Provincial Finance Minister, Susan Campbell, to the Leadership. The Federal EcoCratic Party won no seats for the first time in twenty years.
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1990-1997: John Major (Conservative)
def. 1992 (Majority, 336 - 41.9%): Neil Kinnock (Labour, 271 - 34.4%), Paddy Ashdown (Liberal Democrats, 20 - 17.8%)
1997-2003: Tony Blair (Labour)
def. 1997 (Majority, 406 - 41.0%): John Major (Conservative, 140 - 29.6%), Paddy Ashdown (Liberal Democrats, 84 - 26.1%)
def. 2001 (Majority, 354 - 36.8%): William Hague (Conservative, 228 - 37.5%), Simon Hughes (Liberal Democrats, 49 - 21.9%)
2003-2011: Gordon Brown (Labour)
def. 2005 (Majority, 379 - 41.5%): William Hague (Conservative, 199 - 36.2%), Charles Kennedy (Liberal Democrats, 39 - 19.2%)
def. 2009 (Majority, 328 - 41.6%): Tim Collins (Conservative, 278 - 40.1%), Susan Kramer (Liberal Democrats, 19 - 15.6%)
2011-2013: Alistair Darling (Labour)
2013-2017: Tim Collins (Conservative)
def. 2013 (Majority, 335 - 42.8%): Alistair Darling (Labour, 265 - 34.6%), Chris Huhne (Liberal Democrats, 33 - 20.2%)
2017-20??: James Purnell (Labour)
def. 2017 (Coalition with Liberal Democrats, 283 - 35.3%): Tim Collins (Conservative, 288 - 39.6%), Dave Ashmore (Liberal Democrats, 50 - 22.5%)
def. 1992 (Majority, 336 - 41.9%): Neil Kinnock (Labour, 271 - 34.4%), Paddy Ashdown (Liberal Democrats, 20 - 17.8%)
1997-2003: Tony Blair (Labour)
def. 1997 (Majority, 406 - 41.0%): John Major (Conservative, 140 - 29.6%), Paddy Ashdown (Liberal Democrats, 84 - 26.1%)
def. 2001 (Majority, 354 - 36.8%): William Hague (Conservative, 228 - 37.5%), Simon Hughes (Liberal Democrats, 49 - 21.9%)
2003-2011: Gordon Brown (Labour)
def. 2005 (Majority, 379 - 41.5%): William Hague (Conservative, 199 - 36.2%), Charles Kennedy (Liberal Democrats, 39 - 19.2%)
def. 2009 (Majority, 328 - 41.6%): Tim Collins (Conservative, 278 - 40.1%), Susan Kramer (Liberal Democrats, 19 - 15.6%)
2011-2013: Alistair Darling (Labour)
2013-2017: Tim Collins (Conservative)
def. 2013 (Majority, 335 - 42.8%): Alistair Darling (Labour, 265 - 34.6%), Chris Huhne (Liberal Democrats, 33 - 20.2%)
2017-20??: James Purnell (Labour)
def. 2017 (Coalition with Liberal Democrats, 283 - 35.3%): Tim Collins (Conservative, 288 - 39.6%), Dave Ashmore (Liberal Democrats, 50 - 22.5%)
1979-1983: Margret Thatcher (Conservative)
def. 1979 (Majority, 339 - 43.9%): James Callaghan (Labour, 269 - 36.9%), David Steel (Liberal, 11 - 13.8%)
1983-1988: Denis Healey (Labour)
def. 1983 (Liberal Minority Coalition with Nationalist s/c, 299 - 37.8%): Margret Thatcher (Conservative, 303 - 37.7%), David Steel (Liberal, 25 - 22.8%)
def. 1987 (Liberal Coalition, 307 - 36.9%): Geoffrey Howe (Conservative, 374 - 34.3%), David Steel (Liberal, 54 - 27.1%)
1988-1994: Gwyneth Dunwoody (Labour)
def. 1990 (Liberal Coalition, 299 - 33.5%): Michael Heseltine (Conservative, 288 - 36.7%), David Steel (Liberal, 48 - 25.1%)
1994-????: Michael Heseltine (Conservative)
def. 1994 (Majority, 330 - 41.5%): Gwyneth Dunwoody (Labour, 293 - 36.4%), Menzies Campbell (Liberal, 13 - 14.2%)
def. 1979 (Majority, 339 - 43.9%): James Callaghan (Labour, 269 - 36.9%), David Steel (Liberal, 11 - 13.8%)
1983-1988: Denis Healey (Labour)
def. 1983 (Liberal Minority Coalition with Nationalist s/c, 299 - 37.8%): Margret Thatcher (Conservative, 303 - 37.7%), David Steel (Liberal, 25 - 22.8%)
