Dying For A Dream: An Alternate Reformasi
List of Indonesian Presidents:
1967-1970: Suharto (Independent)
1970-1974: Suharto (Golkar)
1974-1974: Hamengkubuwono IX (Golkar)
1974-1983: Sumitro (PNI)
1983-1988: Sumitro "Sujojo" Djojohadikusumo (PNI)
1988-1998: Sumitro (PNI)
The 15th January 1974 protests in Indonesia represented a rising nationalist discontent against the new regime instituted by General Suharto following his purge of leftist factions and institutions as president. The growing role of foreign businessmen in government policy and growing corruption cases led to a rise in discontent targeting Suharto and his clique of personal assistants. During the visit of Japanese Prime Minister Tanaka, student groups filled the streets to protest, leading to violent riots that saw over a hundred deaths. This led to growing criticism towards Suharto, especially from the military elite which had long distrusted him as a former low-ranking intelligence officer who now relied on gangsters and spymasters to cement his rule.
Led by General Sumitro, military units created to crack down on political dissent were used to arrest Suharto’s personal assistants on charges of corruption while Suharto himself opted to resign from power than face a terrible fate. Under this period of "reformation", Sumitro would make his sympathy towards the protestors clear and agree to their demands to reduce the influence of the military in politics. Under his rule, the Indonesian National Party (PNI) would be revived signaling a return to the era of Soekarno and national pride against foreign influence.
The traditional Javanese nobility and landowners who had made up much of the Golkar's leadership found themselves ousted from power under the PNI, though this did not mean their loss of influence. Under the leadership of Finance Minister Sumitro Djojohadikusumo (popularly known as "Sujojo" to distinguish himself from the new president), a series of economic reforms to bolster native Indonesian industry were instituted. Oftentimes, these new industrial conglomerates were led by the nobility who sought to rebuild their patronage networks by helping finance the new regime, as men with names like Sudharmono and Wirahadikusumah took note of the growing semiconductor industry.
Yet this did not signal the beginning of a humanitarian liberal democracy that would be brought about by our timeline’s reformation. Under this world's reformation, the influence of the PNI was further cemented as political cadres and militant youth wings sought to cement the new developmentalist regime through brutal means. Oftentimes, this manifested through programs against the ethnic Chinese, perceived as a race of business owners with an economic status that had to be placed under control to make way for native industry. Brutality against saboteurs and ethnic minorities cemented the new regime before former political rivals were offered positions of power in exchange for acts of loyalty.
After all, Sumitro was a man who owed much of his rise to his close relationship with Suharto and his own role during the violent purge against the Communists in 1965. He would not shy away from bloodshed to cement his own power as threats that could not be bought off with public funds would be dealt with swiftly. Despite initial criticisms of Sumitro's rule from Washington, the new regime sought to win over western businessmen, encouraging investment in new family-controlled industrial conglomerates (referred to as a "dinasti" by the common people). This cooperation with the west was further cemented as Indonesia invaded the nation of East Timor, seeking to eliminate a leftist government a swim’s distance from Australia.
While PNI remained firmly nationalist and anti-communist, Sumitro would not forego investment opportunities in the name of ideology, welcoming Chinese investments to ensure relative independence in foreign and economic affairs. With new transmigrant programs of ethnic resettlement disguised by a new vision for Indonesian industry and the consolidation of the ASEAN economic bloc, it seems Sumitro’s regime will remain for a while.
After all, Sumitro himself did not keep his promise of serving only two terms, drawn back by the allure of power and control. But while the regime seems immortal, the man himself is not, plagued by poor health and old age. While Sujojo is far too old to succeed him as President once more, his son, Prabowo Subianto, is a well-respected military man, known for his brutal albeit efficient quelling of FRETILIN forces in East Timor. While the men in suits believe the lad to be a worthy successor to the Old General, the new generation of students remains discontent with the violent quelling of civil liberties and may be willing to raise arms in protest once more in the name of democracy.