Be it centre-right Wales, Scottish Cameron, Communist Heath, or Socialist Republicans, I am just very into that kind of 'plausible-looking but unrecognisable' sort of thing.
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Moth's Graphics & Test Thread
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Barack Obama, the former United States Ambassador to Indonesia, secured the Democratic nomination for President following his defeat of Howard Dean in the Democratic Party Presidential Primaries, making Dean the second sitting President to be denied renomination by his Party. Obama, an outsider and a member of the Centralist 'New Democratic' faction of Party, was seen as a favorable option to the populist Dean, who had alienated the Democratic Party due to his economic policy, committing further troops to the UN Mission in Siberia, and the failure of what Dean called 'The Greater Society', a key part of his previous campaign platform. Obama would select Governor Allyson Schwartz of Pennsylvania as his running-mate. This makes the ticket the first major party ticket to have a white male in neither the Presidential or Vice Presidential slot.
In the early stages of the the Republican Primaries, the Republican Party was initially unified around Texan Governor John Cornyn, who dropped out of the race unexpectedly before the Iowa primary. It would later be revealed he was convinced to drop out due to emerging controversy surrounding state money and the oil company Texaco. Washington State Senator Dino Rossi and New Jersey Representative Chris Christie initially emerged as the frontrunners of a fractured field, however were blind sighted by the emergence of the relatively unknown grassroots activist, Rand Paul. Son of infamous Texan Senator Ron Paul, Rand Paul would become the frontrunner following a string of breakthrough landslides at the Second and Third Super Tuesdays, and presumptive nominee shortly after. Politically libertarian, Paul would select fellow libertarian Senator Jeff Flake of Arizona as his running-mate.
Lloyd Blankfein, a New York based Businessman, entered the race shorty following Obama's victory in the Primaries, citing the nominee as being "anti-American" for his stance of business and banking. Blankfein, initially under the ticket of Liberal Party of New York, would run nationally as an Independent, accepting the nomination of various minor parties such as the Charter Party of Ohio and Indiana, United Citizens Party of South Carolina, and the New Federalists of California. He would ally with anti-Paul Republicans, accepting New Jersey Senator Christine Todd Whitman as his running-mate.
Obama would win the plurality of votes, 53 million to 51.4 million, however tied with Paul in the electoral college, who won more states. Many have cited the popularity of Blankfein, who won 12.3 million, in the Rust Belt and North East (previous Democratic Party strongholds) as key reasons for Paul's victories, with polling predicting that Blankfein had taken more away from Obama than Paul. West Virginia, which had until 2016 voted Democratic since 1976, has been citied as an example of Blankfein's influence on the results, with the Republicans winning the state on less than 1,000 votes and 39% of the overall vote.
It is the first election since 1825 in which no nominee won the majority of electoral votes. The Electoral College will assemble on 19 December 2016, and without any faithless electors on either parties side, the election is likely to fall to the House, which after the 2016 House of Representatives Election is divided 217 Republican, 211 Democratic, and 6 Independent, 2 who caucus with the Democratic Party, and 4 who were electorally aligned with Blankfein.
120.3 million votes were cast, representing a total of 38.4% of the US Population. Obama is the first African American to win major Party nomination, and the second to win electoral votes. Blankfein is the second Jewish American to win more than 10% of the popular vote in a Presidential Election.
The Price of Peace
Operation Postman was a large operation carried out by the British State Security in Northern Ireland at the beginning of the Northern Irish Emergency. Authorised by Northern Irish Secretary David Holmes and carried out over a period of just under five months from the 17 March to 12 July 1977, the main aims of the Operation were to "sedate" the leadership of the paramilitary organisation, the National Liberation Front, and retake areas of Northern Ireland that had become 'no-go zones'. Though operationally considered an unparalleled success, due to the extent of casualties and sustained allegations of a direct 'shoot to kill' order, the operation was and remains highly controversial. A direct consequence of the Operation would be the Bloody Tuesday Riots, the subsequent dissolution of the Northern Irish Parliament, and the collapse of the Liberal Government that same year.