def. 1987 (Liberal Coalition, 307 - 36.9%): Geoffrey Howe (Conservative, 374 - 34.3%), David Steel (Liberal, 54 - 27.1%)
1988-1994: Gwyneth Dunwoody (Labour)
def. 1990 (Liberal Coalition, 299 - 33.5%): Michael Heseltine (Conservative, 288 - 36.7%), David Steel (Liberal, 48 - 25.1%)
1994-????: Michael Heseltine (Conservative)
def. 1994 (Majority, 330 - 41.5%): Gwyneth Dunwoody (Labour, 293 - 36.4%), Menzies Campbell (Liberal, 13 - 14.2%)
1987-1996: John Bermondsey (Labour)
def. 1987 (Majority): William Barlow (Conservative), Simon Peters (Liberal)
def. 1991 (Majority): Samuel Irvine (Conservative), Simon Peters (Liberal), collective leadership (Green)
def. 1995 (Majority): Isaiah Joel (Conservative), Harris Daventry--Sian Lawrence (Liberal--Green), Alec Ross (Scottish National)
It began with a speech. These things always do; and for John Bermondsey, on the campaign to win Labour her third successive Government, speeches came like breathing. Immaculate in articulation, impeccable in delivery, John Bermondsey was like a juggernaut. The resistance put forward by the Tories and the Liberal/Green Alliance did little to halt the swinging of his proverbial fists as Labour romped him back into office. Speeches up and down the country were made, in the town halls, barns, and community centre's of Britain. It was of little consequence when the Prime Minister made a speech at the Aberdeen Working-Man's club on behalf of oil magnet Percy Wilson, a Labour donor whose donations allowed him to retain the Government's contract to pump oil in the north seat. Few would have thought to connect Wilson to money being sent to the Labour Party, after all, he always made them under an anonymous account, and always paid in cash.
Had he not made a point of appearing at the Aberdeen Working-Man's Club, then perhaps the dots would not have been connected, and it would have been another speech from the Labour Leader on union territory. Had an oil rig not exploded in flames, then perhaps Wilson's appearance, confirming the long held rumour to observers of his connection to the Prime Minister, would not have been of much note. But Wilson appeared, and shook the PM's hand- and a month later 200 men perished in North Sea fire.
def. 1987 (Majority): William Barlow (Conservative), Simon Peters (Liberal)
def. 1991 (Majority): Samuel Irvine (Conservative), Simon Peters (Liberal), collective leadership (Green)
def. 1995 (Majority): Isaiah Joel (Conservative), Harris Daventry--Sian Lawrence (Liberal--Green), Alec Ross (Scottish National)
It began with a speech. These things always do; and for John Bermondsey, on the campaign to win Labour her third successive Government, speeches came like breathing. Immaculate in articulation, impeccable in delivery, John Bermondsey was like a juggernaut. The resistance put forward by the Tories and the Liberal/Green Alliance did little to halt the swinging of his proverbial fists as Labour romped him back into office. Speeches up and down the country were made, in the town halls, barns, and community centre's of Britain. It was of little consequence when the Prime Minister made a speech at the Aberdeen Working-Man's club on behalf of oil magnet Percy Wilson, a Labour donor whose donations allowed him to retain the Government's contract to pump oil in the north seat. Few would have thought to connect Wilson to money being sent to the Labour Party, after all, he always made them under an anonymous account, and always paid in cash.
