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Agrarian socialist Romania in the 1930s

I have picked up steam for TTL again, getting over my inability to accept criticism or disagreement, which is one of my main character flaws.

Primul plan cincinal (Romanian First Five-Year Plan, 1932–1937)

In March 1932, Marian Andreescu gave a major speech to the Romanian Chamber of Deputies outlining the adoption of economic planning by the Romanian government, in order to industrialize Romania, which the National Liberais had long promised to do, and make agriculture more productive.

Soon after, the Chamber passed Andreescu's law outlining the following policies:

• Nationalisation of railways, the arms industry, steelmaking and electricity.
• The construction of a canal connecting the Danube to the Black Sea.
• Mechanisation of agriculture, including the opening of an indigenous tractor company.
• Autarky, with high barriers on trade with countries outside of the Balkans, France and USSR.
• Damming of Romania's rivers in order to generate electricity.
• Banning women from working shortly before and after birth.
• Nationalizing all major banks and setting up a national network of credit unions at the local level.

These policies, Andreescu and his government claimed, would fix Romania's economy and the infrastructure damaged in 1930–1931, and bring the country into a new age of prosperity. This message was spread in regime propaganda, such as motion pictures, magazines and radio and the education system, which taught children Romania would become "ever stronger" and completely eliminate poverty, hunger and homelessness by 2000.

The plan involved cooperation of the Romanian state with small businesses, guilds, agricultural cooperatives and credit unions, and led to a successful economic recovery from 1932 onwards; according to historians, Romania's nominal GDP grew 1.9% in 1932, 2.5% in 1933, 2.9% in 1934, 3.3% in 1935, 3.8% in 1936, and 4.3% in 1937.

The FPR government also made the Romanian government a reserve employer, effective March 1935, and used prison labor to build the canal, which, however, was not completely finished by the time Bucharest fell.

All of these projects were funded by oil exports to Britain and France, which together with the nationalisations, massively increased government revenue and reduced the national deficit (although the spending meant there was no surplus).

The Second Five-Year Plan focused on the arms industry and incorporating women into the labour force, but it fell through after the Axis defeated Romania.
 
The other 58 seats were allocated to 28 professional categories, as part of the First Republic's inclusion of corporatist elements into its economic policy.

This was also the first Romanian election where women were allowed to vote, with women's suffrage being legalized as part of the 1931 Constitution, which also expanded the unicameral Chamber of Deputies to 513 seats.

Nicolae Iorga ran for President as the nominee of a minor nationalist party, winning 115,362 votes, or 3.58% of the vote.

There were accusations of voter fraud against the FPR; voting lists showed people voting in alphabetical order, including foreign celebrities such as Hedy Lamarr, Charlie Chaplin, and Josephine Baker, and supporters of the opposition parties were repeatedly harassed by the Romanian gendarmerie, which also promptly arrested anyone who spread rumors of fraud. The 1939 election would be even more lopsided.
(There were 3,233,021 votes in the presidential election, not 2,233,021 votes)
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Foreign policy of Romania between 1935 and 1939

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Ion Flueras was the Foreign Minister of Romania during most of this period.

After Adolf Hitler's rise to power in 1933, the First Romanian Republic kept its distance from him, due to Nazism's Pan-German appeal potentially leading to a revolt among ethnic Germans in Transylvania.

Instead, during this time, Romania sought Balkan federalism, with Marian Andreescu meeting Milan Stojadinovic in 1936; during the meeting, he proposed the creation of a Balkan Economic Union, with a single currency and the abolition of border checks; the Yugoslav strongman rejected the idea, calling it "communistic", and the right-wing governments in Bulgaria and Greece could not accept it either.

Overall, Romania was isolated by its neighbors during the decade, with the partial exception of the Soviet Union, which did not sign a formal friendship treaty but provided weapons and intelligence training to the Romanian military. The traditional alliances with Britain and France continued strong, as these two countries were the main recievers of Romanian oil and agricultural exports, and they promised to protect Romanian independence against Bulgaria and Hungary, both of which had irredentist designs on Romanian territory.

While Marian Andreescu adopted some fascist aesthetics and aspects of corporatist, he strongly rejected fascism due to its totalitarianism, opposition to the right to strike and class struggle, and expansionism, being especially concerned about Hungarian Prime Minister Gyula Gombös' plans to revision the Treaty of Trianon.