Throughout the sixties and seventies, Northern Ireland had been in the white heat of political discourse. The civil rights movement of Northern Ireland had formed in the late fifties to organise a peaceful struggle by the native Catholic Irish against the Protestant oppression, seeking for democratic equality, desegregation of social housing, and the basic rights enjoyed by Protestants. Though it would, at times, see fighting in the streets, the movement had relative success, helped by sympathy in the Northern Irish Government and the tenacity of campaigners. However, following the instillation of William Craig as Prime Minister of Northern Ireland, progress halted, with marches becoming bloodier as the RUC became more aggressive towards the campaigners. The civil rights movement began to fragment when it was clear that the path to equality was being blocked off- more violent elements quickly formed into the National Liberation Front, a leftist organistion that began to "take Ulster be piecemeal", creating no-go zones in Belfast and Londonderry. For years, there was stalemate. Then, in December of 1976, 10 RUC officers were gunned down when attempting to enter the zones.
The British Liberal Government of Frank Byers, having become worried of the disintegrating situation in Northern Ireland, decided to form the Northern Irish Office, effectively elevating the Northern Irish Department in the Home Office to Cabinet level. David Holmes, a political ally of Foreign Secretary Jeremy Thorpe and the former Minister of State for Operations in the War Office, was made Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. With the deaths of the RUC officers, Craig privately met with Holmes to discuss the situation. Unable to get the RUC to act effectively against the NLF, Craig implored the British Government to step in and tackle the situation through military means. Holmes agreed. The result of this agreement was Operation Postman.
Planned and prepared for from late December to early March, the initial plan of the operation was to simply arrest the leadership of the NLF and reinforce the RUC in brining law to no-go zones. However, following the operations approval by Byers and Home Secretary Edward Heath, the plan was expanded in scope, with the military now given the vague orders to "sedate" the leadership. Through late February and early March, military hardware was transported to military bases throughout Ulster, as were armoured vehicles. The authorised date that the operation would commence, 17 March 1977, was chosen due to its symbolic significance as St Patricks Day. The day the operation would officially end, the 12 July 1977, was coincidental.
At 4:00 on 17 March the operation began. The Ulster Regiment and RUC stormed no-go zones in Belfast and Londonderry, making liberal use of bulldozers to smash through blockades and light armoured vehicles for troop transport. Though caught off guard and unprepared for a confrontation of the magnitude presented, NLF paramilitary fought back, though did so whilst retreating as they were unable to hold their ground. By 13:00 the majority of Belfast's no-go zones had been sedated, with 14 NLF paramilitary killed and 100 arrests made. Jim Sullivan, NLF Leader in Belfast, was among the dead, having been shot on Falls road. Although accounts by State Security would justify his death as they were engaged in a skirmish, eye witness accounts of the skirmish would claim that an unarmed Sullivan was gunned down when attempting to surrender. Allegations of a 'shoot to kill' policy began to circulate.
By 3:00 on 19 March, the Londonderry no-go zones had fallen. Among the dead were Dominic Behan, an Irish born singer-songwriter, and the leadership of the PIRA, who had been caught in the crossfire. Allegations were again made that Behan was executed by State Security, allegations that would be later published in The Irish Times. By 12 April the last no-go zone was declared to have been cleared. 38 had been killed and 168 NLF and PIRA members were arrested. Though the main operational goal had been completed, for the next three months former no-go zones of Northern Ireland were placed under military administration. Thousands of Catholics were displaced by the move- some fled to Ireland, future Taoiseach Declan Kearney among them. Others were placed into temporary housing camps in Antrim, the Northern Irish Parliament unwilling to offer alternative housing. Through 12 April - 12 July, the conflict gradually deintensified, though not without sporadic violence. On 1 July, 7 NLF survivors in Armagh were confronted by State Security- 6 were killed and 1 arrested in what State Security officially described as a 'ferocious last stand', though what soldiers present would later admit at a 1987 inquiry into Postman as being a 'massacre'.
Ending on the 12 July, the operation was considered to be an operational success, the main aims of Postman having been completed. However in light of atrocities committed by the State Security, public opinion turned sharply against Postman following a brief period of support. Intense protests from the Catholic communities and anti-war elements of the left and right would rock London, Liverpool, Birmingham, and the Tyneside, and support for the incumbent Liberal Government took a deep blow from which the party would never recover. In the House of Commons, nearly 67 Liberal MPs withdrew the whip and sat on the opposition benches in protest of Postman, causing the Government to fall in a subsequent Vote of no Confidence. During the election, Holmes was assassinated by an unidentified gunman, allegedly on the orders of the recently formed UNF. Neill, Deputy Prime Minister, was assassinated in what became known as 'Bloody Tuesday', a week of rioting by the Catholic community and sympathetic protestants against the hardline Stormont Government after they were refused permission to return to their homes after the end of Postman. As a result of this, Stormont would be ultimately dissolved by the Unionist Government in 1978.
