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Oh look, it's West Derbyshire's Basque cousin.
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Nanwe's Maps and Graphics Thread
- Thread starter Nanwe
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Oh look, it's West Derbyshire's Basque cousin.
And another WIP, now containing 2/3 Basque provinces and some more fun explanations. Also some serious gerrymandering.
The republican and Carlist colours are too similar, so I'll probably switch the Carlists to red. I just didn't expect anywhere in the Basque Country or Navarra to ever elect a republican, so fuck you Ricardo Becerro de Bengoa y Antolín.
Anyway. As you can see, the province of Guipúzcoa has some funny constituency shapes. Some I expected as they probably followed the old merindades to draw up the judicial districts which serve as the basis for the constituencies, but the weird loop that the constituency of Azpeitia kind of screams anti-Carlist gerrymander to me, especially when the provinces' seats were rearranged in 1885, adding an extra seat.
In any case, in Guipuzcoa you can see a seat in grey. That's Ramón Nocedal y Romea's seat. Nocedal was the leader of the Integrist Party, essentially an ultramontane political party that had split from the main branch of Carlism because they put 'Dios' far above 'Rey' or 'Fueros'. The Integrists were defined by their approach to political life, or as the title of their main book puts it, "LIBERALISM IS SIN".
Liberal politicians tended to mock Nocedal for being "the MP for the Catholic Church" or the "indefatigable defender of the vexatious rights of the Church"
In the 1890s Carlists and Integrists hated one another, especially as Nocedal, although a monarchist moved closer to something more akin to ultra-reactionary possibilism. Although they would move towards reconciliation by the late 1900s, early 1910s.
The republican and Carlist colours are too similar, so I'll probably switch the Carlists to red. I just didn't expect anywhere in the Basque Country or Navarra to ever elect a republican, so fuck you Ricardo Becerro de Bengoa y Antolín.
Anyway. As you can see, the province of Guipúzcoa has some funny constituency shapes. Some I expected as they probably followed the old merindades to draw up the judicial districts which serve as the basis for the constituencies, but the weird loop that the constituency of Azpeitia kind of screams anti-Carlist gerrymander to me, especially when the provinces' seats were rearranged in 1885, adding an extra seat.
In any case, in Guipuzcoa you can see a seat in grey. That's Ramón Nocedal y Romea's seat. Nocedal was the leader of the Integrist Party, essentially an ultramontane political party that had split from the main branch of Carlism because they put 'Dios' far above 'Rey' or 'Fueros'. The Integrists were defined by their approach to political life, or as the title of their main book puts it, "LIBERALISM IS SIN".
Liberal politicians tended to mock Nocedal for being "the MP for the Catholic Church" or the "indefatigable defender of the vexatious rights of the Church"
In the 1890s Carlists and Integrists hated one another, especially as Nocedal, although a monarchist moved closer to something more akin to ultra-reactionary possibilism. Although they would move towards reconciliation by the late 1900s, early 1910s.
Gorro Rubio
🇦🇲
- Location
- Hampstead, UK/Alicante, ES
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- he/him
Compare and contrast with the parliamentary delegation that Gipuzkoa sent to Madrid in November 2019.And another WIP, now containing 2/3 Basque provinces and some more fun explanations. Also some serious gerrymandering.
The republican and Carlist colours are too similar, so I'll probably switch the Carlists to red. I just didn't expect anywhere in the Basque Country or Navarra to ever elect a republican, so fuck you Ricardo Becerro de Bengoa y Antolín.
Anyway. As you can see, the province of Guipúzcoa has some funny constituency shapes. Some I expected as they probably followed the old merindades to draw up the judicial districts which serve as the basis for the constituencies, but the weird loop that the constituency of Azpeitia kind of screams anti-Carlist gerrymander to me, especially when the provinces' seats were rearranged in 1885, adding an extra seat.
In any case, in Guipuzcoa you can see a seat in grey. That's Ramón Nocedal y Romea's seat. Nocedal was the leader of the Integrist Party, essentially an ultramontane political party that had split from the main branch of Carlism because they put 'Dios' far above 'Rey' or 'Fueros'. The Integrists were defined by their approach to political life, or as the title of their main book puts it, "LIBERALISM IS SIN".
