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Monroe's Graphic Consolidation

Non-fiction Bestsellers

monroe

Sic Semper Transgender
Published by SLP
Location
Port of the Mouth
Pronouns
She/Them
Back when this site was first set up I helped sow the trend of everyone having individual graphic threads so I'm reaping that sowing now I'm back; in any case, I have a few graphics/maps and such I did during my long not-here that I thought would be fun to share over the period I'm here again.



Booklist.png
 
Back when this site was first set up I helped sow the trend of everyone having individual graphic threads so I'm reaping that sowing now I'm back; in any case, I have a few graphics/maps and such I did during my long not-here that I thought would be fun to share over the period I'm here again.



View attachment 65615
Well most of those titles are fairly ominous, apart from the I guess biography series on ‘PM David Steel, I think’

The Greenshirts and the Global City books have the kinds of designs I wouldn’t see out of place on the Verso Website so I commend your ability to capture that style.
 
Deck shuffle draft 1/2
1902—1905: Arthur Balfour (Conservative & Liberal Unionist)

1905—1916: A.C. Blair (Liberal)

def. 1906 (Majority): Arthur Balfour (Conservative & Liberal Unionist), John Jeremy Norton (Irish Parliamentary), Elliot Anderson (Labour Representation)
def. 1910 (Majority): Jefferson Jenkins (Conservative & Liberal Unionist), C.P. Kennedy (Irish Parliamentary), Ramsay Weir (Labour Representation)
def. 1914 (Majority): Lord Lympne (Unionist), John C.P. Kennedy (Irish Parliamentary), Elliot Anderson (Labour Representation)


1916—1919: Edward Heath (Unionist leading Wartime Government of All Parties)

1919—1923: Alexander Johnson (Unionist)

def. 1920 (Majority): Bernard Corbyn (Liberal), Nicolas Sturgeon (National Labour), J. Swinson (Democratic Labour)

1923—1929: James H. Wilson (Liberal)
def. 1923 (Majority): Alexander Johnson (Unionist), Nicolas Sturgeon ("United" Labour)
def. 1924 (Majority): David Cameron (Unionist), Nicolas Sturgeon (Labour)
def. 1928 (Minority): David Cameron (Unionist), John Norton (Labour), Collective Leadership Council (Irish Independence)
def. June 1929 (Majority): David Cameron (Unionist), John Norton (Labour), William Wyse (Irish Independence)
1929 Referendum to join the 'European Economic Commonwealth': Join (67%), Reject (33%)


1929—1936: David Cameron (Unionist)
def. Nov 1929 ("Doctors Coalition" with Liberal): James H. Wilson (Liberal), Nicolas Williams (Labour)
1934 Referendum on Irish Independence: Against (55%), For (45%)
def. 1934 (Majority): Samuel Thorton (Labour), Fergus Sullivan (Irish Independence), John Davis (Liberal)
1936 Referendum on renewing membership to the 'European Economic Commonwealth': No (52%), Yes (48%)


1936—1939: Theresa May-Brasier (Unionist)
def. 1936 (Minority supported by Diss. Unionist): Samuel Thorton (Labour), Fergus Sullivan (Irish Independence), John Davis (Liberal), Andrew Law (Diss. Unionist)

1939—1940: Lord Home (Unionist)

1940—1946: John R. Major (Unionist leading Wartime Government of All Parties)
 
Prince George Islands, draft for a list
1889—1902: Sir Arthur Alderson-Hatfield (Imperialist)
1890 (Independents/Imperialist Majority): Sir Arthur Alderson Hatfield (Independents/Imperialist Coupon) - 8, William Glynne (Independents/Free Trade Coupon) - 3
1893
(Independents/Imperialist SuperMajority): Sir Arthur Alderson Hatfield (Independents/Imperialist Coupon) - 11, Oswin Mann (Ind. Trade Unionist) - 0, William Glynne Free Trade - 0
1896
(Majority): Sir Arthur Alderson Hatfield (Imperialist) - 8, William Glynne (Liberal Party) - 3
1899
(Majority): Sir Arthur Alderson Hatfield (Imperialist) - 7, Sir Henry Charles (Liberal Party) - 4



