lazy version of
@Ciclavex 's current project but only post 45 pms
1940-1943:
Harold Macmillan (Conservative / Committee of Public Safety)
1943-1948:
Theresa May (Conservative / Committee of Public Safety, then Caretaker Government)
1948-1958:
Gordon Brown (Labour)
1948 (Majority) def. Theresa May (Conservative, Liberal National / National Government), Archibald Sinclair (Liberal)
1953 (Majority) def. Theresa May (Conservative, Liberal, Liberal National / National Alliance)
1958-1962:
Theresa May (Conservative / National Alliance)
1958 (Majority) def. Gordon Brown (Labour)
1962-1968:
Margaret Thatcher (Liberal / National Alliance)
1963 (Majority) def. Hugh Gaitskell (Labour), Honor Balfour (Radical)
1968-1974:
Winston Churchill (Conservative / National Alliance)
1968 (Majority) def. Tony Greenwood (Labour, Radical - Peoples' Alliance), George Brown (Social Democratic)
1972 (Minority w. SDP c&s) def. Jim Callaghan (Labour), George Brown (Social Democratic), Donald Swann (Radical)
1974-1975:
Jim Callaghan (Labour)
1974 (Majority) def. Winston Churchill (Conservative, Liberal, Social Democratic / National Alliance), Donald Swann (Radical)
1975-1982:
Clement Attlee (Labour)
1976 (Majority) def. Airey Neave (Conservative, Social Democratic / National Alliance), Teddy Goldsmith (Radical), Keith Joseph (Liberal)
1981 (Majority) def. Alick Buchanan-Smith (National Democratic), Teddy Goldsmith (Radical), Keith Joseph (Liberal)
1982-1984:
Anthony Blair (National Democratic)
1982 (Minority w. Radical and Liberal c&s) def. Clement Attlee (Labour), Teddy Goldsmith (Radical), Nigel Lawson (Liberal)
1984-1990:
Alex Johnson (National Democratic)
1984 (Coalition w. Radicals) def. Clement Attlee (Labour), Teddy Goldsmith (Radical), Nigel Lawson (Liberal)
1985 (Majority) def. Clement Attlee (Labour), Teddy Goldsmith (Radical), Edmund Dell (Liberal)
1990-2002:
John Major-Ball (Labour)
1990 (Majority) def. Alex Johnson (National Democratic), David Icke (Radical)
1994 (Majority) def. Michael Heseltine (National Democratic)
1998 (Majority) def. Edwina Currie (National Democratic), Jimmy Goldsmith (Radical Refoundation)
2002-2005:
David Cameron (National Democratic)
2002 (Minority w. RRP c&s) def. John Major-Ball (Labour), David Bellamy (Radical Refoundation)
2005-2008:
Ted Heath (National Democratic)
2006 (Minority w. RRP c&s) def. Jon Cruddas (Labour), David Bellamy (Radical Refoundation)
2008-2011:
Alec Douglas-Home (National Democratic)
2009 (Coalition w. RRP) def. Jon Cruddas (Labour), Zac Goldsmith (Radical Refoundation), Rob Hopkins (Earth Front)
2011-2017:
Tony Eden (National Democratic / New Alliance)
2013 (Majority) def. Yvette Cooper (Labour), 'Galadriel' (Earth Front)
2017-2020:
Harold Wilson (Labour)
2017 (Minority) def. Tony Eden (National Democratic, Radical Refoundation / New Alliance), 'Ned Ludd' (Earth Front)
2020-0000:
Tony Eden (National Democratic / National Government)
Supermac is a decade or so older than IOTL, and was a senior officer during WW1. That gets parlayed into an earlier political career and when Chamberlain goes down in 1940, Supermac is ideally placed to lead an emergency government - successfully winning over Labour and the Liberals with his promises of domestic reforms during the war. Macmillan uses the opportunity to essentially dissolve parliamentary democracy for the duration of the war which leaves a pall over British politics for the next couple of decades. Macmillan proves to be not that inspirational a war leader, and his statement 'you've never had it so good' when referring to the fact few people were going hungry under rationing, did not go down well while Singapore burned.
Macmillan was displaced by Anglican vicar's daughter Theresa May, who had ascended the rungs of power on the back of suffragism, following the example of the likes of Christabel Pankhurst. Something like the third elected woman MP, she earned a minor ministerial position in MacDonald's National ministry, and advanced steadily from there. Became the equivalent of Home Secretary on Macmillan's undemocratic Committee and with his fall in fortunes was nominated to lead - mostly because nobody else was confident enough to grasp the nettle themselves and she seemed like a safe pair of hands. May saw out the remainder of the war, and somewhat successfully cast herself as a latter day Britannia - those who had put her in power found her more difficult to control than they expected. Nevertheless, expectations her 'strong and stable' example would see her triumph over the opposition in 1948 proved unfounded.