Liberal politicians tended to mock Nocedal for being "the MP for the Catholic Church" or the "indefatigable defender of the vexatious rights of the Church"
In the 1890s Carlists and Integrists hated one another, especially as Nocedal, although a monarchist moved closer to something more akin to ultra-reactionary possibilism. Although they would move towards reconciliation by the late 1900s, early 1910s.
Navarra (hopefully coming tomorrow) has remained surprisingly similar if you consider both Basque Nationalists and UPN spiritual descendants of Carlism/Integrism.
The Possibilists were a party that had lost its raison d'être following the adoption of universal suffrage and juries by the Third Sagasta Government (1885-1890) as they essentially represented the most moderate elements of the Republican movement, willing to compromise on the monarchy but not on universal suffrage. Once it was reinstated, the party would move closer and closer to the Liberals until party leader Emilio Castelar recommended merging with them in May 1893 (shortly after the election mapped above). The shown Possibilist was José María Celleruelo y Poviones, who would end up being Justice Minister in the First Moret Government (1905-1906).
Also, 98 MPs are already shown, 54 Liberals, 30 Conservatives (including both 'official' candidates and members of the critical, Silvela-led Conservative Union), 3 Republicans, 6 Carlists, 2 'Basque dynastics', 2 Integrists and 1 Possibilist.
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While I work on correcting a few boundaries here and there based on some stuff I finally found to make sure I was using the right partido judicial boundaries, I can show how the 1893 Congress would look like. I also have the Senate but I'm not super happy about how it looks so I'm not sharing it yet (there were 3 different types of senators so it's tricky: elected, appointed and 'own right' senators, including so-called 'palatine' senators).
The Senate did seat British-style whereas the Congress sat in a hemicycle, but I am showing this like so because it's more interesting.
The Government had 281 seats, of which 254 were Liberals (might go down to 250), 11 Possibilist Republicans (might up to 15), 2 'Basque dynastics', 3 Puertoricoan Liberal Autonomists (who would merge with the Liberals in 1897) and 11 MPs from the Cuban Constitutional Union which sat as Liberals in Congress.
Meanwhile, the opposition was formed by 96 Conservatives, plus 12 Cuban Constitutionalists and 13 Puertoricoan Unconditionals who sat as Conservatives (121 in total), 35 republicans (28 metropolitan Republicans and 7 Cuban Autonomists), 8 Carlists and 2 Integrists.
The Senate did seat British-style whereas the Congress sat in a hemicycle, but I am showing this like so because it's more interesting.
The Government had 281 seats, of which 254 were Liberals (might go down to 250), 11 Possibilist Republicans (might up to 15), 2 'Basque dynastics', 3 Puertoricoan Liberal Autonomists (who would merge with the Liberals in 1897) and 11 MPs from the Cuban Constitutional Union which sat as Liberals in Congress.
Meanwhile, the opposition was formed by 96 Conservatives, plus 12 Cuban Constitutionalists and 13 Puertoricoan Unconditionals who sat as Conservatives (121 in total), 35 republicans (28 metropolitan Republicans and 7 Cuban Autonomists), 8 Carlists and 2 Integrists.
- Location
- Das Böse ist immer und überall
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- he/him
I will be fascinated to see Cuba and Puerto Rico when you get around to it - what were the suffrage rules like there?
They were somewhat different from not entirely different from those of the peninsula. It has to do with the fact that the upper classes tended to be peninsulares or at least and more pro-Spanish (in Cuba anyway, in P.R. it didn't matter much) and then the pesky issue of slavery (abolished in 1880 but phased out as a Royal Patronate until its abolishment in 1885).
Both Puerto Rico and Cuba obtained universal (male) suffrage in 1897-98.
Cuba
Cuba had extreme property qualifications at the start of the Restoration. Whereas the 1878 Electoral Law demanded the payment of 25 pesetas and/or 50 pesetas in the form of "commercial or commercial taxes" in metropolitan Spain, in Cuba, you had to pay 125 pesetas and property did not count. As such it greatly favoured wealthy, urban people, aka upper-class Spaniards.
