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Viva Castilhos: what if Brazil became a dictatorship in 1904?

Since 1889, the Brazilian Army had been a nationalist and authoritarian force in national politics, opposing liberalism and civilian rule (unless it was Castilhista).

There were two military mutinies in the 1920s, but most of the Armed Forces were content with Borges de Medeiros' administration.

This changed when Júlio Prestes took office, as Prestes was an agrarian liberal who opposed authoritarianism and militarism – everything the Army opposed. During his presidency, Prestes implemented a new constitution restoring liberal democracy to Brazil, reduced tariffs, named legalist officers to the Ministry of War, and sought closer relations with the United States, but his liberal economic policies of laissez-faire and austerity did not improve the economy, and his steadfast support for civil rights and freedoms (except for communists) angered the military, who had been strongly influenced by Germany's.

The Group of United Officers (Grupo de Oficiais Unidos, GOU) was a military cell founded in December 1932 with the purpose of planning a military coup against Prestes. It was mostly composed of conservative, right-wing military officers, but there were some opportunists, and left-wingers such as Luís Carlos Prestes (no relation). Like several other coups in history, the "Revolução Brasileira" was triggered by the government's order to dissolve the GOU and arrest its members for treason.

The coup was welcomed by most of the country's population, with the exception of the state of São Paulo, Prestes' stronghold. A nationalist, corporatist and anti-communist dictatorship was installed, remaining in power until 1946, when direct elections were held and won by Hugo Borghi of the Brazilian Labour Party.
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After taking power, Monteiro replaced Congress with a corporatist chamber, curtailed the autonomy of individual states by naming military governors, and suspended the 1931 Constitution.

At the same time, he created the National Coffee Institute and a national airline, and began planning a "March to the West" to settle remote parts of Brazil. The new administration was backed by Italy, Germany and the United States.

Most of this led to a backlash from São Paulo, whose inhabitants perceived themselves as the only force behind Brazil's development, and the appointed governor as a "foreigner". This opposition was especially coordinated by Freemasonry, to which many liberals belonged.

When the actual revolt started, the São Paulo Public Force proved to be no match for the much stronger Brazilian Army, which blocked the enemy advance in all fronts, and began a war of attrition that eventually culminated in an offensive and São Paulo's defeat. In the end, the 1935 Constitution codified the authoritarian powers Monteiro had seized two years previously, turning Brazil into a *de jure* dictatorship, and outlawing political parties, independent unions and state flags, which were publicly burned.

In 1941, Monteiro's admiration for Hitler and refusal to support Latin American unity against the Axis powers led to the Army under Eduardo Gomes overthrowing him. Gomes served as Brazil's wartime leader until 1947.
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Between 1933 and 1941, Goís Monteiro continued the policies of class collaboration and economic interventionism began by Júlio de Castilhos, as well as close ties with Germany and Italy.

After World War II started, the Brazilian leadership was impressed with the rapid military successes of Germany, and continued a policy of neutrality, to the point of turning back Jewish refugees seeking to move to Brazil, many of whom were killed in the Holocaust.

The Fall of France and United States oil embargo against Japan did little to change this, as the Monteiro government remained committed to neutrality, and he sent Hitler a letter on 20 April 1941. This alarmed United States policymakers, who started cooperating with pro-Allied elements in the Brazilian military to overthrow Monteiro and install a less authoritarian and militarist leader in his place.

The coup plotting began in June 1941, when the United States Ambassador to Brazil secretly met with Eduardo Gomes, Juarez Távora and Newton Estillac Leal. The three military officers agreed to overthrow Monteiro by the turn of the year, and counted on support from the OSS and MI6, who did not want Brazil to remain neutral and refusing of military access.

For the four following months, Brazilian intelligence did not notice the preparations for the coup, with the DEOPS secret police believing it was unlikely to happen. Thus, the pro-Axis leadership was caught by surprise, and Monteiro resigned and fled into exile in Francoist Spain; he was succeeded by Eduardo Gomes, who automatically took over as the main coup leader.

Gomes reverted some of the corporatist policies of Goís Monteiro, ended torture and relaxed press censorship, but his most important action was to declare war on the Axis Powers on 12 December 1941. Having partly industrialized the country in the three previous decades, the Brazilian government immediately began planning an expeditionary force to be sent to Europe, although it was only deployed in 1944.