Prince George Islands are a trio of island in the southern Pacific. Uninhabited until their discovery in the 1812, they gained importance during the Napoleonic Wars a stopping point for the British Pacific Squadron- a seafaring group who remain responsible in helping to spur the colony’s population among its initial settlers of crofters and fisherman, even if the sailors themselves chose not to stay. It is unclear to which Prince George the islands discoverer and namesake of its largest city and island, Captain Arthur Somers, was referring to- officially, the name homages the Prince Regent, George (later George IV), while unofficially Captain Somers was reported to have chosen in tongue-and-cheek reference to the bastard son of Prince William (later William IV), George FitzClarence, having found the Sailor King personally disagreeable. Undoubtably this rumour, and visitations by the Royal Navy, helped to contribute to the Islands nickname during the late-Georgian era- ‘Bastard Island’.


Over the course of the next 70 years, the islands population swelled to some 13,000. In November 1889, to little fanfare, the British Government of Lord Salisbury granted the small colony the right of responsible government. The administration that formed was initially headed by Sir Arthur Alderson-Hatfield, the stalwart lobbyist for self-governance and Superintendent of Somers Island, with William Glynne, son of a crofter and trade unionist chief in Somers, serving as deputy. Almost immediately the two men split along the question of trade- Alderson-Hatfield and his camp favouring Protectionist and pro-Imperial policies, while Glynne believed that for the colony to prosper, a policy of free trade had to be sought for among the colony’s neighbours to the east in South America. Forming the Imperialist Party, Alderson-Hatfield thrashed Glynne and his nascent Liberal Party in the subsequent four elections, and established a firm consensus of imperial preference.


So was the period of Imperialist Party homogeny. Despite name and later conservative legacies, Alderson-Hatfield’s government was composed of a smattering of liberals, socialists, and reformists who were united on the policy of protectionism. These camps were represented in the four-man Executive, respectively, by Treasurer Sir George Calder-Millers, Attorney General Oswin Mann, and Minister without Portfolio Barton Laird. With a consensus on trade, the agenda was largely dominated by the question of labour and property. Reformists such as Laird favoured freeholds and the establishment an abrogation court and trade union registration; liberals such as Calder-Millers, conversely, spoke for leaseholding and opposed any legal approach to collective bargaining. Mann, conversely, opposed of rents and mortgages, and came to argue in favour of a permeant lease, the implementation of land value tax, and compulsory unionism.


Such ideological diversity would not produce stable government; Mann would be dismissed in 1892 after joining the crofters picket line in Somers. He was replaced by William Campbell, an ally of Laird who helped tip the balance in favour of freeloading and trade unionism. With Mann’s departure and the formation of the Ind. Trade Unionist Party, Alderson-Hatfield fought the subsequent 1893 election on the topic of unionism, touring the nation in a robust campaign that promised that if Mann won, such a victory would lead to an apocalyptic class war between business and labour, comparing Mann’s socialist platform to the worst excesses of revolutionary France. He emerged with all 11 seats in the Islands Assembly, crushing Mann, who subsequently fled to Chile after nearly being lynched by fervent anti-socialists, and Gwynne, whose proposition of Free Trade seemed quaint compared to the question of labour.


The following decade would prove a period of quiet and steady governance. Calder-Millers would die in 1898; Laird was appointed to replace him. Campbell, made Secretary of the Crown Lands following in 1896 election, argued in favour of women’s suffrage, but was blocked by Alderson-Hatfield. Following a disappointing result in 1899, the ageing Alderson-Hatfield announced his resignation ahead of the 1902 election. He would pass away the following December in 1903. Until 2013 a statue of Alderson-Hatfield stood outside of the Islands Assembly. It was removed after half of its face was blown up by militant republican activists, and has yet to be replaced.


1902—1905: Sir Barton Laird (Imperialist)
1902 (Imperialist SuperMajority): Sir Barton Laird (Imperialist) - 11, Sir Henry Charles (Liberal Party) - 0


1905—1908: Sir Henry Charles (Liberal Party)
1905 (Liberal Party Majority): Sir Henry Charles (Liberal Party) - 6, Sir Barton Laird (Imperialist) - 5, Oswin Mann (Labour) - 0


1908—1915: Sir Barton Laird (Imperialist)
1908 (Imperialist Majority): Sir Barton Laird (Imperialist) - 9, Sir Henry Charles (Liberal Party) - 2, Oswin Mann (Labour) - 0
1911
(Imperialist Majority): Sir Barton Laird (Imperialist) - 9
, Sir Henry Charles (Liberal Party) - 2, Oswin Mann (Labour) - 0
 
Alicia Arise! (1919-1938)
A map sequence for the Dominion of Alicia during its interwar period.

