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AndrewH's Test Thread

SoldierOfChrist said:
I know the whole scenario kinda hinges on the Sino-Soviet split but it does seem like one of those things that happens in a world where there is no split.
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The story of Che's growing sympathies towards China and his growing dislike towards the Soviets is fascinating given the context of the Sino-Soviet Split, since 1) there were signs as early as 1959 that Maoism's emphasis on the development of individual consciousness through struggle gelled incredibly well with Guevara's own ideas on moral incentives in labor and how to create the New Man through these moral incentives, hinting at his later criticisms of the Soviets and praise of the Chinese in the mid-60's and 2) how these sympathies further underscored how little China was involved in Third World revolutionary movements outside of a few exception cases (ex. Shining Path).

I think the specifics of this case might ironically be the same as it was IRL if there were no Sino-Soviet Split, neither power was really enthused about getting itself into a protracted guerrilla war in America's backyard (which is why the Congo was so appealing to Che - besides his sympathies towards the Simbas, the Congo was one of the first battlegrounds where both Soviet and Chinese support was coming in for their respective sponsored factions) so Uruguay would be off the table, but foquismo might have actually been a somewhat successful strategy if there had been a unified communist bloc backing it.
 
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collab time

TIME Man of the Year, 1967-1977
1967:
1968:
1969:
1970:
1971:
1972:
1973:
1974:
1975:
1976:
1977:
 
TIME Man of the Year, 1967-1977
1967: Patrice Lumumba
1968: Alfred Robens
1969:
1970:
1971:
1972:
1973:
1974:
1975:
1976:
1977:
 
TIME Man of the Year, 1967-1977
1967: Patrice Lumumba
1968: Alfred Robens
1969: Kerim Kerimov
1970: Gus Grissom and Alexis Leonov
1971: Lyndon B. Johnson
1972:
1973:
1974:
1975:
1976:
1977:
 
TIME Man of the Year, 1967-1977
1967: Patrice Lumumba
1968: Alfred Robens
1969: Kerim Kerimov
1970: Gus Grissom and Alexis Leonov
1971: Lyndon B. Johnson
1972: Lin Biao
1973:
1974:
1975:
1976:
1977:
 
TIME Man of the Year, 1967-1977
1967: Patrice Lumumba
1968: Alfred Robens
1969: Kerim Kerimov
1970: Gus Grissom and Alexis Leonov
1971: Lyndon B. Johnson
1972: Lin Biao
1973: Enrico Berlinguer
1974:
1975:
1976:
1977:
 
TIME Man of the Year, 1967-1977
1967: Patrice Lumumba
1968: Alfred Robens
1969: Kerim Kerimov
1970: Gus Grissom and Alexis Leonov
1971: Lyndon B. Johnson
1972: Lin Biao
1973: Enrico Berlinguer
1974:
1975: Gough Whitlam
1976:
1977:
 
TIME Man of the Year, 1967-1977
1967: Patrice Lumumba
1968: Alfred Robens
1969: Kerim Kerimov
1970: Gus Grissom and Alexei Leonov
1971: Lyndon B. Johnson
1972: Lin Biao
1973: Enrico Berlinguer
1974: “The Young Radicals” (cover: Tariq Ali, Alice Becker-Ho, Gilles Duceppe, Gary Hart)
1975: Gough Whitlam
1976:
1977:
 
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TIME Man of the Year, 1967-1977
1967: Patrice Lumumba
1968: Alfred Robens
1969: Kerim Kerimov
1970: Gus Grissom and Alexei Leonov
1971: Lyndon B. Johnson
1972: Lin Biao
1973: Enrico Berlinguer
1974: “The Young Radicals” (cover: Tariq Ali, Alice Becker-Ho, Gilles Duceppe, Gary Hart)
1975: Gough Whitlam
1976: Warren Burger
1977:
 
TIME Man of the Year, 1967-1977
1967: Patrice Lumumba
1968: Alfred Robens
1969: Kerim Kerimov
1970: Gus Grissom and Alexei Leonov
1971: Lyndon B. Johnson
1972: Lin Biao
1973: Enrico Berlinguer
1974: “The Young Radicals” (cover: Tariq Ali, Alice Becker-Ho, Gilles Duceppe, Gary Hart)
1975: Gough Whitlam
1976: Warren Burger
1977: Anthony Wedgwood Benn
 
note: every entry is at the end of the year in case it wasn't clear (i.e. moty 1967 is published at the end of 1967/the beginning of 1968). writing in the style of 60's TIME, does not reflect the views of the author yadda yadda

Screenshot 2023-11-23 10.13.34 PM.png​

The Man of the Year has electrified an entire continent, served as the impetus for revolution in the Congo, and has joined Karl Marx, Vladimir Lenin and Che Guevara in the pantheon of revolutionary heroes. The Man of the Year has also been dead for six years.