In 1946, Hugo Borghi was elected President of Brazil, defeating Juarez Távora and a centrist politician.

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Brazil industrialized rapidly between 1904 and 1946, surpassing Argentina's economy by the latter date, and the urban working class grew accordingly.

The Brazilian Labour Party was founded in 1942 by Borghi, then 31 and a war hero from the 1934 civil war. He thought the Brazilian working class lacked a non-socialist (the PSB and PCB had been legalized) party representing them, and thus founded the new party, which elected him and three other federal deputies in that year's congressional elections.

During the presidency of Eduardo Gomes, Borghi prepared for a presidential run in 1948, the first year he would be eligible to stand, and, after the 1944 election was postponed by two years due to the deployment of troops to Europe, he began a nationwide tour, becoming well-known among urban workers for his charismatic speeches and support for social programs and unions. By early 1946, Borghi was the main issue of the day.

The leadership of the refounded UDB sought to nominate a presidential candidate that could beat Borghi. Minister of War and eminence grise Juarez Távora considered a run, but he was seen as uncharismatic and uninspiring, and ran for Governor of Ceará instead. UDB nominated Paraíba Governor and famous writer José Américo de Almeida, who had formed a conservative coalition in his state. Américo focused his candidacy on anti-communism, attacking Borghi as a dangerous communist who would supress religion and private property, and committing himself to a pro-business and pro-landowner economic policy.

Hugo Borghi, by contrast, campaigned as a left-wing populist, who supported the expansion of workers' rights, economic nationalism and a social safety net. He attacked the administration of Eduardo Gomes by comparing it to a turtle, and vowed to stand for national interests. Urban workers were enthralled by this style and Borghi's campaigning skills, who was a pioneer of using slogans and radio in Brazilian elections campaigns.

The Social Democratic Party, a centrist and pro-business big tent party, nominated former Santa Catarina Governor Nereu Ramos, who appealed to middle-class voters and Northeastern landowners, but not many others, and he only won 11% of the vote. Communist candidate Yedo Fiuza, arguably a democratic socialist, won 5% of the vote, mostly from communists who saw Borghi as a social fascist.

Borghi took office on 31 January 1947, and served until being overthrown by the military in November 1949.
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Presidency of Hugo Borghi (1947–1949, domestic policy)

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Borghi's political style involved close contact with the masses, leading to him being considered a "populist".

After Hugo Borghi took office, he formed a governing coalition composed of the parties PTB, PSB, PST, PSP and PSD, and named a cabinet mostly composed of union leaders and positivist politicians from Rio Grande do Sul. Expectations for the new president were high, and he did not disappoint them.

Throughout 1947 and 1948, Borghi signed into law various workers' rights bills meant to improve the living standards of the growing urban proletariat. The following measures were enacted:

• A minimum wage;
• Expanded retirement pensions;
• Restrictions on the flow of foreign capital;
• Regulations on apprentice work;
• Farm insurance;
• The authorization of government intervention to expand access to consumer goods;
• Outlawing crimes against the people's economy.

His attempts to give state-owned oil company Petrobrás (founded by Góis Monteiro in 1938) were blocked by Congress, as were workers' rights for rural workers and the expansion of childcare.

During World War II, Brazil obtained a large amount of exchange reserves. The government used them to pay for these programs, making Borghi an extremely popular president among the urban working class, who made songs and other material about him.

Not all Brazilians approved of these changes. The business elite and oligarchy feared they would lose their traditional power and prestige, while much of the middle class was disturbed by Borghi's perceived demagoguery, and the military feared he was a communist in spite of outlawing the Communist Party and aligning Brazil with the United States in the Cold War.

Borghi faced increased opposition from the United States government and UDB in late 1948 and 1949, and decided to double down.
On 14 June 1949, he held a massive rally at the Paulista Avenue in São Paulo, where he announced a plebiscite on reelection to a second term. This was the final straw for the opposition; on 8 October, five days after the referendum, the Brazilian Army overthrew Borghi and replaced him with a provisional junta.
 
Presidency of Hugo Borghi (1947–1949, foreign policy)

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Borghi supported the United States in the Cold War, making Brazil one of the founders of the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance in 1947.

