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The Sixteenth HoS Challenge.

The Sixteenth HoS List Challenge: The Workers

  • A White Rose on the Red Flag--Lilitou

    Votes: 8 40.0%
  • Shall These Hands Build? Or Shall They Feel Blood?--Time Enough

    Votes: 5 25.0%
  • The Reserves--Walpurgisnacht

    Votes: 2 10.0%
  • Forty-Seven States and the Washington Soviet--BClick

    Votes: 10 50.0%
  • Grand Masters of the Knights of Labour--ZeroFrame

    Votes: 3 15.0%
  • Bright is the Sky in the Liberated Zone--Bonniecanuck

    Votes: 7 35.0%
  • The Dawning Day--VoidTemplar

    Votes: 6 30.0%
  • The Crown and the Hammer--Mumby

    Votes: 9 45.0%

  • Total voters
    20
  • Poll closed .

Walpurgisnacht

It was in the Year of Maximum Danger
Location
Banned from the forum
Pronouns
He/Him
Yesterday was my Official Day, so I took it off. Now we're here!

The rules are simple; I give a prompt, and you have until 4:00pm on the 26th to post a list related to the prompt. As for what constitutes a list? If you'd personally post it in Lists of Heads of Government and Heads of State rather than another thread, I think that's a good enough criterion. Writeups are preferred, please don't post a blank list, and I'd also appreciate it if you titled your list for polling purposes. Once the deadline hits, we will open up a multiple choice poll, and whoever receives the most votes after a week gets the entirely immaterial prize.

The 1st of May is, of course, as well as being @Walpurgisnacht, International Labour Day. As such, the theme for this month's challenge could be none other than The Workers. Labour agitation has always walked hand in hand with politics, and many have claimed to speak for the working class in the halls of government, some with more justification than others. (In addition, the sheer volume of absolute bops produced by trade unions over the years means I will probably not have to post German teenagers rapping again this month.)

Good luck!
 
A White Rose On The Red Flag

Chairs of the Sheffield Council of Workers' Deputies

1917-1918: Herbert Smith (Independent Labour)
1917 def: George Fletcher (Labour), Gertrude Wilkinson (Workers' Suffrage), Alf Barton (British Socialist), Arthur Ponsonby (Anti-War Liberal)
1918-1920: Sylvia Pankhurst (Workers' Suffrage)
1918 def: Herbert Smith (Independent Labour), Alf Barton (British Socialist), Arthur Ponsonby (Anti-War Liberal), Cecil Wilson (Labour)
1920-1920: J. T. Murphy (British Socialist)
April 1920 def: Sylvia Pankhurst (Workers' Suffrage), Arthur Ponsonby (Anti-War Liberal)
1920-1924: Sylvia Pankhurst (Workers' Suffrage)
October 1920 def: Edward Hough (Independent Labour), J. T. Murphy (British Socialist), Arthur Ponsonby (Anti-War Liberal), Cecil Wilson (Labour)

Extract from Chapter Three: The Sheffield Workers' Council of the history textbook A Very British Revolution, published 1996:

...so the Great War raged on, in Europe at least, while the paper-thin success of the Gallipolli campaign proved, ultimately, to be a poisoned chalice. It knocked the Ottoman Empire's military government out of the war, but the Allied Powers soon found themselves having to occupy vast swathes of unruly foreign lands as central control broke down. The hodgepodge of military warlords, ethnic secessionists and independent-minded tribes folk made for an uneasy situation. The leaking of the Sykes–Picot Agreement by German intelligence put a match to the flame.

French and British soldiers tied down in the occupied Ottoman Empire, the Allies were unable to provide an adequate defence in the face of the successful Falkenhayn offensive. As the Brusilov offensive ended inconclusively, and the Italians failed to shift the balance of power in the Alps, German forces took the symbolic French fortress of Verdun in the November of 1916. It was only a few short weeks after this that the Allied lines began to break down; the occupation in Anatolia had sapped Allied manpower, and the stories coming out had sapped Allied morale. The French began shipping in colonial forces, and the British soon followed, but it was not enough, and the colonial troops experienced low morale from the onset. In hindsight, the Allies should have seen the first mutiny coming. They probably wouldn't have expected it to come from a British unit, though.