An official inquiry into the operation was held in 1987-1993 and produced the Mason Report.
The United Kingdom general election of 1977 was held on 15 September 1977 to elect 661 Members of Parliament to the British House of Commons. The Unionist Party, led by William Rees-Mogg, ousted the incumbent Liberal government of Frank Byers after 14 years in Opposition with a majority of 3 seats. A subsequent snap election was held the following year that increased the Unionist majority to 78. Held in the shadow of Operation Postman, the election was the first of a series of electoral defeats that saw the gradual erosion of the Liberal Party as a political force and their displacement by the Labour Party. As of 2016, it was the last election in which the Liberal Party held more than 200 seats in the House of Commons and more than 5 million votes.
The 1973 Liberal Party leadership election was called when a challenge to Enoch Powell as Leader of the Liberal Party arose following intense criticism to his decision to enter into a coalition with the New Democratic Party against the wishes of the Liberal Party at large, as well as following allegations made about him for being insufficiently dedicated to the cause of liberalism, and questions being raised regarding his leadership of the party.
In the aftermath the 1973 general election, which saw the Liberal Party membership in the commons triple from 12 to 37, there was a great deal of speculation over the composition of the subsequent Government. Both the New Democratic Party and the Labour Party had failed to win a majority, and much of the new intake was regarded as 'Powellite', sharing his emotional aversion to working with the NDP. A coalition with Anthony Crosland's Labour had been expected, however Powell elected to override the membership and made a formal offer to the NDP to support Frank Knox's Government under the condition of a referendum on STV- an offer that was accepted. When it was announced that the Liberals would be entering Government, the relatively unknown Liverpool MP Trevor Jones announced he would forgo triggering a vote of no confidence and instead outright challenged Powell for leadership, claiming that Powell had betrayed the party, and showed that his "true colours are Tory".
By late-August, momentum began to form around one time Home Affairs Spokesperson, Margaret Wingfield, who gained support among the PLP to challenge Powell instead of Jones, though Jones did not retract his challenge, stating that he had "just as much of a right as [Margaret] does". All parties to the election formed a leadership team, Powell's campaign headed by arch-Powellite Cyril Smith, whilst Wingfield's was headed by Jeremy Thorpe, who had ran against Powell in 1965, and Jones' by Davis Steel, a Church of Scotland preacher. Due to the proximity of the election and the King's Speech (the Speech having been postponed due to the contest), an inordinate deal of media attention was put onto the contest, which became dubbed 'The Fight for the Liberal Party's Soul' in the tabloids.
This media attention would prove to be a blessing for Wingfield when homoerotic poems written by Powell in his youth were published by the pro-Powell newspaper, The Guardian, under the pretense that Powell's personal experience made his support of Liberal reform, such as full decriminalisation, all the more legitimate and thus his leadership all the more important. This move would backfire dramatically. Though many Liberal MPs were supportive of Powell, his standing was undoubtably damaged by the publication of the poems, with tabloids reporting on lurid and often false stories regarding Powell's alleged relationships whilst serving in the military. Powell could have potentially survived the media frenzy over the poems if not for a knee jerk reaction by Smith who, not having been informed the poems were written by Powell when a journalist read them to him, insinuated that a closeted homosexual could not be fit for leadership.
The results were announced on 5 September. Wingfield won the election with 18 votes, 52.9% of the PLP, forgoing a second round of voting. Powell came second with 14, and Jones last with 2. The first women to lead not only the Liberals but any political party in British history, Wingfield opted almost immediately to pull out of the coalition agreement with the NDP, intending to vote against the King's Speech and force a second general election. However 10 Powellite MPs led by Cyril Smith revolted against Wingfield, voting in favour of the King's Speech, which passed with a majority of 1. On the 22 September, the 10 MPs officially split from the Liberal Party, forming the 'Liberal Democrats', entering an official coalition with the NDP. Wingfield would lead the party into the 1977 general election after the Government was defeated in a vote of no confidence, however saw a dramatic loss of seats, reduced to 15 from 27. Some Liberal Democrats returned to the Liberal Party following the election, disillusioned by the Coalition.
Wingfield remained leader until 9 June 1985, where upon the Party was superseded by a merger with the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland, forming the Liberal Alliance, and by the formation of the Scottish Social Democrats, led by David Steel, and the Liberal Party of England and Wales, formed by Cyril Smith and other Powellites.