Brown was a dour son of the Kirk, who had been left behind as one of the few individuals with ministerial experience after the near wipeout of 1931. The former Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster and author of the 'Brown Memorandum' was thrust into power with a sweeping majority and soon got to work implementing a work that had been almost two decades in the making. Brown avoided nationalisation of industry outside of the steady establishment of the National Hospitals Trust, which slowly acquired struggling medical facilities into the largest health provider in Britain by the end of the following decade. In the aftermath of the King's death, Brown was restored with another healthy majority - the 'anti-socialist' parties formed a pact helmed by the tenacious May.
And May returned after a decade out of power - and soon became controversial. Alongside electoral reforms that were both sops to her Alliance partners and an obvious attempt to weaken Labour in its urban heartlands, she worked to halt and reverse West Indian migration to the UK. The so-called 'Windrush Affair' was never directly linked to May in her capacity as Prime Minister and her Home Secretary was forced to resign but by 1962 the Tories were keen for a change heading into the next election. In an attempt to make the Alliance appear like less of a Tory dominated vehicle, they nominated a Liberal for the leadership.
Thatcher was at least on the surface cast in May's image. She was at least two decades younger however, having grown up in the aftermath of WW1 rather than before it, and her parliamentary career only began when Parliament reassembled in 1948. Thatcher had served in the relatively junior position of Education Minister under May and was again chosen because Tory grandees believed she could be controlled. Thatcher soon proved herself stronger than that and welded together a coalition within the Alliance of 'dry' fellow travellers. She took an axe to the funding of the NHT, alleging it was a force of creeping socialism, whilst at the same time leading the UK into the European Communities against the ever present threat of international communism. Her premiership began to fall apart as she faced off against a radicalising student movement as the '68 protests spread across Europe her efforts to crackdown were simultaneously limp-wristed and heavy-handed. The Tories needed to reassert control and put the whip into the hands of a man they could trust to make it crack.
Churchill was an aristocrat, the kind of Tory who harked back to the Victorian era. But he had no patience for that centuries' conventions. Tanks rolled through Whitehall, then Oxford and Cambridge, as the Bulldog restored order to Britain's streets. 'We will fight them on the beaches' he intoned as the blood of mods and rockers, spilt without distinction, was hosed into the sea. The 1968 election was fought amidst an atmosphere of intimidation - the secret ballot was almost a legal fiction, and the breakaway of George Brown's SDP was seen as somewhat artificial. By the dawn of the 1970s, Churchill had been forced to row back his more extreme measures, and as such he faced quite a severe fall back in the polls, particularly against a less radical Labour leader. His government struggled onwards for another couple of years before collapsing.
Callaghan had served in the navy during the war and had faced down fascism both then and its domestic cousin which had emerged in the ensuing decades. Perhaps it was inevitable then that when all other efforts failed, certain elements in the security state decided to take matters into their own hands. Callaghan was slain by an assassin's bullet and his quiet deputy was thrust into the limelight.
Attlee was not an anticipated leader - ascended almost by accident and in the ensuing leadership election only triumphed due to his incumbency and division amongst the other prospective candidates. Attlee quickly sought to shore up his position with a snap election in 1976 - the result was predictably a foregone conclusion with the Tories mired in the post-Callaghan assassination investigations. Nobody anticipated quite how transformative the Attlee years would be. The post war consensus had definitively broken down across most of the world - not only were the Progressive institutions of the West breaking down by the Red Autocracy which had pervaded the Eastern bloc was giving way to a new order. 'Socialism with a human face' was the order of the day and it was the quiet Attlee who presided over the collectivisation of the commanding heights of industry, the expansion of the NHT into the modern health service, formalised and restructured the voting system, and properly engaged with Britain's destiny as a post-colonial power. By the end of his term however, the limits of Attlee's radicalism was being reached. He was a man out of time to some degree, a veteran of the Italian and Middle Eastern fronts of WW2. He had no stomach for the 'permissive society' which was emerging. Despite his majority, the government struggled with a recalictrant left which called for the legalisation of homosexuality, the expansion of women's liberation, reform to drugs policy. So it was in 1982 that Attlee tried to repeat the success of 1976.