The exact details are lost to history, and there is disagreement among modern academics as to the exact story, particularly on either side of the Steel Shroud. Western historians generally ascribe to the view that the members of the Grimsby Chums - who had suffered heavy casualties at the Somme and had then been relocated to assist in the defence of Sainte-Menehould - fraternised with the French colonial infantry, gained access to off-limits French wine and spoke about the horrors of war. When the French colonial infantry were discovered to have stolen wine, it was decided that many members of the unit were to be court-martialled as an example. The Chums were outraged, and prevented the court-martialling and essentially entered open mutiny, in response to the stories from Anatolia, the poor conditions that the soldiery were subjected to, and a general feeling that after Verdun the allies should sue for peace. Eastern historians, meanwhile, assert that the French colonial infantry and the Chums were already in a conspiracy before their fraternisation.

Whichever assertion is correct, it is known that after this initial event the story spread like wildfire, leading to a widespread military mutiny. There was a general feeling that the war was lost, that enough blood had been shed, and that now was the time for peace. The officers and the politicians did not agree with this feeling. For every mutiny, there was a court-martial. For every court-martial, another mutiny. When news filtered home to Britain, there were mixed feelings. Among most of the middle and upper classes there was a feeling out outrage at the treachery, but among the working and lower middle class there were more mixed feelings. There was a patriotism, yes, but there was also an understanding; it was hard to find a Briton who didn't have a son, or a brother, or a friend, who had died either at Verdun or in blasted Anatolia.

This feeling was most notable in Clydeside, the Welsh Valleys and the industrial cities of Northern England and the Midlands. Sympathy strikes began cropping up, in support of the mutinying soldiers. Like the mutinies, many of these were put down by force; but that only served to further the anger. It was in the Steel City of Sheffield that the most notable of these strikes happened, as steelworkers put down their tools and made the first chant of what soon became a political slogan: "Not 'til our Boys Are Back". The establishment tried to force the steelworkers back into the mills, but again, they refused. Instead, the striking workers and local political radicals made the momentous decision to take matters into their own hands. They stormed the City Hall, and it was here that they shooed away the incumbent council of Aldermen, and instead declared the Sheffield Council of Workers' Deputies, the first attempt at council democracy in Britain. The first step of the British Revolution.

In Sheffield, the council immediately declared solidarity with the mutineers, and claimed to represent the workers and soldiers of Sheffield. The internal politics of the council were complex, but saw factional battles between a number of parties, such as Independent Labour, the Labour Party, Workers' Suffrage, the British Socialist Party and even anti-war Liberals. After the leadership of Herbert Smith, it eventually devolved into a battle between Sylvia Pankhurst who was considered a true believer in libertarianism, and J. T. Murphy who was seen as a proponent of vanguard socialism.

As with many other British towns and cities, Sheffield became home to battles between supporters of the council and supporters of the national government. As the situation on the continent worsened, the supporters of the council gradually won out. When the Palace of Westminster was stormed in 1921, the United Kingdom came to a definitive end, and from her position as Chair of the Sheffield Council, Sylvia Pankhurst oversaw the formation of the Congress of British Councils and the establishment of the Commonwealth of Britain. The British Revolution had been won.

In the next chapter, we will delve further into the consequences of the British Revolution, into the formation of a post-revolutionary society and explore the later career of Sylvia Pankhurst, including her famous feud with Ramsay MacDonald.

KEY TERMS
Steel Shroud
: the term used to describe the political border in Europe which divides it between the Libertarian West and the Authoritarian East from the conclusion of the Second Great War in 1944.
Council democracy: a name given to the form of democracy that we practice today across the western world, in which voters elect members of local councils, who in turn elect members of a national legislature.

PRACTICE QUESTION
"The British Revolution was inevitable, due to the inherent contradictions at the heart of late-stage capitalism". To what extent do you agree or disagree with this statement?
 
It’s nice when a list challenge allows me to engage in some world building for a novel I’m planning;


“Shall These Hands Build? Or Shall They Feel Blood?”