For the late Patrice Lumumba's 18 million countrymen, the year produced an unprecedented wave of upheaval, as the married rebels Pierre Mulele and Léonie Abo once again took arms in the eastern Congolese province of Kwilu, kick-starting a new stage in the civil war thought to be dormant ever since President Mobutu's rise to power. The cry of "mai Mulele" (the "water of Mulele," a tribal chant that his warriors believe would grant them invulnerability) echoed from the valleys of the Ruwenzori, through the dark jungles of the interior and into the coastal cities where Mobutu and the National Congolese Army draws it strength.

While it may have seemed like another doomed uprising in its early days in the spring, the economic downturn that has faced the young country ever since Mobutu nationalized the Union Minière du Haut-Katanga, the Belgian mining conglomerate that employed over 100,000 native Congolese in addition to 10,000 European administrators who have fled the country, drove the urban center in Kinshasa and the rural population to joining the Mulelist struggle. For all of Mobutu's fire and brimstone about winning an "authentic sovereignty" for his people and "keeping Congo for the Congolese," keeping the UM's complex operations without the know-how of European technicians proved to be impossible. After the UM's shareholders refused his demand for a $150,000,000 payout in restitution for money "stolen" from the people of the Congo and the flight of capital investment out of the country, growth flatlined, Mobutu reluctantly declared a recession, and banners emblazoned with the images of Mulele, Abo and Lumumba began marching ever closer to Kinshasa.

The new crisis in the Congo soon spread like wildfire across the continent. With so many interconnected problems (inflation, crime, dictatorships, poverty, war, famine, disease...) flowing together, the African continent was battered by a deep anxiety about what its independence had wrought. While the soaring oratory of Lumumba has been published far and wide this year, one line has been used far more than others, his famous rebuke to King Baudouin of Belgium: "we are no longer your monkeys." In Rhodesia, Guinea-Bisseau, Angola, South Africa, and Mozambique, guerrillas have declared a new Pan-African war against the status quo, trying to break the last shackles imposed on them by colonial masters. In Addis Ababa and Accra, students marched en masse for the liberation of Mandela, imprisonment of Ankrah, and for vengeance, vengeance for the death of their martyred Patrice.

The Man of the Year is also not of interest only to Africans and their sympathizers. Interested parties in the growing conflagration have used his namesake to justify their actions, from Vice President Humphrey's invocation of his memory in calling for Mulele's and Abo's surrender, to the rare appearance of Mao Tse-tung on the international stage, obliquely (or inanely?) remarking that the Africa of the future is the "Africa of Lumumba," shortly before recognizing the newly-formed Brazzaville government. H. Rap Brown has called for a Lumumbist revolution of our own here in America. Governor Spiro Agnew called anybody using his image a "race baiter" after riots in Baltimore. Patrice Lumumba, in his life after death, has become an empty cipher, with every last interest group and demographic class imbuing him with their own idiosyncratic meaning. More than any other man this year, he has embodied the tensions of our era.

The greatest men in history are those who became more than just men, forces of history unto themselves who inspired change and upheaval through their words and actions. It remains to be seen if Lumumba, even after death, will stand among them.
 
