2019-2022:
Boris Johnson (Conservative)
def 2019: (Majority) Jeremy Corbyn (Labour), Nicola Sturgeon (SNP), Jo Swinson (Liberal Democrats), Jonathan Bartley & Sian Berry (Green)
2022-2034:
Angela Rayner (Labour)
def 2022: (Minority) Boris Johnson (Conservative), Ed Davey (Liberal Democrats), Nicola Sturgeon (SNP), Alex Salmond (Alba), Jonathan Bartley & Sian Berry (Green)
def 2023: (Majority) Boris Johnson (Conservative), Ed Davey (Liberal Democrats), Alex Salmond (Alba), Nicola Sturgeon (SNP), Jonathan Bartley & Sian Berry (Green)
def 2027: (Majority) Liz Truss (Conservative), Jane Dodds (Liberal Democrats), Shahrar Ali (Green), Neile Hanvey [replacing Alex Salmond] (Alba), Huzma Yousaf (SNP)
def 2032: (Majority) James Cleverly (Conservative), Luciana Berger (Liberal Democrats), Shahrar Ali (Green), Alex Arthur (Alba), Tamsin Omond & Cleo Lake (SURGE: For A Better Future)
2034-2035:
Apsana Begum (Labour)
2035-2042: Wes Streeting (Progressive) [#D917B9]
def 2035: (Majority) Apsana Begum (Labour), Rishi Sunak (Conservative), Luciana Berger (Liberal Democrats), Alex Arthur (Alba), Tamsin Omond & Magid Magid (SURGE), Shahar Ali (Green)
def 2039: (Majority) Jonathan Reynolds (Labour), Tom Hunt (Conservative), Sarah Green (New Liberals), Alex Arthur (Alba), Magid Magid & Ivi Hohmann (SURGE)
2042-2050: Alex Davies-Jones (Progressive)
def 2042: (Majority) Charlotte Nichols (Labour), Sarah Green (New Liberals), Bim Afolami (Conservative), Michelle Ferns (Alba), Ivi Hohmann & Jack Harries (SURGE)
def 2045: (Minority with Conservative confidence & supply) Omid Miri (Labour), Harley Dalton (New Liberals), Elena Bunbury (Conservative), Tom McIntosh (Alba [abstained])
2050-xxxx: Omid Miri (Labour)
def 2050: (Majority) Alex Davies-Jones (Progressive), Russel Wong (New Liberals), Tom McIntosh & Mason Stuart (Britannia [abstained]), Elena Bunbury (Conservative)
It is important to recognise that the collapse of the Conservatives was inevitable. When Blair made it acceptable for suburban businessmen to vote Labour, he broke the last taboo around the party. Cameron and Johnson might have briefly stolen working-class social conservatives, but their base was hollow and rotting under them. Could any other party have risen to the status of opposition? It is doubtful. The Greens were always too enthralled by the middle-class-granola-eating-uni-student set, a fault-line around which they eventually split. The Liberal Democrats collaborated with Cameron, but even their right-wing was still more fond of capital than culture, and they never quite made themselves isolated from Labour. The SNP, beloved by the chattering classes, were an outside bet, but even Alba was at the time geographically limited and pariahs thanks to the smears on their leader.
So in the end, the only thing that could defeat Labour was itself.
Unlike with the dissolution of the Liberals, both parts of the Conservative Party that abandoned it moved under the same umbrella. The affluent suburbanites and City professionals were swayed by the ideals of "tolerance" and "progress", while the disaffected urbanites and Northern doleseekers preferred the ideals of "charity" and "community". These growing wings had profound differences over faith, nation, and economy, and the inevitable result was fission. If one were to take their pronouncements at first value, you would conclude that of Britain's two parties, one is economically to the left and socially to the right, and the other is the other way around. A more intelligent analysis would reveal the truth.
The Progressives claim the mantle of protecting British businesses from nationalisation or cooperation, but have been just as consistent in courting the trade-union sector as Labour, giving delegates from the Allied Relief and Reconstruction Workers prime speaking time in their last conference. Indeed, as part of their much-vaunted "social justice", this "pro-business" party have established one of the most generous welfare regimes in history, all in the name of funnelling climate refugees from across the globe into the workforce. The Progressives' ideal business sector is one harried round with employment quotas, taxes, and "social responsibilities", a pussycat in the lap of government--not stuffed or declawed, but far from free.
On the other side of the house, we find Labour, claiming the mantle of nation and culture. A simple glance at the Prime Minister should reveal how hollow that is. Despite allegedly championing Britain's "traditional values", government support for gender transition and alternative romantic arrangements is just as high as it is across the rest of the decadent West. The "senators of faith" supposedly set up as a check on this activity is itself compromised, with bishops forced to rub shoulder with imams, rabbis, and scores of other forms of foreign priest. Labour's vision might centre around the villages and terraced streets of a Merrie England, but it certainly doesn't take stock of the ancestry or creed of said Merrie Englanders.
In the early Naughties, British satirists joked about how the two parties had become interchangeable. Now, the joke is the reality. With both parties ultimately seeing themselves as the heirs to Blair, the main hope for the British right lies outside of politics. The Scots have shown us the way, with the luvvie leftie cuts to policing letting Free Caledonia establish itself. Let us return to the Shires, and like our ancestors, build castles against the tide of darkness...
---Norman Edmonds, Our Land: A New Reaction for a New Era