General Secretary of the Third International:

1920-1925: Karl Liebknecht (Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands)
1925-1930: Sándor Garbai (Magyar Dolgozók Pártja)
1930-1933: Alceste De Ambris (Unità Proletaria Fascista)†
1933-1935: Position Void, Work Split Between Regional Bureaus
1935-1940: Fritz Adler (Bund Demokratischer Sozialisten)
1940-: Heinrich Brandler (Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands)


‘Il Duce’ of the Fourth International:
1935-: Edmondo Rossoni (Unità Proletaria Fascista)

As the guns fell silent in August 1919, the world stopped for a brief second and pondered, what next?

This would be immediately interrupted by the guns starting up again, though this time not aimed at there fellow workers but towards the upper classes, the business elitist and the aristocracy who had them die through machine gun fire, poison gas, diseases and starvation to fulfil some lines on map.

In Germany, Austria and Hungry, workers would with the support of similar minded soldiers and sailors, hurl up the Red Flag and proclaim a multitude of Communist Republics inspired by there failed cousins in Russia. The possibility of these Socialist states being removed from the equation was brought up by many a government of the former allies but seeing there own turmoil at home and lack of funds to pursue any kind of intervention, these oddities within the world order would be allowed to live.

Imminent discussions of Communist expansion were immediately tempered by a very simple answer; we have no money. Between deciding World Revolution and Feeding there fellow comrades, the first Workers Council decided that feeding the masses was a better plan.

As the new nations of the Third International, proclaimed in Berlin in 1920 with much pomp and circumstance, went about creating new Socialist nations, down south another revolution was brewing.

Italy's home grown coalition of Revolutionary Workers, Soldiers and Sailors were a bit different compared to there mostly Germanic counterparts, a collective compromised of Marxists, Syndicalists, Anarchists and even a few Liberal Republicans united to overthrow the backwards monarchy and supportive government with it. The fighting was more brutal than what had occurred the few years before, a nation frustrated by there’s lack of gains and heavy body count decided to take there frustrations out on there former masters.

Whilst the Third International readily supported there erstwhile Italian comrades, the image of the King Victor Emmanuel corpse being paraded around Rome like a grim idol made many within the Third International feel awkward, as they had quietly let there former Royals run away or just quietly bury them in a woods somewhere. Italy was different, more frustrated, more Radical, more...irredentist.

Indeed one of the first dividing lines between the two cliques would be over Nationalism. The Third International tried to overcome there nationalistic pasts, there Italian comrades embraced it. Soon enough images tied to the ideals of the Roman Republic, Garibaldi and there fallen martyrs like Benito Mussolini would be given almost messianic qualities too them, stripped of all substance and presented as images of true heroes of the revolution.

Additionally to a mixture of mild annoyance to outright horror within the Third International, Italy proudly proclaimed it would be keeping there colonies and Empire proclaiming it to be the first Socialist Empire in the world.

Despite there Italian Comrades being seen as aloof radicals by there Third International counterparts, attempts would be made to attract them into the cause. After all they were good Socialists.

As all the nations rebuilt, traded and generally tried get out of the pit of austerity caused by the war, it seemed for some that the possibility of a bright Socialist future would be nearby. Indeed the election of the veteran Trade Unionists and Syndicalist Revolutionary, Alceste De Ambris seemed to indicate a possible reconciliation between Italy and there Central European comrades.

But in Italy itself, violent and radical changes were occurring, as Nicola Bombacci purged his enemies and political rivals often with excuses of they ‘lacked Socialistic fervour’. Much of the Third International condemned this, the outright violence that Bombacci displayed towards his former comrades was a symptom of Bombacci’s radical and violent perspective of Socialism it was decided.

In 1933, two events would occur that ensured the breaking of the Italy from the Third International.

First would be the exile of Antonio Gramsci to Vienna after his year long prison sentence, the image of the limping disheveled Marxist scholar beloved by many in the Third International caused outrage and horror to which a spokesman for the Italian Social Republic with ‘he was insufficiently Socialist for the people’ which caused even more anger and resentment.

Secondly would be the death of Alceste De Ambris from health issues. Whilst never particularly present in the affairs of the Third, he was fondly seen as a brother in arms compared to Bombacci’s ilk. Faced with the possibility of Edmondo Rossoni becoming General Secretary, the Workers Council would vote to subside all duties of the General Secretary to Regional Bureaus till the next election, where the candidate would be Austrian as per convention.