Alicia_bigg_shades.png

Alicia_bigg_flats.png
 
Prologue for a Draft (Modest Men WiP)
Prologue for a Draft
David had always been attentive in his appearance, especially when meeting a man younger than himself. Such was more common than not these days, he considered while regarding to his hand. Gone was soft youthful flesh; in its place sinew and liver spots. Well over half a century ago, his brother had teased him that all old people got ‘spots of senility’- not that Arthur had lived long enough to get them.

If David had been born two minutes earlier, he would have been born a Prince. At least, the Prince, the one that mattered. Not that Princely Dukedom was the worst consolation prize in the lottery of birth. Such was cosmic luck to be born the spare to the heir.

But unlucky was Arthur’s dickey heart, for both of them.

David could still taste the salt on the air, hear the shriek of the sea birds, that bitter chill of a Newfoundland morning as the Premier’s Official yacht came into dock. It was then David saw his father, standing on the harbour. Father had flown personally from London to St. John’s. Mother stayed behind to ‘be strong’. The cruel bastard; that was always his way.

He turned to Molly, her beautiful golden curls a halo around a face reddened by winter, and softened by sadness. It was in her eyes; it was on her lips. Somehow she knew why father had arrived. And in that moment, so did he.

And father stood there, sharp in his black mourning best, flanked by bodyguards, the worlds press swarming like flies just behind a police barricade.

It would be the death of him, he supposed, to ruminate on the ‘what ifs’. Fate was fate. Sixty years ago was ancient history.

Flexing his hand, David felt a numbness.

Looking from his liver spots to the youthful face opposite him, he noticed his Prime Minister. Not the regular one- Leo Parkin was ‘busy’, as his Private Secretary had informed him, speaking at dinner- but rather a visiting Prime Minister from one of the other crowns that weighed so heavy on his head.

He was well over half David’s age at thirty eight, clean shaven, and spoke with the cadence that came with a nose thrice broken in Montréal. It was hard for David to not feel overdressed looking at the off-the-rack suit while wearing Anderson & Shepard. The China blue Irish linen was disarmingly stylish, the Dresser had declared that morning, not that the young man seemed to care. Talking away on some detail or another, the Prime Minister didn’t even notice his Sovereign’s attention was with the air, sniffing at the faint miasma of breakfast toast.

“…and of course, we anticipate your residence ahead of Canada Day this summer…” the young man said, David’s attention drifting. He may have a warm fondness for the other Kingdom- perhaps, in another life, he could have ruled it and it alone- but the thought of a summer in that limestone monstrosity in Rideau was appalling to him. Not that La Citadelle was much better.

“Loath I am to interrupt, Prime Minister,” David said, dryness on his lips, mouth turning cotton. “Soda water”, he meant to ask, but the words failed him. The numbness now radiated up his arm, and cascaded into his head like wild fire. The young man said something in a voice muffled and faraway, then leapt to his feet with eyes full of terror.

How odd, David thought, I’m falling.

Staring at the beautiful ceiling, David blinked. The Equerry came into view, and was screaming into his radio. As his eyes grew heavy, and vision faded into darkness, the last thing His Majesty King David the Third of Great Britain and Northern Ireland felt was faint embarrassment at the hot wet feeling running down his leg.
 
Alternate bisexual flag
An intellectual exercise from a few years ago where I tried to work out a 'bisexual' (referring to an archaic use of the word that encompasses both sexuality, and a transgender gender identity) pride flag in a non-World War Two scenario, as Michael Page's OTL Bi-Flag is derived, by way of Liz Nania "Biangles", from the Pink and Black triangles sewn to the uniforms of gay and lesbian concentration camp internees.