Blair was a post-74 Tory - the investigations had torn the structures of the Alliance apart, and it was only with great efforts to detoxify the party's culture that the National Democrats became perceived as a credible party of government again. Blair claimed to admire Callaghan and even Attlee the man he faced over the despatch box and his government accepted much of the Attlee consensus that had been established. The re-emergence of Cold War tensions shortly after his election soon came to define the next two decades however, and Blair keenly followed the Washington line. He quickly found himself in deep water however, reliant on support from parties which under the new voting system commanded a larger parliamentary presence than ever before. And these parties hardly saw eye to eye. The Radicals had transformed from an anti-Alliance Liberal splinter into an ecologist movement, while the Liberals firmly rejected the 'neosocialist' consensus that had emerged across much of the Western world. Blair's solution to governance was not to engage with each parties' ideals but to buy them. The Cash For Honours crisis that emerged after the ennoblement of a whole tranch of Liberal and Radical figures was enough to shake the NDP's hard earned reputation. Blair had to be pushed from the premiership and it was a very different man who emerged to take the reins.
Johnson became Prime Minister a decade after the departure of Churchill and almost consciously aped the former strongman's style. While he continued elements of the Attlee Consensus, he went much more bitterly on the attack against the socialist institutions that had emerged. Most notably he reformed the voting system following a referendum, restoring a majoritarian system which he immediately took advantage to establish the first Tory majority government since Churchill's suspect snap election in 1968. Ramping up of elements of the security state amidst the Cold War also mirrored Churchill. Socially liberal legislation which Johnson had cheered in Blair's coalition Cabinet was put firmly on the backburner with the Liberals decimated by the majoritarian voting system. Despite his achievements, Johnson was never particularly popular with his parliamentary colleagues and as the AIDS pandemic burst into life, he soon began to get buried under criticism over the government's slow response to what was initially categorised as 'gay disease'. His government adopted a high-handed moralistic approach decrying post-69 'libertinism' and called upon citizens to restrain their sexual proclivities and 'think of England'. The revelation that amidst that, Johnson had sired an unreckoned number of illegitimate children and carried on a number of affairs from within Number 10 was enough to collapse his reputation both in the party and the country. Never one to respect a convention, Johnson doggedly went into the 1990 election to hand Labour its biggest majority in history.
Major-Ball was and is the most electorally successful Labour leader in history. He dominated the 90s and for a moment it seemed that he could go on and on. He was a breath of fresh air for many, a loose lipped Brixton lad, after generations of quiet middle class Labour leaders and often aristocratic Tories. He presided over the ignominious death of the Radicals and the most two party polarised election since the 1950s. Major-Ball slowly detached the UK from Blair's attachment to the United States and drew Britain closer toward the reformed European Communities which had brought in much of Eastern Europe (with the exception of the 'national-communist' regime in Poland). The adoption of the stelo common currency brought some acrimony from elements of the opposition but the former Liberal NDP leader Heseltine heartily applauded it (arguably providing the kindling for the Radical Refoundation in its modern, more explicitly Eurosceptic guise). Major-Ball presided over the sweeping social legislation Attlee had ignored, Blair struggled with and Johnson tried to sweep under the rug. By the time his affair with the former leader of the opposition was revealed in 1999, few Britons raised their eyebrows in comparison to Johnson's shenanigans. But eventually the wheels did have to come over. Over a decade in power and continued prosperity from integration into the world's largest customs union could only get so far. Disquiet about the immigration of Southern Europeans, particularly from the former military regimes of the PIGS states, fanned the flames of the Radical Refoundation and the NDP quietly repositioned themselves to try and absorb an emergent populist movement. Simultaneously, Major-Ball's explicitly pro-working class agenda included support for the coal industry which drew criticism from his left. While Labour again emerged the largest party in 2002, parliamentary arithmetic was sufficient to put the Tories in Number 10.
Cameron stood on the government benches and told Major-Ball 'you were the future once' in a way that his Etonian accent may have made sound patronising. Nevertheless, he realised how weak his government was, and lived in fear of a possible RRP switch to support for Labour. His efforts to please his partners actually proved his undoing as his promises to deliver the 'greenest government ever' raised the hackles of the High Tory grandees. Voting reform to restore a proportional system was the first straw. The passage of the legalisation of gay marriage relied upon Labour support amidst a wide ranging Tory backbench rebellion and proved to be the last straw. Shortly after, he received a vote of no confidence from the 1922 committee.