Feeling slighted, just before the next election, Bombacci and Rossoni would declare there own International based upon a ‘Marxist interpretation of National Syndicalist thought and Fascisti Socialism’ and the Fourth International was formed.

Seven years have passed and both International’s are overseen by two former Working Class Trade Unionists who have engaged militant struggles in there past; both have incredibly opposing views to the situations of the world.

Heinrich Brandler is considered the Centre of the Third International, a once hardened Left Communist who has moderated with the times. Indeed he’s over seen a Third International that pursues very much a Realpolitik mode of International Affairs, whilst France under Laval is still rather fearful of there Leftist neighbours, Britain and America under Alexander & Tydings have a more conciliatory relationship. Indeed the the possibility of extensive trade and resources from a rather industrialise country is an opportunity that seems tantalising to some.

Brandler as well endorses electoralism as a possible strategy alongside others like strikes and at a push. Indeed his endorsement is probably what caused the Finnish Communist’s to accept the offer of coalition with there Social Democratic counterparts. Even the possibility of a loosening on the One Party nature of the state; something that has already happened in the Austrian Region seems possible though Brandler is anxious about the effects it could have.

For Edmondo Rossoni, true Socialists emancipation is only achieved through violence. Scholars often compare the ideals of the Fourth International to that of Blanquism if combined with a more National Syndicalist bent to proceedings. Indeed one only has to look to it’s support of similar minded Revolutionaries in Spain, Mexico, Syria and Yugoslavia and it’s recent invasions of Ethiopia and Albania to see it’s true violent and despotic nature despite it habit of deeming itself the ‘True Heirs to the philosophy’s of Marx and Sorel’.

As the forties continue forward and Italy's small victories seem slight, the possibility of there being another European War seems ever possible...
 
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The Reserves
General Secretaries of the National Unemployed Workers' Movement
1921-1954: Wal Hannington
1923: attempted split by Gunnar Soderberg prevented
1927: General Strike called; militant action begins
1931: General Strike ends;
NUWM represented at Provisional Trade Union Congress of the United Kingdom
1932: Co-operative Commonwealth Charter: NOT APPROVED
1932: British Soviet Charter: NOT APPROVED
1932: Liverpool Agreement Charter: APPROVED
1941: Declaration of Great Anti-Reactionary War; NUWM militants reorganised into Reserve Army of Labour
1947: End of Great Anti-Reactionary War
1950: Beginning of "Bobby Battle" with British Revolutionary Army and
National Union of Police and Prison Officers
1954: Wal Hannington made honorary president of the Amalgamated Federation of Engineers

1954-1956: Ewan MacColl
1956: Dissolution of NUWM: APPROVED

History of the People's Republic: End-of-Term Exam
Topic: The National Unemployed Worker's Union


Question 1: While the NUWM largely stuck to logistical action or street brawling during the General Strike, they did face the Royal Army once during the Battle of Chester-le-Street. Please answer the following questions about the battle [5 marks]:
>How many casualties did the NUWM take during the battle?
a) 300
b) 1600
c) 1300
d) 2100
>Which regiment of the British Revolutionary Army arrived to relieve the NUWM?
a) 1st Waldrige Coal Miners Militia
b) 5th Feltham Yard Rail Workers Militia
c) 3rd Jarrow Shipbuilders Militia
d) Reconstructed Northumberland Fusiliers
>Which notable Martyr of Labour perished during the battle leading the NUWM?
a) Wilf Gray
b) John Loverseed
c) Alex Armstrong
d) Constance Pickles

Invigilator's notes: Right, Jan, can you shift the questions when you give them out to the class, they've been silly buggers at the Exam Board and made all the right answers c) again. Also, I'm pretty sure we stopped making kids memorise the Martyrs of Labour back in 2006, so maybe change the wording on that one.

Question 2: "Wal Hannington's motivations in blocking both the "Co-operative Commonwealth" Charter and the "British Soviet" Charter were primarily ideological, rather than pragmatic." Do you agree or disagree? Make reference to Gunnar Sonderberg's UWO, Mikhail Koltsov's role in the Poplar Soviet's collapse, co-operation between the NUWM and the worker councils, and Hannington's visit to Petrograd in your answer. [25 marks]

Invigilator's notes: Annoying we got this question the year we finally stop doing Anglo-Russian relations in Geography, eh? Anyway, this can stand on its own I think--maybe make it a bit clearer that it's an either-or rather than mandatory to use all those bits of evidence.