The Unionist campaign would largely emphasis Northern Ireland's growing and robust economy, its increasingly diverse industry, and the higher standards and advancements in education and healthcare. For the Unionist Party, the election was one that promoted the achievements of Corscaddenism under the slogan of 'One Final Heave', reflecting Corscadden's surprise announcement at the 2013 conference that he would make his third term his final term. The Republican Party, led by Ruth Morgan, would have a much more difficult election. Following the sudden and unexpected death of the well-liked moderate John Ashdown in December of 2013, and the election of Ruth Morgan from the party's Militant wing, there was a great deal of concern, both in the new leadership, as well as the new direction the party would be taken. Initially, the party would seek to exploit the failures of the Unionists, such as the decline and privatisation of the county's manufacturing muscles, and well as the failure to protect or progress Catholic and LGBT Civil Rights. However, the arrival of Morgan would cause considerable complications for the Republicans, as she began moving the party to be in line with the militant factions more Marxist and nationalistic leanings. The Liberal Party, conversely, under the leadership of Michael Moore, sought to exploit the divisions in the Republicans and dissatisfaction with the Unionists to come through the middle as a 'sensible third choice'.
Corscadden was returned as Prime Minister with 45.2% of the vote and 51 seats, four shy of a majority. The Republicans would suffer, sinking five points to 36%, their worst result in a decade, and 37 seats. The Liberal party would also see a more surprising decline in the popular vote, however gained a seat. The election would see minor parties, such as Senator Kate Hoey's Syndicalist Party, and the Ecological Party (under collective leadership) gain seats for the first time, as well as returning three of the four Independents elected in 2011.
In the aftermath of the election, Corscadden sought a coalition with the Liberal Party. Despite vocal opposition within the Liberals Parliamentary group, Moore agreed to the conditions of the coalition, joining the cabinet as Minister of Development. In the wake of the election, the Republican Party would split between the Nationalist Republicans, led by Morgan, and the Democratic Republicans, under the leadership of John Durkan. In the election 754,859 voted, representing 58.89% of the electorate. Corscadden stepped down as Prime Minister on 1 January 2017, with his successor expected to be elected by the Unionist Caucus on the 1 March 2017.
Edward Grylls, formally the Home Minsiter, succeeded the popular Charles Corscadden on 1 March 2017. Though a Corscaddenite and popular in the party, Grylls was controversial for his 'law and order' policies, perceived popularly as an authoritarian figure. Shortly after taking office, Grylls met with Northern Ireland Secretary Leo Paddick to seek an election for a fresh mandate. The Unionist campaign, which relied heavily on Grylls' image as a fresh new leader, was ultimately plagued by negative memories of a perceived failure to address the causes of rioting in Londonderry, the downward economic swing as the Celtic Tiger finally crumbled, and the departure of much of the Unionist Party's left. The rump of the Republican Party, still led by Ruth Kelly, limped into the election taking a more hardline stance on most issues of policy, promising more radical solutions to the issues faced by the Northern Irish. The Liberals continued their centralist 'middling ground' stance. New on the scene would be the Democratic Party, the moderate Republican splinter. Whilst initially made up of these moderates, the party quickly grew into a cross-community organisation, sapping at the Unionist left and offering a 'sensible and rational solution' under the leadership of the conservative figure Henry Hodges, who had come from the Unionist stable. Democrats particularly sought to end the homogeny of the Unionist Party by offering a 'sane alternative', declaring at Belfast City Hall they would break with their Republican Party heritage over reunification, instead opting to seek further autonomy from the UK. Campaigning was bitter, especially towards the Democrats, with incidents of political violence throughout.
The results were some of the most dramatic ever seen in Northern Ireland. Grylls and the Unionists returned to Stormont with 36 seats and 30.7% of the vote. The Republican Party returned with only 30 and 24.8%, both parties shedding over 10% of their vote share from 2014. In comparison the Democrats returned with 28 seats, pulling ahead of the Republicans with 30.2% of the vote. The Liberals would see a slight increase, whilst the Syndicalist Party was static and the Ecological Party wiped out.
Following the election, coalition talks were launched immediately between the major parties, with the Unionists, Democrats, and Liberals agreeing to form Government on the 10 June. Part of the reason for this was due to the necessity for stability in the ongoing economic strife that resulted from the struggling Celtic Tiger, but also as the Republican Party refused to seek a coalition agreement with the Democrats, believing them to be traitors for abandoning the Republican Party and its key tenants. Hodges agreed under the condition that he serve in the capacity of Home Minister, as well as the promises of the Democratic Party's proposed social and civil rights reforms.