In 1932, Romania's arms industry was nationalised as part of the First Five-Year Plan. It rapidly expanded later in the decade, as the First Republic began militarizing the country to prepare for a possible war against Hungary. Equipment from the USSR, France and Sweden was produced under license, and ideological indoctrination was added to military training in order to reduce disloyalty.

In 1938, there was a coup attempt by General Ion Antonescu against the Romanian government, which was crushed after ten days of fighting. Historians believe it was backed by Germany, which wanted access to Romania's oil fields, in preparation for a new world war, but the socialist government could not compromise on its opposition to fascism.
 
Following the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact in August 1939, Soviet military aid and licenses to Romania were cut off, leaving Romania defenseless against a foreign invasion.



The Romanians already had to face an insurgency by Romania's German population, led by Fritz Fabritius, the Führer of the local underground Nazi Party. Although they had been mostly defeated by the time Romania was invaded, most ethnic Germans still deserted or cooperated with the invaders.
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Marian Andreescu always refused to sell Romanian oil to Germany, knowing well it would mean subjugation to the Reich.

He paid a political price for this, with the Germans supporting a right-wing coup d'etat, then invading the country and conquering it within one month when the war started.

The loyalist Romanian Army and Air Force were far superior in equipment and numbers to the coup plotters, and the latter's foreign support was the only reason fighting happened for three days.

Antonescu was imprisoned following the coup, and tried for treason and sedition; he was executed by hanging on 6 August 1939, almost four months after the German National Party led by Führer Fritz Fabritius launched a general revolt in the name of Nazism, anti-communism and pan-Germanism.
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Important correction: it's supposed to be 21 September 1940, so 1 year, 5 months and 11 days, and ALMOST one month after the Axis invaded.

In March 1940, Szalási left Hungary for Transylvania, in order to foment rebellion among his Romanian brethren, remaining the leader of the Transylvanian Hungarists until Bucharest fell.

(There are so many mistakes with the sandbox I want to give up altogether, and since I already took five screenshots, the code is lost).
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Romania signing an alliance with the Soviet Union is voided, since Stalin wouldn't benefit from it at all, especially since the alliance would be voided by the German-Soviet Pact.

Instead, Romania remained isolated until its defeat to the Axis.
 
Al doilea plan cincinal (Romanian Second Five-Year Plan, 1937–1940)

By 1937, Romania's economy was growing at relatively high rates, not only in the GDP but also gaining autonomy in the process of self-transformation, and the development was self-funded by means of oil exports to Britain and France. This growth was concentrated in heavy industry, petrochemicals and internal transportation, and primary funded by state-owned businesses such as oil company CNP, railroad company CFR, and aircraft manufacturer IAR.

The Second Five-Year Plan, by contrast, focused on the arms industry, as Marian Andreescu and his cabinet recognized a new world conflict was about to happen. From 1937 onwards, the Romanian economy was gradually reoriented towards weapons production, especially armored vehicles and aircraft, since small arms and uniforms were felt to have been produced in sufficient numbers, although this was reversed after the German National Party rose up. By the time the Axis invaded Romania in August 1940, the Romanian economy had fully transitioned into a war economy geared towards fighting the ethnic insurgencies.

The Plan also had civilian postulates, such as expanding the number of cars in Romania; the price of automobile licenses was reduced to a price affordable to the poorest peasants, and the Ford manufacturing plant in Bucharest started receiving government subsidies. In October 1939, an indigenous Romanian car named Dacian was designed, but not produced until the 1950s, and with changes to its design.

Growth continued until early 1940, when the rebel attacks on Romanian infrastructure had debilitated the country's economy, and all hostile states had become hostile one way or another. The economy went into a wartime recession, and by the time Bucharest fell, the Romanian populace had been demoralized.
 
Prince Carol returned from exile on the 26th, and was formally proclaimed King of Romania the following day, with Ion Antonescu (who was released from prison) as Prime Minister.

(The flag of Italy is wrong)

The Iron Guard, who had little to do with Carol, recieved several minor positions in the new pro-Axis government, and they were used to crack down on Andreescu loyalists still remaining.

On 29 August, Romania formally signed the Tripartite Pact, making its massive oil reserves available to the Germans.