Question 3: Read through the sources below about the "Bobby Battle":
>"Black Bonapartism in the Ukraine and Here (anonymous pamphlet, attributed to Wal Hannington, 1952)" OR "The Policeman Stays The Same: The Reactionary's Many Disguises (anonymous pamphlet, attributed to Wal Hannington, 1951)"
>"Remarks on the Recent Disturbances in Minehead (report, Henry Goodrich, 1952)" OR "Medical Report on Battle of Minehead" OR "Living History: Minehead and 'the day the police arrested each other' (film, BBC Local History, 1983)"
>"The Demands of Total Mobilisation (pamphlet, Tom Wintringham, 1941)" OR "Warriors of the Home Front: The Reserve Army (film, British Cinemaworkers Union, 1943)" OR "The Demands of the Continued Emergency (speech, Wal Hannington, 1948)"
>"A People's Police (legal proposal, Tommy Thiel, 1949)" AND "Rising Like Lions: How a Revolutionary Army means a Revolutionary Populace (book, Bert Levy & Jenny Patrick, 1949)"
>"Forward Unemployed?/The Ballad of Ewan MacColl [chapters 17-21] (book, Ewan MacColl, 1969/1981)"
>"My Life And Struggles Among the Unemployed (book, Wal Hannington, 1964)"
Now, pick one of the following questions to answer, making it clear which one you choose on your exam sheet [30 marks]:
A. How important was the Great Anti-Reactionary War and the union's use to secure the home front in allowing the NUWM to become a "parallel state", relative to its role in the General Strike?
B. Is it relevant to describe the Bobby Battle as an ideological conflict between anarchism, syndicalism, and socialism?
C. "Without the Bobby Battle, organised crime in Britain would not be a problem". To what extent do you agree?
D. Was the Battle of Minehead the point where retaliation against Hannington became inevitable? If not, why not, and when?
E. Were Ewan MacColl's experiences in the NUWM a major influence on his decisions as part of the Trade Union Congress Stewardship Committee?
Now pick two sources from the above describing the same events. Which do you consider more accurate? Explain why. [15 marks]

Invigilator's notes: We'll have to scrap this whole question, I think, Jan. Some of those sources aren't even included--I've been looking for hours and I can't find this mysterious Medical Report anywhere--and a bunch of them are barely relevant. They're not even well-distributed, considering how little there is for C--seriously, would it kill them to throw in an episode of Muswell Hillbillies or something? Just throw out the usual piss-easy essay questions on "Was Hannington aiming to overthrow the government?" or "What does the modern NUPPO owe to the conflict?" or whatever. Colin, if you're reading this, I'd appreciate it if, while undermining me, you picked an Exam Board that wasn't run by clowns who think you can read five chapters in half an hour. At least leave me some dignity.

Head of History Department's notes: Analysis of sources is a vital skill for historians, so replacing the above with a sourceless question would be ludicrous. Simply slim down a few of the quoted sources to make it less heavy. I'd also like to remind my colleague to keep his comments directly related to the exam paper, and not to grousing about necessary changes to a schlerotic and antiquated exam system.
 
Forty-Seven States and the Washington Soviet

Governors of Washington

1933-1937: Clarence D. Martin (Democratic)
1932 def. John Arthur Gellatly (Republican), Luvern Clyde Hicks (Liberty)
1937-1941: Roland H. Hartley (Republican)
1936 def. Radio Speaker John C. Stevenson (Democratic), write-ins
1941-0000: Victor Aloysius Meyers (Democratic)
1940 def. Roland H. Hartley (Republican), Ralph Bushnell Potts (New Order of Cincinnatus)
1944 def. Harry P. Cain (Citizens)


Executive Secretaries of the Washington Commonwealth Federation
[known from 1934-1935 as “Commonwealth Builders, Inc.”]

1934-1941: Howard Costigan
1941-1942: Anna Louise Strong
1942-1944: Victor Saulit
1944-0000: Karly Larsen


For years, the Far Corner was both the Communist Party’s brightest hope and its biggest headache.