Thus was trying to find an alternate flag, deriving colours from Oscar Wilde's Green Carnation of homosexuality and the historic lavender (it's rendered pink here by accident of the screen showing the wrong shade, a planned IRL recreation of this flag will use a lavender or violet colour) of lesbianism, overlaid with the sigil of Mercury, historically a symbol of the 'third sex' and 'hermaphroditism'[sic].


AlternateHistoryBisexual.png
 
The Blues & The Whites (Flags)
Some banners for a mini wargame I'm doing work on rn, The Blues & The Whites, detailing a civil war in Scotland during the turn of the 19th century.

Ten years ago, King Robert VI Stuart was overthrown by the Kirk and Army for converting to episcopalianism. Since then, Scotland has been ruled as a theocratic democracy, but with the army engaged in campaigning in the far north, trying to root out Highland rebels and crush the Highland way of life, and overseas in Scotland's plantations now undergoing revolts, King Robert, having languished in exile, sees an opportunity and gathers an army of Scottish exiles. Clothed and armed by the Kingdom of England and Electoral Autocracy of France (respectively), they march north through Berwick towards Edinburgh, seemingly unopposed until they meet the Lanarkshire Auxiliaries at Melrose, who hope to perform delaying actions against the King, now flying under the flag of Religious Toleration, until the Army rushing south can cross the Forth.


The main banners of the two forces (both of these are in scale):

BLUES1flag.png

whitesflag1 2.png
 
Some banners for a mini wargame I'm doing work on rn, The Blues & The Whites, detailing a civil war in Scotland during the turn of the 19th century.
These look cool and the premise is fun, I did initially think it was the late 19th Century and I thought we would get some Two By Two* action in terms of theocratic types but oh well. It does feel rather lives in world and feels like probably what would have happened if the Kingdom of Scotland continued.

*They’re one of the stranger British/Irish Evangelical groups, for starters amongst other things they don’t actually have a name etc.
 
Throwback #2018vibes list for a Thing
Draft for a Thing™


2010—2015: David Cameron (Conservative)
2010 (Coalition w/Liberal Democrats): David Cameron (Conservative) - 306, Gordon Brown (Labour) - 258, Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrats) - 57, Others - 29
2011 AV Ref: NO - 67.9%,
YES - 32.1%
2011 Welsh Devo: YES - 63.5%, NO - 36.5%
2014 Euro: Nigel Farage (UKIP) - 23, Glenis Wilmott (Labour) - 20, Syed Kamell (Conservative) - 19, Caroline Lucas (GPEW) - 3, Others - 7
2014 Scottish Independence: YES - 52%, NO - 48%


2015—2023: Ed Miliband (Labour)
2015 (Majority): Ed Miliband (Labour) - 329, David Cameron (Conservative) - 220, Alex Salmond (SNP) - 31, Nigel Farage (UKIP) - 29, Ed Davey (Liberal Democrats) - 20, Others - 21
2019 Euro: Stephen Woolfe (UKIP) - 29, Clare Moody (Labour) - 17, Ashley Fox (Conservative) - 8, Jonathon Bartley & Amelia Womack (GPEW) - 6, Catherine Bearder (Liberal Democrats) - 4, Others - 3
2020 (Majority): Ed Miliband (Labour) - 450, Theresa May ("National Health" Conservative & UKIP Coupon) - 74, Ed Davey (Liberal Democrats) - 36, Nigel Farage ("Save Democracy" UKIP & Conservative "Anti-Lockdown" Coupon) - 12, 19 Others


2023: Meg Hiller (Labour)
 
Draft for a Thing™


2010—2015: David Cameron (Conservative)
2010 (Coalition w/Liberal Democrats): David Cameron (Conservative) - 306, Gordon Brown (Labour) - 258, Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrats) - 57, Others - 29
2011 AV Ref: NO - 67.9%,
YES - 32.1%
2011 Welsh Devo: YES - 63.5%, NO - 36.5%
2014 Euro: Nigel Farage (UKIP) - 23, Glenis Wilmott (Labour) - 20, Syed Kamell (Conservative) - 19, Caroline Lucas (GPEW) - 3, Others - 7
2014 Scottish Independence: YES - 52%, NO - 48%


