That's a horrifyingly messy map. However, I am now desperate to book my tickets to the bit of Estella where the Carlists topped the poll.
It gets easier to understand if yo put it next to this map:
Last edited:
That's a horrifyingly messy map. However, I am now desperate to book my tickets to the bit of Estella where the Carlists topped the poll.
May I ask about Olazagutía and Torres del Río (the villages where my paternal ancestors came from)?The 1979 election to the Parlamento Foral (Foral Parliament) of Navarra was held simultaneously with the local elections and the elections to the Juntas Generales of the three Basque provinces. This is the only instance in which the mediaeval administrative unit, the merindad, was used as an electoral constituency. Since 1982, the Navarrese Parliament has been elected from a single constituency. This is also the only election since 1936 in which a party espousing a Carlist ideology (even if it was Titoist Carlism) obtained a seat at a regional assembly.
Each merindad was assigned 5 seats regardless of its population, with the remaining seats distributed between merindad according to their demographic weight until having allocated all 70 seats. The city of Pamplona (Iruña in Basque) was separated from the rest of the merindad of Pamplona and acted as its own constituency for all purposes. Other than that, it was a typical Spanish election with closed lists, D'Hont quota and 3% threshold.
The Regional government, the Diputación Foral was elected simultaneously: Each constituency was assigned one member of the Diputación, with the exception of Tudela which was given two on account of its larger population (Pamplona was after all split into two constituencies). The party that obtained the most votes in the legislative election in each constituency was automatically given the merindad's seat in the Diputación. In the case of Tudela, the same procedure applied, but for the two largest parties.
The parties could be divided between Basque nationalists and non-Basque nationalists. And the non-Basque nationalist was further divided between those who favoured a more 'normal' position for Navarra within Spain (PSE-PSOE, UCD) and those who instead advocated for the continuity of its mediaeval privileges, the fueros. (UPN). There was also the left-right axis, although most Basque nationalist groupings were left-wing.
Herri Batasuna (HB) was the political arm of ETAm (ETA militar). It only ran its own list in the two Pamplona constituencies. Otherwise it ran within the Amaiur coalition.
Amaiur was a coalition of Herri Batasuna, Euskadiko Ezkerra (EE, the political branch of ETApm) and the Basque-nationalist communist EMK party, as well as some local independent groups, like AETE (Estella), Orhi Mendi (Sangüesa) and AEPM (Olite). It was also supported by the PNV-EAJ.
Nacionalistas Vascos (NV) was an electoral coalition that only ran in the two Pamplona constituencies formed by the PNV, Euskadiko Ezkerra and ESEI.
UNAI was an electoral coalition formed by the Maoist party ORT (Revolutionary Labour Organisation), that only ran in the Tudela constituency.
IFN was an independents' list formed by Jesús Ezponda Garaicoechea in the Sangüesa constituency. It has a Basque nationalist, foralista ideology.
May I ask about Olazagutía and Torres del Río (the villages where my paternal ancestors came from)?
The picture has barely changed 40 years later.Olazti/Olazagutía (Pamplona/Iruña): HB: 28.33, PSE-PSOE: 23.33, PCE-EPK: 15.49%, UCD: 9.41%, NV: 8.24%, UPN: 7.06%, Carlist: 6.96%
Torres del Río (Estella): UCD: 53.18%, UPN: 26.59%, Amaiur: 8.09%, PSE-PSOE: 6.94%, Carlist: 3.47%, UNAI: 1.16%, PCE-EPK: 0.58%
This fragmentation of Spanish politics feels very Scandinavian.The left maintains power, like OTL, although the margin is smaller than OTL, as their majority is one seat, 50 seats (down from 52 OTL) to the right's 49 (47 OTL).
This is a sentence that would've been nonsensical five years ago, and yet here we are.This fragmentation of Spanish politics feels very Scandinavian.
As a quick distraction from thesis-writing, I made an electoral map for the Valencian election of 2019 under the electoral model I made back in 2016, with smaller constituencies and seat apportionment based solely on population, thus reducing Castellón/Castelló's overrepresentation. The constituency boundaries were based off the counties of the region and I tried to respect the Valencian-speaking vs Spanish-speaking lines in Valencia/València and Alicante/Alacant.
99 seats:
PSOE-PSPV: 23,87%, 25 seats
PP: 18,88%, 21 seats
Compromis: 16,45%, 18 seats
Ciudadanos: 17,45%, 17 seats
Vox: 10,44%, 11 seats
Podem-EUPV: 7,97%, 7 seats
The left maintains power, like OTL, although the margin is smaller than OTL, as their majority is one seat, 50 seats (down from 52 OTL) to the right's 49 (47 OTL).
For comparison, 2015:
PP: 26,99%, 32 seats
PSOE-PSPV: 20,87%, 23 seats
Compromis: 18,70%, 20 seats
Ciudadanos: 12,66%, 13 seats
Podem: 11,55%, 11 seats
Here, the left held 54 seats, so a 4 seat majority. This is compared to OTL's 55 seats.
In the weird, typically Second Republic-style electoral system, the most-voted list of candidates obtained 66% of the seats, the second-most voted, the 66% of the remaining seats and so on.
That's just silly.