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1976 - 1978: George Moscone (Democratic)
Dan White still shoots Moscone; Milk hears the shots and manages to barricade himself in his office, escaping his IRL fate. White attempts to break in, but fails, leaves and turns himself in as per OTL.
1978 - 1979: Dianne Feinstein (Democratic)
1979 - 1985: Harvey Milk (Democratic)
Milk defeats Feinstein in a narrow election, mobilizing SF's queer community, liberal churches and residual sympathy for Moscone against Feinstein's coalition of business/SFPD. The AIDS Crisis proves to be his downfall - Milk's refusal to close the bathhouses not only splits SF's gay community (albeit with most supporting Milk given the IRL concerns about the push to shutdown the bathhouses being little more than a government initiative to push gay men - and public queer life in the Bay - back into the closet existing here) but breaks his support among the state Party and with members of the Board of Supervisors. Mervyn Silverman's resignation, which happens just about for the same reasons as OTL, brings Milk down with him, ending a bright career for Milk in elected politics. Milk enjoys an illustrious post-career as the somewhat-controversial liberal face of the gay rights movement (in contrast with the gay liberation movement), passing away some time in the early 2000's.
1985 - 1992: Tom Hsieh (Democratic)
1992 - ???: Carol Ruth Silver (Democratic)
 
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Screenshot 2023-11-26 12.16.10 AM.png
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The role of the central banker as taken on an increasingly public role in recent years; once anonymous bureaucrats who simply pushed and pulled on the levers of monetary policy, the modern era of inflation and economic unrest has demanded a more political touch, someone outside the occulted realm that is international finance and with a more public face. Alfred Robens, Governor of the Bank of England and our Man of the Year, represents this new trend - his political career dead in the water after the 1966 Aberfan Disaster, where over 130 people (mostly children) were killed by a coal waste heap landslide while he was Chairman of the National Coal Board, Robens turned to a lucrative career in private consulting and banking in The City, the square mile neighborhood in the center of London quickly growing into a global financial hub. The untimely death of former Governor Leslie O'Brien from pneumonia and resulting complications grimly allowed Robens the opportunity to wedge his way back into the spotlight of British society. While Prime Minister Wilson's tendency towards meritocracy were rumored to have been leading him towards another candidate, The City intervened. Robens, while perhaps lacking in experience (albeit with a caveat - he had join the Board of the Directors of the Bank in 1966), had shown remarkable aplomb and work ethic in approaching matters of finance, and had ingratiated himself well with the 16 accepting houses which ran the money markets. Only a year removed from his devaluation of the pound, Wilson decided to listen to this cabal of money-men and pencil pushers and appointed Robens on their advice.

How he would come to regret this choice. The notoriously flamboyant Robens would make Wilson's life this year a living hell, getting into a public slugest with the Prime Minister and Chancellor of the Exchequer Roy Jenkins over his sweeping deregulatory plans for the Bank. His proposal would see the Bank's rates be determined by the open market, in particular British heavy industry, rather than direct government control, allowing British institutions to compete more competitively with foreign institutions as well as lessen the massive increase in domestic deposits by encouraging banks to extend new loans and introducing new lines of credit into the economy. For Wilson and Jenkins, what amounted to letting market forces determine the Bank of England's interest rates was a bridge too far in a period of monetary uncertainty for the pound sterling, responding to Robens' proposal by sending a strongly worded - and confidential - letter demanding he reconsider.

Robens in turn retorted by taking to the press and openly condemning the Prime Minister's attempt to break the independence of the nation's central bank. What followed was a war of words without precedent in modern economic or political history, with Robens calling Wilson and Jenkins "pygmies" compared to the Labour leaders of yesteryear and the Prime Minister demanding an early end to his appointed term (O'Brien's original time as Governor was set to end in 1972). As of the end of 1968, Britain's monetary future looks uncertain, as another round of debates between Robens and 10 Downing Street over the possible floating of sterling rage on. Many in Britain now either question the prudence of having the Prime Minister interfere with the nations long-term monetary policy or the nature of having an unelected position impact the lives of British citizens to such a powerful degree.

The furor caused by this kerfuffle in the Houses of Parliament and the ensuing transcripts of their verbal sparring could fill an entire issue of TIME, but what Robens brief, tumultuous tenure as Governor reveals is the economic forces of the world outside of our reach - the average American could not tell you who the Chairman of the Federal Reserve does, let alone who he is. Robens, however, has not only become a domestic iconoclast (their are rumors that the Conservative Party would try and recruit him to make a run for Parliament if he leaves or is otherwise forced from office before the next election) but an international political celebrity, allowing us to get a closer look at the institutions that shape our day-to-day lives just outside of view. In a year shaped by violent revolt, political unrest and questions over the nature of our government, the Man of the Year is someone who has allowed us a closer look at how power works, shining a spotlight on the institutions that few of us have paid a whit of attention to before.
 