2015—2023: Ed Miliband (Labour)
2015 (Majority): Ed Miliband (Labour) - 329, David Cameron (Conservative) - 220, Alex Salmond (SNP) - 31, Nigel Farage (UKIP) - 29, Ed Davey (Liberal Democrats) - 20, Others - 21
2019 Euro: Stephen Woolfe (UKIP) - 29, Clare Moody (Labour) - 17, Ashley Fox (Conservative) - 8, Jonathon Bartley & Amelia Womack (GPEW) - 6, Catherine Bearder (Liberal Democrats) - 4, Others - 3
2020 (Majority): Ed Miliband (Labour) - 450, Theresa May ("National Health" Conservative & UKIP Coupon) - 74, Ed Davey (Liberal Democrats) - 36, Nigel Farage ("Save Democracy" UKIP & Conservative "Anti-Lockdown" Coupon) - 12, 19 Others


2023: Meg Hiller (Labour)
Ohhh,like the use of Meg Hiller,very underused.

Are the two Coupons separate or part of a deal where May is in charge of the pro lockdown/vaxx candidates and Farage of the antivaxx one and the one with more MPs gets to be PM?
 
Ohhh,like the use of Meg Hiller,very underused.

Are the two Coupons separate or part of a deal where May is in charge of the pro lockdown/vaxx candidates and Farage of the antivaxx one and the one with more MPs gets to be PM?
Separate, the Tories in Opposition split on extending Parliament for a couple of months to hold the election after lockdown, with bulk of that led by May and UKIP MPs who backed lockdown and supported the extension, while Farage is leading the bulk of UKIP in opposition to the extension and lockdown with Tory MPs who are feral against their leadership
 
First Chapter for a Draft (Modest Men WiP)
Prologue for a Draft
David had always been attentive in his appearance, especially when meeting a man younger than himself. Such was more common than not these days, he considered while regarding to his hand. Gone was soft youthful flesh; in its place sinew and liver spots. Well over half a century ago, his brother had teased him that all old people got ‘spots of senility’- not that Arthur had lived long enough to get them.

If David had been born two minutes earlier, he would have been born a Prince. At least, the Prince, the one that mattered. Not that Princely Dukedom was the worst consolation prize in the lottery of birth. Such was cosmic luck to be born the spare to the heir.

But unlucky was Arthur’s dickey heart, for both of them.

David could still taste the salt on the air, hear the shriek of the sea birds, that bitter chill of a Newfoundland morning as the Premier’s Official yacht came into dock. It was then David saw his father, standing on the harbour. Father had flown personally from London to St. John’s. Mother stayed behind to ‘be strong’. The cruel bastard; that was always his way.

He turned to Molly, her beautiful golden curls a halo around a face reddened by winter, and softened by sadness. It was in her eyes; it was on her lips. Somehow she knew why father had arrived. And in that moment, so did he.

And father stood there, sharp in his black mourning best, flanked by bodyguards, the worlds press swarming like flies just behind a police barricade.

It would be the death of him, he supposed, to ruminate on the ‘what ifs’. Fate was fate. Sixty years ago was ancient history.

Flexing his hand, David felt a numbness.

Looking from his liver spots to the youthful face opposite him, he noticed his Prime Minister. Not the regular one- Leo Parkin was ‘busy’, as his Private Secretary had informed him, speaking at dinner- but rather a visiting Prime Minister from one of the other crowns that weighed so heavy on his head.

He was well over half David’s age at thirty eight, clean shaven, and spoke with the cadence that came with a nose thrice broken in Montréal. It was hard for David to not feel overdressed looking at the off-the-rack suit while wearing Anderson & Shepard. The China blue Irish linen was disarmingly stylish, the Dresser had declared that morning, not that the young man seemed to care. Talking away on some detail or another, the Prime Minister didn’t even notice his Sovereign’s attention was with the air, sniffing at the faint miasma of breakfast toast.

“…and of course, we anticipate your residence ahead of Canada Day this summer…” the young man said, David’s attention drifting. He may have a warm fondness for the other Kingdom- perhaps, in another life, he could have ruled it and it alone- but the thought of a summer in that limestone monstrosity in Rideau was appalling to him. Not that La Citadelle was much better.