Ironically Heath only emerged victorious due to the backbiting ambitions of the other Tory contenders, from the bitterly homophobic populists to the stodgy Blairites. Heath is Britain's first openly homosexual (and asexual) Prime Minister, and if the Tory backbenchers had been repulsed by Cameron they were outright shaken by Heath's acclamation by the membership. Heath was quickly forced to seek a snap election and won a plurality in Parliament, alongside a tranch of 'Heathite' liberal Tories. Far more secure in government than Cameron ever was, Heath nevertheless had a hard time negotiating with his coalition partners - this time, it was his warm attitude to European integration that proved sticky. A backbench vote on a referendum on a new European treaty surprisingly won a majority with the assistance of Eurosceptic Labour backbenchers, and while Heath organised to have the House of Lords reject the referendum, it was clear his premiership was holed below the waterline.
Douglas-Home was the last in a string of short-lived Tory Prime Ministers, but ironically had an easier time of it in Parliament than either of his predecessors. The RRP split as the more hardline ecologists broke from an increasingly Eurosceptic-defined movement. As the world heated up, Douglas-Home attempted to parlay a new Alliance with the RRP. As the newborn Earth Front joined a range of other street movements that put pressure on the existing party system, Douglas-Home faced an assassination attempt and called for the restoration of long-neglected police powers. He was joined in this call by the Labour Party which seemed to have forgotten how these powers could be used to suppress their own electoral prospects. Douglas-Home was never quite a Churchill or even a Johnson however. He was something of a fish out of water, a Scottish laird in a world with a changing climate and emerging debates about gender recognition. In 2011, he acknowledged his own weaknesses and with the establishment of the New Alliance, handed over to a man more fitting for the debates of the day.
Tony Eden is a handsome, sleek, fashionably moustachioed figure - as much a celebrity as a politician. There are an uncomfortable amount of #tonyeden fancams on the clock app. Barely out of his 30s, Eden inspired a generation to look at the Tories and think 'cool'. The 2013 snap election confirmed this, the first held with the New Alliance agreement in place. Eden won a majority of the youth vote (helped by the Earth Front snatching away left-wing activists). Nevertheless his actual policy in power belied the cool affect. He left much of domestic policy to his ministers, who continued the use of expanded police powers, and continued to accept neosocialist consensus, presiding over the lowest unemployment figures in a generation. The RRP led Home Office abolished many strictures on recreational substances, which Eden soon used to garnish his public reputation. His real focus was on foreign policy, in which position he simultaneously drew the UK closer to Washington and established a new accord with European partners, particularly France. What proved to be dominant issue of his premiership and was at least temporarily his undoing was the collapse of the Polish dictatorship. While allegedly under the influence, Eden with his French and Levantine counterparts took part in a 'special operation' to install a pro-European provisional government, over the heads of the United Nations. Forced to back down by Washington, led the Alliance into the 2017 election in disgrace.
Wilson had to deal with a rotten situation was the beginning. His attempts to compete with Eden's carefully crafted public persona always came across a little forced - it was universally acknowledged that Wilson preferred tobacco to cannabis, no matter how often he pointed the fat bong in the lounge of Number 10. Nevertheless, the New Alliance had fallen back thanks to Eden's international shenanigans and the Earth Front were never going to prop up a Tory. Wilson promised to unleash the 'white heat of technology' to deliver 21st Century Socialism, as the neosocialist consensus broke down as inevitably as its Progressive predecessor. His Home Secretary helmed the passage of gender recognition legislation. His efforts won some plaudits and there were rumours in 2019 that he would seek a snap election to bring about a more stable parliamentary situation. The beginning of the 2K-19 computer viral outbreak proved to be the end of his hopes in that regard. The newly established computer systems in the reformed Whitehall were vulnerable to the 2K-19 attack and while he could conceal some of what was happening, the problems the emergent supply-line crisis presented when government ministries struggled to make their printers work could only work for so long. Wilson was forced to reveal the extent of the problems in a televised speech, and he faced a major backbench rebellion afterwards. The formation of an emergency unity government to handle the 2K-19 crisis saw him retire to relative obscurity as Minister for Intragovernmental Relations in Eden's new cabinet. Allegations that Wilson is a Soviet agent pervade infoglobe fora to this day.
Eden was restored to power at the head of an all party emergency government - and while the 2K-19 crisis is now mostly over with most businesses and public services prepared with suitable anti-viral countermeasures, it's unclear when Eden will choose to go. He looks tired these days - usage of no longer illicit substances particularly at the height of the crisis have taken their toll. Many reckon he'll bow out later this year or maybe the next. What is clear that he will go when he chooses to, as the most powerful Prime Minister, if no longer as popular as he once was, since Major-Ball.