Office Hours: Mon. 12:00-3:00 (or by appt.)
stellawillardk@syracuse/.edu
Eggers Hall 310

Global '68

HIS 517
Wednesdays, 2:00 - 5:00/127 Eggers Hall​


To use the term "Global '68" is both to reference a single year (1968) and its events, a historiographic periodization— that is, 1967 to 1974—identified with the ruptures of that year and what came before and after, as well as an épistémè that has shaped our understanding of the era. It is a period defined by the highest of ideals, of New Men and new ways of living, liberation and progress, as well as mass repression, nuclear war and complete social upheaval. The conflicts of the Third World came home to the First, as the struggles of groups as varied as Czech students, Brazilian guerrillas, Palestinian fedayeen and Congolese reformers all seemed to converge. How do historians make sense of these interconnected experiences, defined by a set of shared images and ideals, a kind of global imaginary? This graduate seminar examines the lives and afterlives of 1968 through the study of secondary and primary sources with an internationalist perspective, developing a methodological approach for researching and interpreting the revolutionary transformations of the time through local/international perspectives.

Books Required for Purchase
Gabriel Byrne, Peripheral Medicine: Cuba, South Africa, and Transnational Solidarity (Los Angeles: University of Arizona Press, 2016)
Jane Lovell, Red Star Over the Seine: A History of Global Maoism (Durham: Duke University Press, 2022)
Antony Nembhard, Revolution and its Critics ( Durham: Duke University Press, 2011)
Preston Preciado, Boys in the Sun: Youth and Radical Conservatism in 70's Tokyo (Oakland: PM Press, 2019)
David Yates, Under the Paving Stones, the Beach! Ideology and Institutionalization in Revolutionary France (Durham: Duke University Press, 2019)
Wei Zhang, Queer Rage: San Francsico's Politics of Liberation (London: Oxford University Press, 2006)

Requirements and Grading
Presentations (30%): Every student will be responsible for presenting on a text and leading or co-leading the first half of a class session. Presentations (15-20 min max) will include a brief bio of the author, "mapping" analysis that explains the thesis and/or situates the text within the broader conceptual framework of Global '68, and the dissemination of questions to guide discussion. Presentations may also include a PowerPoint and/or the distribution of handouts, as appropriate. Auditors are welcome to co-present if room is available.

Film Essay (30%): 5-7 page essay that discusses themes of liberatory politics and its relation to gender and/or sexuality based upon a comparative analysis of the films Masculin Féminin and Life in Occupied London shown in Week 6 and drawing upon readings from Week 7 and prior. Due Week 10.

Historiography Paper (40%): 12-15 page paper that explores in depth a body of texts related to a selected theme of the Global Sixties made in consultation with the professor. The paper must incorporate at least 8-10 texts (monographs, chapters and journal articles) in addition to those discussed in the course.

This is a graduate-level course. You are expected to show up on time, having read and processed the readings in advance. Full participation by every student is expected and will be taken into consideration for your final grade. I will encourage lively, yet respectful debate and expect all students to respond in kind. If you have any concerns regarding class dynamics I strongly encourage you to speak with me directly. Excused absences will be accepted only in exceptional circumstances. Any absence will require a 3-5 page essay based upon that week's readings, due no later than the Friday following class.