This meant around 2.5% of the free population could vote (around 2% of the total population) compared to 4-5% in metropolitan Spain.
After the adoption of universal suffrage in 1890, Cuba saw the expansion of its own suffrage. The 1892 Maura Law established a poll tax of 5 pesos (25 pesetas) to vote, regardless of taxes paid. This doubled the number of potential voters from 25,000 to around 50,500 (out of 1,630,689 people) or around 3% of the population. Simultaneously civil servants' qualification to vote was lowered from 400 to 100 pesos, likely to balance it out.
In 1898, the 1890 electoral law was extended to Cuba, meaning that the number of potential voters expanded to 222,000 (or 14% of the population) regardless of colour.
Interestingly, Cuba was one of the few places that saw real, and indeed fierce, electoral competition between Autonomists (who'd ultimately merge with the Liberals in 1897) and Constitutionalists (who came closer and closer over time to the Conservatives)
Puerto Rico
Like in Cuba the 1878 Electoral Law restricted suffrage to males over 25 who paid over 25 pesos (125 pesetas) a year as income or a commercial or industrial 'subsidy'. This was five times Spain's property qualification. Although conditions for local elections were far less stringent, particularly as, unlike Cuba, Puerto Rico was a land of small land-owners.
Like in Cuba, Liberal Overseas (Ultramar, great word) Minister Antonio Maura expanded suffrage significantly in 1892, by introducing a poll tax of 10 pesos (50 pesetas), still higher than in Cuba or indeed Spain under the pre-1890 suffrage rules. Nevertheless, it tripled the number of electors.
As a result, in 1896, around 4% of the total population could vote. Like in Cuba, 1897-1898 saw the adoption of their Autonomous Charters which extended suffrage to all males over 25 and of sound mind.
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- Location
- Das Böse ist immer und überall
- Pronouns
- he/him
So a poll tax, effectively?
Yeah, essentially. I'll change the text to reflect that, it's a bit tricky to know exactly how to translate things precisely in all honesty.
Also curiously enough, Puertoricoan parties had a bit habit of recruiting Spanish politicians to run in the island. Miguel Moya, a Republican from Huesca who would go on to become the cacique of Huesca from the 1900s on, was an Autonomist MP from Puerto Rico. As was famous writer Benito Pérez Galdós in 1886.
1893 results data
As the revision of seats and more map-drawing has been interrupted by a shitload of work and post-work exhaustion until at least Wednesday, I'm gonna drop here the excel master file. Some MPs might have the wrong party affiliation (hard to tell when secondary sources disagree and I don't yet feel like checking the Hemeroteca Nacional website just yet). Quite a few nobility titles are very likely to be missing.
It has data for the majority size, the number of voters and of registered votes, as well as turnout. The second sheet has the ratios of MP per voter.
It has data for the majority size, the number of voters and of registered votes, as well as turnout. The second sheet has the ratios of MP per voter.
Catalonia is done, as are the Balearic Islands (yes, Palma elected a Carlist, apparently part of a stratagem by the Liberals to deny the Conservatives the minority seat in the constituency).
Tarragona's super narrow results are caused by the strong showing by both Carlist and Republicans in the province. The very strong showing in Gracia by Nicolás Salmerón is caused by the fact that the seat's population size had massively grown in size (and urbanised) since 1870. In 1893, the district had an electorate of over 23,000 (more than double the usual, 52,600 in the Barcelona constituency), of which 8,893 voted.
Turnout was generally abysmal in what today we'd call the metropolitan area of Barcelona. The city's constituency had the worst turnout in Spain, at 28.75%. But nothing out of the ordinary (in 1899 turnout was 14%, in 1896, 36.6%) And 1893 wasn't a particularly bad year in terms of turnout. A funny characteristic of 1891 and 1893 was that the "dynastic" parties candidates were backed by both Liberals and Conservatives in order to more effectively combat the strength of republicans (in the coastal seats) and Carlists (in the hinterland).