In spite of his economic populism, Borghi was strongly anti-communist, which led the PCB to run its own candidate in the 1946 election, and he sided Brazil with the United States in the emerging Cold War, soon terminating diplomatic relations with the USSR.

In February 1949, Borghi supported the proposal to ban the PCB, which was officially adopted later that year. He described communism as a "threat to Brazilian values" and rejected the support of communists.

Also in 1949, he began negotiations with the United States for a military agreement, which were continued by the military junta and succeeded by 1951, when Cristiano Machado took office.

The protectionist trade policies and import substitution industrialisation began by Goís Monteiro were continued under Borghi, who refused to liberalize trade or join the IMF.

In 1946, the Brazilian Air Force entered the jet age with the purchase of Gloster Meteor fighter aircraft from the UK.

Borghi's pro-US foreign policy was not completely mutual, as the Truman administration was suspicious of his economic nationalism and opposition to foreign influence, and the relationship between the two countries deteriorated throughout 1949. This led him to increasingly court neighboring nations, going on a tour of Uruguay, Argentina and Chile and signing several cooperation agreements with Juan Perón. These efforts were abandoned by the military junta, which repealed most (but not all) of Borghi's policies before handling power to civilians after the 1950 election, which was won by Cristiano Machado of UDB against Juarez Távora of PDC and the Borghi-backed PTB candidate.
 
Reelection was supported by PTB, the majority of unions, PSB and other smaller Borghi-aligned parties, while UDB, PSD, the Catholic Church and high-ranking military officers opposed it and began planning the deposition of Borghi.

Four days after the referendum, Colonel Osvaldo Cordeiro de Farias sent the tanks into Rio de Janeiro, with the acquiescence of the military high command, and overthrew Borghi, who was exiled to Argentina. Farias and other navy and air force officers formed a military junta that led the country until.31 January 1950, when Cristiano Machado took office as the new President of Brazil.

In the 1948 congressional elections, the Borghi coalition had suffered minor losses, but remained in control of the Chamber of Deputies (they never had a majority in the Senate). The Senate, controlled by UDB, became a thorn on the side of Borghi, opposing his more radical proposals.

Declassified files show the 1949 coup d'etat was supported by CIA, which saw the PTB's economic nationalism as a threat.
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With Hugo Borghi in exile and unable to run, the PTB nominated Alberto Pasqualini, a obscure political theorist from Rio Grande do Sul who had Borghi's endorsement.

Pasqualini became a national figure by capitalizing on this endorsement and campaigning on Borghi's ideas of social justice and economic independence. However, he was too unknown to the electorate to win.

Juarez Távora chose the wrong time to run; if he ran in 1946, he might have won and changed history, but he chose to toss his hat in the ring in 1950 instead, when most people had forgotten against him. With the UDB leadership nominating the centrist Cristiano Machado, Távora ran as the Christian Democratic Party nominee, improving the fortunes of a party that had only won three seats in the 1948 congressional elections, the first held using proportional representation.

Having the support of the middle class and much of the business world, Machado was elected. While his presidency saw several successes, he died in 1952 and was succeeded by Vice President Café Filho, also from UDB.
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First, good TL, second sorry for all the likes and third a question, did Brazil send forces oversea like they did in OTL.
 
In 1967, the name was changed to Federative Republic of Brazil (República Federativa do Brasil), a name that remains to this day.

The Revolutionary Military Council (Conselho Militar Revolucionário, CMR) was a military junta that assumed power in 1933, following the overthrow and exile of Júlio Prestes. It was formed entirely by positivist and authoritarian military officials, and replaced by another junta in 1941.

Góis Monteiro governed in a similar way to Júlio de Castilhos, with his administration seeking to industrialize Brazil by focusing on heavy industry, and violently repressing communism. All political parties and strikes were outlawed, and unions came under government control, being forbidden from carrying out political activities

In 1932, a fascist movement, the Brazilian Integralist Action (AIB), was founded. The AIB supported the military coup d'etat the following year, only to be outlawed and its members exiled, although Monteiro carried out much of their agenda and copied some of their techniques of popular mobilization.

Historians usually consider Monteiro's regime to be conservative authoritarian instead of fascist, since he was an enemy of revolutions and had little interest in the spectacle of the masses. His commitment to neutrality in WWII that led to his overthrow caused some Allied figures to consider him a fascist, but this no longer believed by mainstream scholarship.
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