The voter turnout in the election was notably high, with 1,114,762 (86.96%) votes cast. Regarded as an anomaly, the increase of 28.07% has been linked heavily to the emergence of the Democratic Party.
The Irish general election of 2017 took place on Friday 16 June to elect 160 Teachtaí Dála (TDs) across 40 constituencies to Dáil Éireann, the lower house of Ireland's parliament, the Oireachtas. The 28th Dáil was dissolved by President Peter Osborne on 24 May, at the request of Taoiseach Thomas O'Donnell. The electorate was given the task of choosing the members of the 29th Dáil who met on 7 July to nominate a Taoiseach and ratify the ministers of the Government of the 29th Dáil.
In the aftermath of the election, Thomas O'Donnell Éire Aontaithe returned once again as the largest party in the Dáil, having only lost two seats, although as many commentators noted the party returned with a higher percentage of seats in the Dáil thanks to boundary changes. The opposition party, Left List, suffered a humiliating defeat, losing sixteen of their forty-one seats and 7.5% of their previous vote share. The number of Independents would conversely rise from 20 to 26 deputies, collectively becoming the second largest group in the Dáil.
Part of the reason for this increase was due to deputies leaving and running against official Left List candidates over the issue of Europe, feeling betrayed by Dromey's decision to include a pro-European platform in the election manifesto despite strong objection, as well as perceived imbalance in party discipline, with many Independent candidates believing they were unfairly treated for breaking party whip over a European vote, in comparison to the relatively light punishment several deputies faced after openly voicing support for the terrorist organisation Meibion Glyndŵr. Another part of this was due to the Left List's loss of support, largely blamed on a string of scandals and gaffes that occurred during the campaign; in a notable incident, Dromey was alleged to have assaulted a student in Cork during a campaign rally. Though he was not charged, the story was widely reported in the media and exploited by Éire Aontaithe, who painted Dromey as being too aggressive for the role of Taoiseach. Éire Aontaithe campaigned largely on economic stability and growth, as well as personal trust in O'Donnell, whose personal approval rating was high above that of Dromey. The Left List would make an issue of O'Donnell's close ties to the British Prime Minister, Sarah Jewell, as well as his technocratic approach to government, and perceived failures in the handling of anti-government protests in Dublin over the summer of 2016.
Members of the 29th Dáil met on 7 June, electing former Finance Minister and son of the President, Peter Osborne, the new Ceann Comhairle by secret ballot. O'Donnell was easily reappointed Taoiseach the same day and held the position until he stepped down on 12 February 2018, succeeded by Foreign Minister and Deputy Taoiseach Stephen Coonan.
The Wordsbourne general election of 1959 was held on Thursday 7 May 1959, a fortnight following the dissolution of the administrative assembly. The eighth election to the administrative assembly, the election was notable as it fell on the hundredth anniversary of Terra Nova's discovery and the foundation of Wordsbourne. The election is also held as a pivotal moment in Wordsbournite politics as it was the first election which returned a party other than the Democratic Party to the plurality of seats as well as the first election that saw someone who was not a member of the Trench family elected Chief Minister, the party and the family having been incumbent since the 1919 assembly election. Instead, Henry Norton, previously Minister of Agriculture in the 1949-1954 Government, of the Civic Liberal was elected Chief Minister, a position he held until his scandal-ridden resignation in 1965.
The 1959 election was held in the shadow of the failure of the groundnut scheme, an initiative by the British Government to cultivate the rich farmlands of West Wordsbourne with peanuts in order to address the supply for cheap vegetable oil and fertiliser. Negotiated by the Democratic-Independence Government, the groundnut proved hard to control in the South Wordsbourne highlands, quickly became an invasive species, destroying crops of Chickaboo and Potato. The harvest of 1957 would prove the hardest that the settlers in the sparse region had known, with the winter of that year particularly brutal, as the groundnut was discovered to turn poisonous in the Terra Novian soil. Deputy Minister and Agriculture Minister James Fillon defended the scheme, though privately was dismayed by the famine conditions in the south. During the campaign, Fillon almost killed by a mob in his division of South Milton. Additionally, due to the scheme the southern and western frontier of the colony fell into disorder, with reports of native Novian and Colonial French incursions into the region. Attempting to reclaim the areas, Trench's would send troops to the frontier, halting further incursions but failing to secure and capture the frontier. Atop this, the attempts to turn the groundnuts into fertiliser proved dangerous as, whilst the product was stable on Terra Nova, attempts to slide it back to Earth resulted in the fertiliser exploding, nearly destroying the CC-Portal in the process. The British Government abandoned the scheme as the Liberal Party left office in mid-1958, however the effects were already bitterly felt.