Tarragona's super narrow results are caused by the strong showing by both Carlist and Republicans in the province. The very strong showing in Gracia by Nicolás Salmerón is caused by the fact that the seat's population size had massively grown in size (and urbanised) since 1870. In 1893, the district had an electorate of over 23,000 (more than double the usual, 52,600 in the Barcelona constituency), of which 8,893 voted.
Turnout was generally abysmal in what today we'd call the metropolitan area of Barcelona. The city's constituency had the worst turnout in Spain, at 28.75%. But nothing out of the ordinary (in 1899 turnout was 14%, in 1896, 36.6%) And 1893 wasn't a particularly bad year in terms of turnout. A funny characteristic of 1891 and 1893 was that the "dynastic" parties candidates were backed by both Liberals and Conservatives in order to more effectively combat the strength of republicans (in the coastal seats) and Carlists (in the hinterland).
Peninsular Spain is coming along quite nicely now that the Levante is finished. Besides the already traced Castilla la Nueva, there's "only" Extremadura and Andalucia to be done. The enclaves and exclaves are starting to be problematic so I'm thinking to start adding black lines to indicate what goes where. Luckily most of La Mancha, as well as Andalucia, have rather large municipalities, so that reduces the workload of figuring out and looking into which town is which.
- Location
- Das Böse ist immer und überall
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- he/him
Very nice.
Only Andalucia missing now in the peninsula. Still, that's about 70 MPs, a bit more probably.
Two Republicans were elected in Guadalajara, and one in Badajoz. Although the one from Badajoz was apparently decried by his fellow Republicans for being overly cosy with the dynastic parties (hint: he got significant rural support) and may have been propped to deny the Conservatives the minority seat in the constituency.
PS: The district of Almendralejo (dark brown in central Badajoz) is an abomination.
Two Republicans were elected in Guadalajara, and one in Badajoz. Although the one from Badajoz was apparently decried by his fellow Republicans for being overly cosy with the dynastic parties (hint: he got significant rural support) and may have been propped to deny the Conservatives the minority seat in the constituency.
PS: The district of Almendralejo (dark brown in central Badajoz) is an abomination.
- Location
- Das Böse ist immer und überall
- Pronouns
- he/him
A lot of these look, um, non-great.
Yeah, the 1870 electoral law established the criterion that districts should be constructed as to have no part of it too far away from the main city of the district (I think the actual language is a bit less vague that what I just said but not by a lot) but did not require any absolute rule on geographical unity. The electoral law of 1878 (or 1890, or 1906) did not establish any such principle at all, not that it genuinely mattered.
Then there was the fact that some districts were designed with some MPs in mind (particularly to favour Democrats and Progressives or to screw over former Moderates or Carlists) and that since there was no data on sections (or any unit below the municipal level) as they were set to be established as a result of the 1870 law, only municipalities could be used. Another factor, which is more related to the multi-member constituencies is that the drafters of the 1878 electoral law wanted to (a) drown "rebellious" urban seats with more "compliant" rural areas and (b) ensure a degree of minority representation (a minority of the good kind mind you).
And some municipalities in southern Spain are just enormous (partly because after 1833 many integrated the former feudal señoríos) with many enclaves and exclaves leading to those ugly-ass boundaries.
In the north instead, it's for the opposite reason, as medieval Kings had to really encourage re-settlement in the often-raided area of the Duero valley, they gave away an enormous amount of privileges and rights to towns - in the form of cartas pueblas and other such legal instruments - which these towns kept. As such many maintained their desire to remain independent municipalities after they were established after 1833, regardless of whether they met the legally required minimum of having 25 or more vecinos (defined as local heads of households, not as the modern term of 'neighbour'). Some were merged afterwards in the 1840-1850s but not many. So the resulting mess is what it is.
EDIT: Forgot to mention this too. The 1870 Electoral Law's Annex detailing which municipality goes where is horribly full of typos and the way it indicates the partidos judiciales is not consistent (some provinces have more, some less) with the ones that existed either in the 1867 or 1877 censuses, which makes it harder. Luckily there's also more detailed lists of municipalities by partido judicial in the 1870 Provincial Electoral Law, which serves a good basis.
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