Week 1 (1/13) - "Introduction/Conceptualizing a Global '68"
Readings​
Debbie Leibowitz and Stephanie Johnson, “Making the ‘Global ‘68’” in Jeremy Kahn, ed., Global Politics: A Guide for Researchers (New York: New York University Press, 2014), 253-75.​
Stella Willard-Kyle, “The Internationalist Turn in Latin American Histories,” The Americas 68:3 (June 2012): 219-233.​
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Week 2 (1/20) - "Student Radicalism Beyond Paris"
Readings​
Lovell, Red Star Over the Seine: A History of Global Maoism, introduction, Chap. 1-4​
Ian Luke, “Blood, Sweat and Gatorade: The 1969 Gainesville Occupation and the Making of Youth Politics ” in J.P. Breyer and Edward Oluwatimi, eds., Street Fighting Men: Understanding Political Violence in 70's America (San Francisco: University of California Press, 2020), Chap. 7​
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Week 3 (1/27) - "Global Revolutionary Politics"
Readings​
Yates, Under the Paving Stones, the Beach! Ideology and Institutionalization in Revolutionary France.​
Preciado, Boys in the Sun: Youth, Punk and Radical Conservatism in 70's Tokyo​
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Week 4 (2/4) - "A New Bandung Moment?"
Readings​
Byrne, Peripheral Medicine: Cuba, South Africa, and Transnational Solidarity​
Aftab Naveed, “The Jordanian Revolution and the Sabrat/Sadat Intervention” Contemporary Middle Eastern History, 20:1 (December 2003): 55-90.​
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Week 5 (2/11) - "Counter-revolution or Anti-terrorism?"
Readings​
Nembhard, Revolution and its Critics​
Julia Concia, “The Transnational Reaction to 1968: Military Repression from Mexico to Germany,” Journal of Comparative Politics, 54:3 (January 2021), 213-236.​
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Week 6 (2/18) - "Sexuality and Countercultural Practices in Social Movements"
Readings​
Zhang, Queer Rage: San Francsico's Politics of Liberation ​
Allen Young, What I Learned On the Venceremos Brigade, (New York: Newton Publishing, 1978), 91-135.​
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We will also be watching Masculin Féminin (dir. Godard) and Life in Occupied London (dir. Jarman), so bring popcorn!​
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Week 7 (2/25) - "Global Cultures after '68"
Readings​
Jaime Genovese, POP! Art, Music and Culture in 70's Africa, (Los Angeles: Tacchini Books, 2022), 55-78.​
Kennedy Young, "Los Beatles: Latin Pop Music in New York City, 1972 - 1975," American Cultural Studies, 58:1 (October, 2001), 25-39.​
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Week 8 (3/4) - SPRING BREAK
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Week 9 (3/11) - "Third Worldism"
Readings​
William Marks, “Internationalism in Dhaka and Rio de Janeiro: Engaging Apolônio de Carvalho and Guevara,” Aporia: A Journal of Social and Political Theory, 66:2 (June 2008), 186-210.​
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Week 10 (3/18) - "Politics in Revolutionary France, Post-Revolution China, and Pre-Revolution South Africa"
Readings​
Alain Badiou, Fidelity to Theory, (London: Cassell & Co., 2008), i-xxxviii, 101-141.​
Kristin Nassar, “Women in the ANC Freedom Struggle," The International African Institute Review, 66:2 (June 2008), 186-210.​
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Week 11 (3/25) - "Life in the Imperial Dream: American Reactions to Global '68"
Readings​
Michael Morgenstern, “The Bayh Moment: Constitutional Conventions and Popular Protest,” Journal of North American Politics, 66:2 (June 2008), 186-210.​
David Yates, "The Rise, Fall and Rise of the American New Left, 1966-1996" in Keith Shaban, ed., Prairie Fires: American Radicalism and its Afterlives (Chicago: Northwestern University Press, 2000), introduction​
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Week 12 (4/2) - "Foreign Policies"
Readings​
Jonas Stiles, "Boy Wonders: Richard Holbrooke, Warren Manshel and Anthony Lake in South Africa," Journal of North American Politics, 73:1 (December 2014), 13-40.​
Annegret Hippenberger, "The Hartling Assassination Forty Years On," in G.H. Moretti, ed., Bombthrowers: Portraits of 20th Century Rebellion (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2009), Chap. 15.​
Alison Wheen-Johnson, “Havana to Joburg: The Role of Cuban Radicals in Exporting Revolution," New American Forum, 5:3 (September 2022), 52-77.​
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Week 13 (4/9) - "Soviet Decline and Chinese Guerrillas"
Readings​
Lovell, Red Star Over the Seine: A History of Global Maoism, introduction, Chap. 5-8.​
Martin Kopkind, “The Sick Man of the Global South? Romanian Communism in Contemporary Southern Politics" Political Economy Review, 28:3 (October 2015), 28-39.​
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Week 14 (4/16) - Presentations and Final Papers Submission
 
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