Blame for the failure of the scheme and the suffering it had caused fell on Fillon, in his capacity as Agriculture Minister. He and his party were flushed out of the assembly, replaced mainly by the Agrarian Labour party, as led by Mark Griffiths. Norton and the Civic Liberal party campaigned vigorously on the promise to secure the frontier and eliminate the Groundnut. Following the election, both the Civic Liberal Party and Agrarian Labour Party formed a coalition government, which would eventually oversee the Wordsbourne UDI in 1968. Trench would herself resign quietly from the Democratic Party leadership, choosing to keep a "dignified face on an undignified result", succeeded first by her brother, Simon Trench, and then following his sudden death a short month later by her former Heath Minister, Barbara Kemp.
The by-election was notable as it was held in the immediate aftermath of April 5th Coup, which saw Lt. James Callaghan installed as First Lord of the Treasury. Additionally, beyond Major, there was only one other candidate, local disk jockey Robert Jones, who ran under the banner 'Local' (as had become customary for Independent candidates during the years in-between the National Governments). Barring Jones, all non-National Government backed candidates were unable to register. As a result, Jones received a higher than expected percentage of the vote share, 37.3%, though failed to prevent National Labour taking the seat. In 2016, the long-standing belief of electoral fraud committed by the National Government was confirmed (and was the case for all other by-elections on the 8 April), however, unlike most of the cases, it was noted that Major would have likely carried Brixton regardless, albeit with a far smaller majority.
Roy Major would remain MP for the Constituency until the first quasi-free election of 2001, in which he stepped down as MP, succeeded by National candidate Peter Woodrose.
Aberdeen South was traditionally a Conservative leaning Con-Lab marginal, from 1918 through to 1984 having elected Unionist and Conservative candidates, barring a brief four-year period in 1966-1970 when the seat was held by Labour's Donald Dewar. Considered to be something of a stronghold, the seat was narrowly lost to the SNP in 1984, with the Conservative Party sinking to fourth place in 1988, overtaken by the incoming Labour Government and the Liberal Party. Templeton had held the seat in 1988 with a majority of 14.8%, proving the seat to be a reliable and safe SNP seat.
However, in June of 1991, The Guardian ran an expose revealing that Templeton had been taking money from Occidental Petroleum Executives in exchange for questions in Parliment. The scandal deepened when it was suggested that Templeton had also given false information at a parliamentary inquiry regarding the Aberdeen Oil Disaster, which involved an Occidental Petroleum rig. He ultimately stepped down as Member for Aberdeen South 6 September 1991, just after the end of the 1991 Summer Recess.
The SNP candidate was Brian Adam's, leader of the Aberdeen City Council. Labour selected local journalist and campaigner, Andrew Gove, whilst the Conservative Party selected Dr. Liam Fox. The recently formed Scottish Socialist Alliance stood Deputy Chairman Alex Salmond. The Scottish Green Party stood future leader Susan Nash, and the Liberal Party re-selected Malcolm Bruce, who had contested Aberdeen South in 1988. Jane Pearson, a local Teacher, ran for the Jacobite Party.
Due to the context of how the by-election was called, the campaigns on all sides were heated and aggressive. The Conservatives attacked the SNP as corrupt and Labour as politically impotent, Labour attacked the SNP for much the same reason, but also accused the Glaswegian Fox of 'carpet-baggery', and the Conservatives of being out of touch. Meanwhile, the SNP were forced to defend their party from allegations of corruption whilst campaigners were attacked by locals in the streets, and endured in-fighting (in one notable case, literal fighting) due to the then still unclear legitimacy of the allegations made against Templeton. The SSA would also attack the SNP, painting themselves as the only viable and honest alternative to the party, and an alternative to the more aggressive and 'Westminister bound' Conservative and Labour, making heavy use of leafletting and canvassing, exploiting unofficial campaigners as a way of sidestepping campaign limits. The Liberals were squeezed as a result, often overlooked and struggling to get attention.