“Loath I am to interrupt, Prime Minister,” David said, dryness on his lips, mouth turning cotton. “Soda water”, he meant to ask, but the words failed him. The numbness now radiated up his arm, and cascaded into his head like wild fire. The young man said something in a voice muffled and faraway, then leapt to his feet with eyes full of terror.

How odd, David thought, I’m falling.

Staring at the beautiful ceiling, David blinked. The Equerry came into view, and was screaming into his radio. As his eyes grew heavy, and vision faded into darkness, the last thing His Majesty King David the Third of Great Britain and Northern Ireland felt was faint embarrassment at the hot wet feeling running down his leg.
First Chapter of a Draft

Even Balram Chowdhury could not resist smiling as the table around him erupted in laughter. Still chewing on a slice of steak long after the others had cleaned their plates, he reached for the large jug of water as Graham Harvey, Business & Industry Secretary and deep into his third glass of wine, leaned over.

“You should smile more, Bal. It suits you.”

Scowling, Chowdhury poured out a glass, and sipped. Harvey had graced him with another wine stain on his jacket arm; thankfully neither the Prime Minister nor Kilpatrick had noticed. Not that the feeling lasted. A moment later, another smile broke with another wave of gentle laugher, and Chowdhury’s attention returned to the topic of discussion.

“…and the ghost of Stalin appeared before President Kravstov in a dream,” the Prime Minister inhaled through his teeth, “and he says ‘I have two pieces of advice for you, Comrade: kill your opponents, and paint the Kremlin blue. Kravstov is taken aback and demands to know why he must paint the Kremlin blue- Stalin says ‘because I knew you would not oppose the first one’.”

Francis Kilpatrick, Deputy General Secretary of the Trade Union Congress, thumped the table as he turned red, guffawing with such exaggeration that Chowdhury could only believe it was genuine. “Who told you that one, Leo?” He demanded, wiping a tear from his eye.

“Would you believe me if I said Kiselyov, his Deputy?” The Prime Minister gurned.

More guffawing.

They had been at Marmor, a mercifully bright little restaurant in one of the hovels of Islington, for nearly five hours. Officially, if anyone asked, they had met for a simple dinner. Kilpatrick had gone to the LSE with the Prime Minister and Chowdhury, not that Chowdhury knew either of them while there, beyond reputation.

Unofficially, they were meant to discuss industrial strategy. Not that the Business Secretary was in any fit state to discuss anything so high-minded.

Finally swallowing the pulp of his steak, Chowdhury couldn’t help but notice a man lurking by a small mountain-range of black bins on the curb outside, shivering with hands deep in his pocket. Poor bastard; such was the mid-winter in London.

Looking back to the table, he did his best to take him mind off it. The others clearly had already, except for Sir Andrew.

Listening closely to the exchange of jokes and anecdotes, the First Secretary of State held himself with an air of dignity, only the gentle bobbing of his head as he listened into the conversation betraying he was three glasses deep into the table’s chardonnay.

Noticing that Chowdhury was looking at him, Sir Andrew leaned over. “How do you think the night is going?” He asked with a voice crisp like Exmoor morning.

“Bloody awful.” Chowdhury whispered back. “They haven’t talked a damn thing about the sanitation strikes!”

A wry smile creased the corners of Sir Andrew’s lips. “That’s the point, dear Bal.”

Running a hand over his face, Chowdhury was unable to concentrate. Of course that was the point. You don’t actually talk policy at dinner, just around it. But he had been up for too long, and he was fading. Fast. “I think I just need to go home.”

Sir Andrew nodded in understanding. “Not just you,” he said pointing to Harvey.

“Boys, boys, I thought we agreed no politics at the dinner table,” the Prime Minister chuckled in a faux-fatherly tone, “at least, as long as it doesn’t concern industrial policy.”

“I believe the Minister is working closer to his inebriation policy,” Kilpatrick giggled as Harvey spilled a mouthful of red onto an already wine soaked shirt.

“Bollocks…” Harvey slurred, clumsily patting his shirt with a napkin.

“I think Balram will be fine driving you home,” Sir Andrew smiled, “he hasn’t drunk a drop.”
“Because he’s a fletcherist.” Harvey grinned while rising to his feet.

Kipatrick raised an eyebrow. “I thought the Chancellor was Anglican.”