During the invasion, the Romanian Army and Air Force attempted to resist the invaders, but they were far superior in numbers and equipment to the Romanians, and, by 20 August, all of Transylvania and Bukovina had been lost. T-26 tanks, I-16 interceptors and other hardware were deployed by the Romanians, with highly negative results, not only due to them being inferior to Axis weapons but also due to Romania's international isolation preventing spare parts from being used.

Romania would remain on the Axis side until the Soviet Union captured Bucharest, overthrew Carol (who was soon tried and executed along with his mistress Elena Lupescu), and replaced him with his son Michael. A satellite government of former FPR supporters was installed.
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On the night of 13–14 July, Carol and his mistress tried to flee to Germany by train, but they were captured and imprisoned; Carol was tried for corruption and treason.

On 18 October 1944, both were sentenced to life imprisonment; after the Workers' and Farmers' parties returned to power, Carol and Elena Lupescu were executed by firing squad on 7 May 1946.

The Romanian military had performed poorly in the Eastern Front; under the First Republic, attempts at creating a domestic arms industry mostly failed due to the international isolation of Romenia, and by the time the country switched sides, it was too late. Odessa held out until the Germans diverted troops from the Caucasus in order to take it, as the Romanians were considerably weak.
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Among the FPR's stated priorities were land reform, greater equality between the sexes, the creation of a centralised and state-controlled socialist economy, and closer relations with the Soviet Union.

The first three goals were mostly accomplished during the "socialist decade", but the last failed, because the FPR refused to give up Bessarabia as Stalin wished. As such, Romania was mostly isolated after its revolution.

During the 1939 general elections, the FPR swept all but three parliamentary seats, and Andreescu was reelected as President with 96% of the vote and only 5,000 registered voters abstaining.

The FPR's Central Committee was made up of Andreescu loyalists, as were province and county offices. In order to strenghten its revolutionary credentials, it did not act as the patronage machine common to the interwar Balkans, instead functioning as a socialist mass party integrating Poporanist and, to a lesser degree, fascist elements.

Nicolae Ceausescu was a loyal follower of Marian Andreescu since his teens, and modeled some of his policies after the First Republic. In April 1940, he tried to join the Romanian Army, but was rejected due to his height, only doing so after the beginning of the communist regime.
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During the Italian invasion of Albania, the Romanian legation in Albania was occupied by the Royal Italian Army without resistance.

The People's Republic of Romania, and then the Socialist Republic of Romania, always considered itself to be a legitimate successor to the First Republic. Nicolae Ceausescu would always compare himself to Marian Andreescu, his childhood idol, during his cult of personality, with Andreescu's figure remaining important throughout his entire rule.

By 1940, Romania had changed in most respects from what it had been nine years earlier, with the average Romanian having greater access to education, employment and housing than he had before the Revolution.
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The Communist governments that led Romania from 1944 onwards openly claimed the First Republic as one of their inspirations, and continued its industrial policy.

A job guarantee was part of the Second Five-Year Plan, but World War II and the eventual defeat to the Axis meant it was never implemented until the end of the war.

Marian Andreescu and his wife Ioanna became a hero for lower-class Romanians, especially the poor peasants, due to his policies substantially benefitting this group. Some of them considered Andreescu to be a saint and prayed to him for recieving divine help. He remains a popular figure and martyr in present-day Romania, especially among the left.
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The massacre of Jews was mainly conduced by Antonescu, who personally oversaw the war effort, with Carol just authorizing it, since he was an opportunist.

Romania's military industry grew during the war, and while it did not develop significant indigenous weapons, the industrial capacity developed by the FPR was fully used in support of the war effort. As Carol had little interest in economics, he refused to privatise the businesses nationalised by the FPR, limiting his economic policies to providing compensation to their former owners.

Stalingrad was a particularly devastating defeat for Romania, and even led to increased domestic opposition to the war, which was violently repressed by Gestapo agents in Romanian soil, as well as local military and police forces. This series of defeats has been attributed to Carol's corruption and interference in military decisions, as well as Romania simply not having an important preexisting military industry.
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This was successful, and between April and June 1931, Romania saw a civil war between the government and the socialists that resulted in the latter's victory.
This is an interesting idea, and I guess neither Poland, nor the Soviet Union do a major intervention against the revolutionaries or in favor of them? They would be the two powers I could imagine being strong enough to participate. Hungary and Bulgaria would desire to get involved to reclaim territories, but too weak. Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia, Little Entente allies of the old Romanian order might think of getting involved to help them out, but also only have small borders and other things to worry about.