Had he not made a point of appearing at the Aberdeen Working-Man's Club, then perhaps the dots would not have been connected, and it would have been another speech from the Labour Leader on union territory. Had an oil rig not exploded in flames, then perhaps Wilson's appearance, confirming the long held rumour to observers of his connection to the Prime Minister, would not have been of much note. But Wilson appeared, and shook the PM's hand- and a month later 200 men perished in North Sea fire.
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A divisive figure even today, Nelson is generally held within the popular conscious as one of Britain's most infamous traitors, although academic revisionists have in recent years cast the Viscount as a far more complicated figure than the mere rebel, emphasising the strong patriotic reasoning in his by his attempts to dislodge the National Unity Goverment, which he felt was unsuitable to rule during the crisis of the time, instead conspiring instead to install a Junta, with some choosing characterising his rebellion as one brought on by the stress at the collapse of his marriage to Frances Nisbet and his scandalous relationship with Lady Hamilton, the execution of his comrade Colonel Edward Despard, and the impending end to slavery which threatned Nelson's investments in the Caribbean, with it generally held that his powerful charisma and dedication to the Monarch a key reason for the success of his rebellion, at least until it was broken by the Earl of Wellington at the Siege of Southampton.
His battle signal, 'England expects that every man will do his duty', is today generally held as a symbol of political dissenters, although has also been used as an ironic cry for patriotism in England. Despite his enduring unpopularity, there have been numerous attempts by the academia to dislodge Nelson from his current legacy; they have largely failed.
The Supermassive Super Playlist
Part One
01. The National Anthem - Radiohead
02. A Place in the Wilderness - Roger Eno
03. Everyday is Exactly the Same - Nine Inch Nails
05. A Warm Place - Nine Inch Nails
05. Deer Stop - Goldfrapp
06. I Hate Models - Daydreams
07. Almost Had To Start A Fight / In And Out Of Patience - Parquet Courts
08. This is Not a Love Song - Nouvelle Vague
09. I Wanna to Get Better - Bleachers
10. That's Not Really Funny - Eels / Atomic - Sleeper
11. Colossus - Idles
Part Two
1. Teen Pregnancy - Blank Banshee
2. Pruit Igoe - Philip Glass
3. Another World - The Chemical Brothers
4. Little Dark Age - MGMT
5. Rest My Chemistry - Interpol
6. I'm Not Human At All - Sleep Party People
7. Wildcat - Ratatat
8. Stress - Justice
9. Pain - Boy Harsher
10. Cherubs - Arab Strap
11. Take Me Somewhere Nice - Mogwai
12. FEAR. - Kendrick Lamar
13. When You Die - MGMT
Part One
01. The National Anthem - Radiohead
02. A Place in the Wilderness - Roger Eno
03. Everyday is Exactly the Same - Nine Inch Nails
05. A Warm Place - Nine Inch Nails
05. Deer Stop - Goldfrapp
06. I Hate Models - Daydreams
07. Almost Had To Start A Fight / In And Out Of Patience - Parquet Courts
08. This is Not a Love Song - Nouvelle Vague
09. I Wanna to Get Better - Bleachers
10. That's Not Really Funny - Eels / Atomic - Sleeper
11. Colossus - Idles
Part Two
1. Teen Pregnancy - Blank Banshee
2. Pruit Igoe - Philip Glass
3. Another World - The Chemical Brothers
4. Little Dark Age - MGMT