Harvey giggled and stumbled towards the toilet. Once he was out of earshot, Kilpatrick said more seriously: “You can’t have a drunk on Cabinet, Leo.”

The Prime Minister’s brow furrowed. “He’s not an alcoholic, Frankie. Just a binge drinker. And regardless, he’s a good Minister.”

“Oh, is he now?” Kilpatrick chortled, “The TUC is willing to put up with a lot from this Government, considering we’re is meant to be one big happy family and all. We might be affiliated, but we aren’t your curs to whip like MPs. You and your Minister would do well to remember that when we officially discuss his White Paper.”

A frost may well have set in the room. “Frankie,” the Prime Minister smiled warmly in an attempt to thaw, “believe me when I say that I want nothing more than for the Labour movement to keep being one big happy family. But sometimes a happy family has its rows- and compromises.” His wink was obvious.

Kilpatrick’s face softened. “Of course, Leo,” he nodded, “but before we meet, if you want this to keep being one big happy family, your Minister needs to be an adult- a sober adult- and sit down with McMann,” the General Secretary of the GMB, “about the London refuse strike.”

Harvey staggered out of the bathroom. Thankfully, Chowdhury sighed, he didn’t piss himself.

“Well, it was a lovely meal, Prime Minister.” Chowdhury nodded. Sir Andrew already had his cheque book out with a flourish. Deeper pockets than most, he thought. Turning to Harvey, he said: “Come on, Graham, let’s take you home.”

But as they went to the door, Chowdhury spotted a small flock of reporters waiting outside, congregating by the mountain range where the man had been. “Goodness sake,” Chowdhury sighed, tugging Harvey towards the exit. “Prime Minister, there’s-”

“Yes, yes, I saw.” Leo ran a hand over a cloud of rusty hair, frustration plain to see. “Frankie, you should head out the back.”

Kilpatrick nodded, as a waiter came to the table with the bill and a silver dish of mints.

“You know,” Leo chuckled, slipping a mint into his cheek, “between you and me, I wish I could tape the editor’s phones, so I’d know where they’re buzzing in from. It’d save us the trouble of this skulduggery, at least.”

Kilpatrick didn’t laugh. Instead he nodded with a forced slight smile.

The waiter led the three men out through the kitchen and into a wide alley that stank thick of rotting waste. Chowdhury led Harvey to his car, dumping him in the back seat. As he went to the driver’s side, Kilpatrick stepped over, rubbing his hands for warmth.

“A bit chilling, that last remark.”

Chowdhury frowned. “What do you mean?”

“About wishing his whips could tap the press’ phones. I’m sure it’s nothing, but he shouldn’t joke about that.”

“I wouldn’t think anything of it,” Chowdhury shivered, unsure if it was the cold or the quote, “he’s just a bit ‘tired and emotional’.”

“Sure,” Kilpatrick leaned in. “Listen, Balram, while I have you, I know that this legislation is a big deal to Leo. I mean, it’s become a damn confidence issue. I want you to know now, and you didn’t here this from me…”

“Where are you going with this, Francis?”

“Among my colleagues, Leo’s on thin ice,” his voice was a knife, “as he is with Labour MPs who don’t forget why the party is called that and who pick up the phone when we call. If Leo wants to die on this hill backing Harvey’s reforms...” Kilpatrick trailed off, squeezing his wrist.

The unspoken words hung like a fog of breath on the wind.

“Whatever happens,” Chowdhury said sternly, “we’ll have to wait and see. No point in ruminating on a ‘what if’.”

Kilpatrick laughed what might have been his only genuine laugh of the evening. “Now I know you’re a Treasury Man- no future vision.”

Climbing into his car, Kilpatrick drove off.

Lingering for a moment, watching the fog of his breath, Chowdhury considered what he was offering. Leo had been Prime Minister for eight years. By all rights, he should be considering retirement by now.

But no Prime Minister ever went out on their own terms.

Sighing, Chowdhury’s shoulders collapsed and the tiredness again washed over. No point rumination on the what-if’s. Instead he turned and climbed into his car. And to him, it was a silly proposition anyway; everyone knew that England would never accept a brown man as its leader.

As he pulled out of the alley parking and drove towards Harvey’s home on Berriman Road, Chowdhury heard what he was sure was a car backfire.
 
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