Are you sticking with the idea that Agrarian Socialist Romania is favorable to the USSR, anti-Nazi, into Socialist economics, but also has internal antisemitic and anti-Romani policies?

Regarding Soviet intervention in the civil war or later, I would imagine the Soviets seeing that as an opportunity to grab Bessarabia, but I guess Stalin is too cautious for that, worried about reactions from other powers, other fronts?

And in the end there is no Soviet Romanian deal because Romanians cannot make territorial compromises with USSR?

Does this Romania have any strong opinions on the Spanish Civil War, once that starts?

I know your narrative has Romania remain passive and isolated until conquered in 1940, and Nazi expansion in Central Europe roll forward as historical from presumably Anschluss, Munich, Prague, to Molotov-Ribbentrop and the invasion of Poland.

But have you considered the idea that after Anschluss, and the German May Crisis of 1938 with Czechoslovakia, that all three of Czechoslovakia, Romania, and the USSR might have the common feeling of being threatened by Nazi Germany to the degree that they band together for defense, and stick with it, refusing any concessions of defensive terrain like Sudetenland, even if western powers like Britain and France are chickening out and urging Czech concessions to avoid war in Europe? Czechoslovakia, with supply lines through Agrarian Socialist Romania and the USSR, and supported by their manpower and raw materials and production, could put up a stiff, prolonged resistance against the Germans.
 
This is an interesting idea, and I guess neither Poland, nor the Soviet Union do a major intervention against the revolutionaries or in favor of them? They would be the two powers I could imagine being strong enough to participate. Hungary and Bulgaria would desire to get involved to reclaim territories, but too weak. Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia, Little Entente allies of the old Romanian order might think of getting involved to help them out, but also only have small borders and other things to worry about.

Are you sticking with the idea that Agrarian Socialist Romania is favorable to the USSR, anti-Nazi, into Socialist economics, but also has internal antisemitic and anti-Romani policies?

Regarding Soviet intervention in the civil war or later, I would imagine the Soviets seeing that as an opportunity to grab Bessarabia, but I guess Stalin is too cautious for that, worried about reactions from other powers, other fronts?

And in the end there is no Soviet Romanian deal because Romanians cannot make territorial compromises with USSR?

Does this Romania have any strong opinions on the Spanish Civil War, once that starts?

I know your narrative has Romania remain passive and isolated until conquered in 1940, and Nazi expansion in Central Europe roll forward as historical from presumably Anschluss, Munich, Prague, to Molotov-Ribbentrop and the invasion of Poland.

But have you considered the idea that after Anschluss, and the German May Crisis of 1938 with Czechoslovakia, that all three of Czechoslovakia, Romania, and the USSR might have the common feeling of being threatened by Nazi Germany to the degree that they band together for defense, and stick with it, refusing any concessions of defensive terrain like Sudetenland, even if western powers like Britain and France are chickening out and urging Czech concessions to avoid war in Europe? Czechoslovakia, with supply lines through Agrarian Socialist Romania and the USSR, and supported by their manpower and raw materials and production, could put up a stiff, prolonged resistance against the Germans.
I have sought to make fictional politician/monarch timelines that change all of history rather than a single country, so I will take your feedback into account. Big thanks!
 
The Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia and Romania felt mutually threatened by Nazi Germany, allowing the Czechoslovaks to strongly resist.

While Britain and France pushed for Czechoslovakia to negotiate, support from the east convinced them to resist, which paid off, as the Czechoslovak military was decently strong for the 1930s.

Czechoslovak tanks were superior in strength to German panzers, while the Czech air force was pretty modern, and was able to resist the Luftwaffe until September 1938. The Germans, though, absolutely failed to bypass the Czech fortification system, suffering several heavy defeats in the process.

When Prague was signed, the Nazi government's popularity was seriously damaged, as Hitler's main promise was to restore the glory of Germany, and the economic system he created was unsustainable without a massive war to fuel it. This led to the Winter Revolution protests of 1940, and eventually a Wehrmacht coup d'etat led by Claus Staffenburg, who scheduled general elections to October 1940; they were won by the SPD due to its campaigning on anti-Nazism, and National Socialism soon faded into irrelevance.

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