Polling day was Thursday 7 November. The results were declared shortly after 3:00 on Friday 8 June by the returning officer for Aberdeen City Council:
- Location
- NYC (né Falkirk)
- Pronouns
- he/him
Nice to see some of the greatest hits coming over!
I thought I'd save them here, in case the other place blacks out and the lights don't come back on.
- Location
- Derbyshire
Ooh the Independent Health Concern woman gets in as well.
I would have been so drunk by half-way through the night.
I would have been so drunk by half-way through the night.
- Location
- NYC (né Falkirk)
- Pronouns
- he/him
I want to see the Election Thread when that exit poll came through.
I imagine I would have been insufferable.
1997-2007: John Prescott (Labour)
def. 1997 (Majority): Michael Heseltine (Conservative), Alan Beith (Liberal Democrats)
def. 2001 (Majority): Michael Portillo (Conservative), Alan Beith (Liberal Democrats)
def. 2005 (Majority): Michael Ancram (Conservative), Menzies Campbell (Liberal Democrats)
2007-2010: Harriet Harman (Labour)
2010-2015: William Hague (Conservative)
def. 2010 (Liberal Democrats Coalition): Harriet Harman (Labour), Vince Cable (Liberal Democrats)
def. 2015 (Majority): Harriet Harman (Labour), Stewart Hosie (SNP), Malcom Bruce (Liberal Democrats), Paul Nuttall (UKIP)
2015-2016: George Osborne (Conservative)
2016-2017: David Lidington (Conservative)
def. 2017 (Minority): Tom Watson (Labour), Angus Robertson (SNP), Alistair Carmichael (Liberal Democrats)
2017-2018: Damien Green (Conservative)
2018-20xx: David Lidington (Conservative)
def. 1997 (Majority): Michael Heseltine (Conservative), Alan Beith (Liberal Democrats)
def. 2001 (Majority): Michael Portillo (Conservative), Alan Beith (Liberal Democrats)
def. 2005 (Majority): Michael Ancram (Conservative), Menzies Campbell (Liberal Democrats)
2007-2010: Harriet Harman (Labour)
2010-2015: William Hague (Conservative)
def. 2010 (Liberal Democrats Coalition): Harriet Harman (Labour), Vince Cable (Liberal Democrats)
def. 2015 (Majority): Harriet Harman (Labour), Stewart Hosie (SNP), Malcom Bruce (Liberal Democrats), Paul Nuttall (UKIP)
2015-2016: George Osborne (Conservative)
2016-2017: David Lidington (Conservative)
def. 2017 (Minority): Tom Watson (Labour), Angus Robertson (SNP), Alistair Carmichael (Liberal Democrats)
2017-2018: Damien Green (Conservative)
2018-20xx: David Lidington (Conservative)
2008-2013: John Davies (Reform League) [1]
2008 (Elected Deputy - Peter Moloch): Reform League (118), Conservative (45), National Front (11), Urban-Agrarian (6)
2012 (Elected Deputy - Georgina Campbell): Reform League (79), Conservative (39), Urban-Agrarian (34), Protectionist (18), Residents (10)
2013-2013: Georgina Campbell (Urban-Agrarian) acting
2013-2016: Peter Moloch (Reform League) [3]
2016-20??: Roger Stanley (Reform League)
2016 (Elected Deputy Frank Jenkins): Protectionist (57), Urban-Agrarian (45), Conservative (34), Reform League (33), Residents (11)
2008 (Elected Deputy - Peter Moloch): Reform League (118), Conservative (45), National Front (11), Urban-Agrarian (6)
2012 (Elected Deputy - Georgina Campbell): Reform League (79), Conservative (39), Urban-Agrarian (34), Protectionist (18), Residents (10)
2013-2013: Georgina Campbell (Urban-Agrarian) acting
2013-2016: Peter Moloch (Reform League) [3]
2016-20??: Roger Stanley (Reform League)
2016 (Elected Deputy Frank Jenkins): Protectionist (57), Urban-Agrarian (45), Conservative (34), Reform League (33), Residents (11)
1919-1940: Herbert Randolph Trench (Democratic) †
def. 1919 (Majority): Edmund Reid (Wordsbourne), Joseph Tudor (Socialist), Frank Hughes (Farmers), William Taylor (Liberal)