5. Rest My Chemistry - Interpol
6. I'm Not Human At All - Sleep Party People
7. Wildcat - Ratatat
8. Stress - Justice
9. Pain - Boy Harsher
10. Cherubs - Arab Strap
11. Take Me Somewhere Nice - Mogwai
12. FEAR. - Kendrick Lamar
13. When You Die - MGMT
1979-1987: Margret Thatcher (Conservative)
def. 1979 (Majority): Jim Callaghan (Labour), David Steel (Liberal), Harry West (Unionist)
def. 1983 (Majority): David Steel/Roy Jenkins (Liberal/SDP Alliance), Michael Foot (Labour), James Molyneux (Unionist)
def. 1987 (Minority c.SDP Coalition with Unionist s/c): David Steel (Social Liberal), Tony Benn (Labour), James Molyneux (Unionist), David Owen (c.SDP)
1987-1988: Kenneth Baker (Conservative)
1988-1995: David Steel (Social Liberal)
def. 1988 (Majority): Michael Meacher (Labour), Kenneth Baker (Conservative), James Molyneux ('United' Unionist), David Owen (c.SDP)
def. 1992 (Majority): Russel McVeigh (National Unionist), Michael Meacher (Labour), Michael Heseltine (Conservative & Social Democrats)
1995-1997: Harry Joyce (Social Liberal)
1997-2005: Russel McVeigh (Union)
def. 1997 (Majority): Harry Joyce (Social Liberal), Craig Whittington (Labour)
def. 2002 ('Official Labour' Coalition): Susan Harris (Social Liberal), Craig Whittington ('Official' Labour), Robert English ('Socialist' Labour), Alec Ross (SNP), Jack Straw ('Liberal' Labour)
2005-2012: Peter Williamson (Union)
def. 2007 (Majority): Susan Harris (Social Liberal), Robert English (Socialist Unity), Alec Ross (SNP), Craig Whittington (Labour)
2012-20??: Andrew Gould (Social Liberal)
def. 2012 (Majority): Peter Williamson (Union), Alec Ross (SNP), Siobhan Barker (Green), David Dunfries (Socialist Unity)
def. 2016 (Majority): Carol Harper (Union), Nicole Smyth (Green), Alec Ross (SNP)
def. 2020 (Majority): Richard Dodds (Union), Siobhan Barker (Green), John Cameron (SNP)
def. 1979 (Majority): Jim Callaghan (Labour), David Steel (Liberal), Harry West (Unionist)
def. 1983 (Majority): David Steel/Roy Jenkins (Liberal/SDP Alliance), Michael Foot (Labour), James Molyneux (Unionist)
def. 1987 (Minority c.SDP Coalition with Unionist s/c): David Steel (Social Liberal), Tony Benn (Labour), James Molyneux (Unionist), David Owen (c.SDP)
1987-1988: Kenneth Baker (Conservative)
1988-1995: David Steel (Social Liberal)
def. 1988 (Majority): Michael Meacher (Labour), Kenneth Baker (Conservative), James Molyneux ('United' Unionist), David Owen (c.SDP)
def. 1992 (Majority): Russel McVeigh (National Unionist), Michael Meacher (Labour), Michael Heseltine (Conservative & Social Democrats)
1995-1997: Harry Joyce (Social Liberal)
1997-2005: Russel McVeigh (Union)
def. 1997 (Majority): Harry Joyce (Social Liberal), Craig Whittington (Labour)
def. 2002 ('Official Labour' Coalition): Susan Harris (Social Liberal), Craig Whittington ('Official' Labour), Robert English ('Socialist' Labour), Alec Ross (SNP), Jack Straw ('Liberal' Labour)
2005-2012: Peter Williamson (Union)
def. 2007 (Majority): Susan Harris (Social Liberal), Robert English (Socialist Unity), Alec Ross (SNP), Craig Whittington (Labour)
2012-20??: Andrew Gould (Social Liberal)
def. 2012 (Majority): Peter Williamson (Union), Alec Ross (SNP), Siobhan Barker (Green), David Dunfries (Socialist Unity)
def. 2016 (Majority): Carol Harper (Union), Nicole Smyth (Green), Alec Ross (SNP)
def. 2020 (Majority): Richard Dodds (Union), Siobhan Barker (Green), John Cameron (SNP)