def. 1924 (Majority): Edmund Reid (Wordsbourne), Frank Hughes (Farmers-Labour), William Taylor (Liberal), Caucus Leadership (Communist)
def. 1929 (Majority): Edmund Reid (Independence), Peter Purvis (Liberal), Frank Hughes (Farmers-Labour), Joseph Griffiths (Agrarian)
def. 1934 (Majority): Peter Purvis (Liberal), George Barton (Independence), Beatrix McMount (Fascist All-Women and Working Man), Joseph Tudor (Socialist)
def. 1939 (Liberal & Independence Coalition): Beatrix McMount (Fascist All-Women and Labouring Man), Peter Purvis (Liberal), John Trank (Independence), Various (Civic Residents)
1940-1954: Henry Lawrence Trench (Democratic) †
def. 1944 (Majority): Alfred Fischer (Civic Liberal), John Trank (Independence)
def. 1949 (Independence Coalition): Alfred Fischer (Civic Liberal), Louis Cook (Independence)
def. 1954 (Independence Coalition): Alan Williamson (Civic Liberal), James Fillon (Independence), Mark Griffiths (Agrarian Labour)
1954-1959: Unity Trench (Democratic)
1959-1965: Henry Norton (Civic Liberal)
def. 1959 (Agrarian Labour Coalition): Unity Trench (Democratic), Mark Griffiths (Agrarian Labour), James Fillon (Independence)
def. 1964 (Agrarian Labour Coalition): Barbara Kemp (Democratic), Mark Griffiths (Agrarian Labour)
1965-1968: William Purvis (Civic Liberal)
- Wordsbourne UDI; position of Chief Minister succeeded by Chancellor -
1968-1974: William Purvis (Civic Liberal)
def. 1969 (Majority): Mark Griffiths (Agrarian Labour), Barbara Kemp (Democratic)
1974-1986: Neville Clarke (Democratic Labour) †
def. 1974 (Majority): William Purvis (Civic Liberal)
def. 1979 (Majority): Unopposed
1980 Constitutional Referendum: Yes 96%, No 4%
1986-1992: Donald Mount (Democratic Labour)
1992-0000: Barbara Kemp (Democratic Labour)
def. 1919 (Majority): Edmund Reid (Wordsbourne), Joseph Tudor (Socialist), Frank Hughes (Farmers), William Taylor (Liberal)
def. 1924 (Majority): Edmund Reid (Wordsbourne), Frank Hughes (Farmers-Labour), William Taylor (Liberal), Caucus Leadership (Communist)
def. 1929 (Majority): Edmund Reid (Independence), Peter Purvis (Liberal), Frank Hughes (Farmers-Labour), Joseph Griffiths (Agrarian)
def. 1934 (Majority): Peter Purvis (Liberal), George Barton (Independence), Beatrix McMount (Fascist All-Women and Working Man), Joseph Tudor (Socialist)
def. 1939 (Liberal & Independence Coalition): Beatrix McMount (Fascist All-Women and Labouring Man), Peter Purvis (Liberal), John Trank (Independence), Various (Civic Residents)
1940-1954: Henry Lawrence Trench (Democratic) †
def. 1944 (Majority): Alfred Fischer (Civic Liberal), John Trank (Independence)
def. 1949 (Independence Coalition): Alfred Fischer (Civic Liberal), Louis Cook (Independence)
def. 1954 (Independence Coalition): Alan Williamson (Civic Liberal), James Fillon (Independence), Mark Griffiths (Agrarian Labour)
1954-1959: Unity Trench (Democratic)
1959-1965: Henry Norton (Civic Liberal)
def. 1959 (Agrarian Labour Coalition): Unity Trench (Democratic), Mark Griffiths (Agrarian Labour), James Fillon (Independence)
def. 1964 (Agrarian Labour Coalition): Barbara Kemp (Democratic), Mark Griffiths (Agrarian Labour)
1965-1968: William Purvis (Civic Liberal)
- Wordsbourne UDI; position of Chief Minister succeeded by Chancellor -
1968-1974: William Purvis (Civic Liberal)
def. 1969 (Majority): Mark Griffiths (Agrarian Labour), Barbara Kemp (Democratic)
1974-1986: Neville Clarke (Democratic Labour) †
def. 1974 (Majority): William Purvis (Civic Liberal)
def. 1979 (Majority): Unopposed
1980 Constitutional Referendum: Yes 96%, No 4%
1986-1992: Donald Mount (Democratic Labour)
1992-0000: Barbara Kemp (Democratic Labour)
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