Under the auspices of the Washington Commonwealth Federation, the Communists had come to gradually dominate the state’s politics. They’d hijacked a reformist club full of utopian socialists and technocrats and made it into the most successful Popular Front organization in America, with majorities in the legislature and representatives in Congress. But this strategy had its drawbacks. Namely, a lack of discipline.

Some WCF candidates were solid, reliable CPUSA members. Others were more in the mold of Marion Zioncheck, the handsome, idealistic young Congressman whose tirades against injustice had inspired the voters but whose manic episodes eventually landed him in a mental hospital. After taking over the state Democratic Party in 1936, the Federation had ousted the conservative, Chaplin-mustachioed Governor Clarence Martin – and replaced him as nominee with a mysterious, smooth-talking public relations professional with the full legal appellation of Radio Speaker John C. Stevenson. (He’d added “Radio Speaker,” a reference to his career as a combined pitchman and political commentator, to distinguish himself from a similarly-named candidate.) The Radio Speaker, as it turned out, was wanted for fraud in New York under the name John Stockman. He proceeded to blow an almost-guaranteed Democratic victory.

A stalemate ensued over the next four years. Roland Hartley couldn’t leave the state for fear of handing power over to the WCF-backed Lieutenant Governor, wisecracking bandleader Vic Meyers. But he could – and did – veto every radical proposal put forth by the Federation majorities in the legislature. The nascent CIO was the main vector of leftist success in the Evergreen State in those days, with the International Longshoremen’s Association and the International Woodworkers of America displacing their conservative rivals in Washington’s mighty freight and timber industries.

But despite their disorganization, it seemed as though WCF had time on their side. The popular Meyers won the governorship in 1940, and more and more Washington residents joined the CIO. The fall of the Soviet Union to the European Entente the following year made Communists everywhere into noble, doomed idealists rather than a Red Menace. And the wave of Soviet refugees, more of whom landed in Washington than anywhere else, seemed as though it would provide the WCF with a more professional class of leadership.

Anna Louise Strong, once a leading light of Seattle’s 1919 general strike, was one of the most prominent returnees. With her experience in both Puget Sound politics and Actually Existing Socialism, she was a natural choice to take command of the WCF now that it had full political power. But no one had counted on Strong’s oddly self-deprecating politics. As a bourgeois idealist and professional activist, Strong had a bit of an inferiority complex around the heroes of the Soviet Union. She stacked the leadership with her fellow emigres, many of whom had never lived in the United States, and began accepting political diktats from the Soviet government-in-exile down in Mexico City. The revolutionary fervor of the WCF was quickly smothered.

Strong was eventually eased out, as Earl Browder sought to establish the CPUSA’s independence from the ruins of the Comintern, but her replacement was little better. Victor Saulit was Latvian by birth and had spent a decade as a lumber tallyman in Oregon before joining one of the 1920s migrations to the Soviet collective farms. He’d been the leader of a settlement of Pacific Northwest communists on the steppe, which had been nostalgically named Seattle – and poetically transliterated into Russian as Seyatel’, “sower.” Saulit had led the commune ably, mediating disputes between Finnish- and Russian-speakers and turning Seyatel’ into the rare foreign settlement to successfully produce crops. But running a tiny agricultural village was not the same as running a statewide revolutionary political organization, and his main qualification seems to have been that Strong was a fan of his work. During the early 40s, the WCF government passed a slew of standard progressive laws – pensions, labor rights, children’s welfare – but did not take any steps to consolidate power or work together with the growing CIO. Even after Wallace succeeded to the Presidency and invited Earl Browder to the Oval Office, the hotbed of communism stayed lukewarm.

Meanwhile, their enemies were on the march. The old-line Democrats and the Republicans united behind the charismatic conservative Harry Cain, while the New Order of Cincinnatus – a businessmen’s organization dressed up with tacky uniforms and Roman salutes – seized control of city government in Seattle. Brutal violence and voter intimidation by the Silver Shirts cut a swath across the Washington countryside. The oddball intellectual leftists of the WCF had bumbled into a revolutionary situation, and if they screwed it up, they could endanger not only the Communist Party’s position but the workers’ movement at large.

It was time for the adults to take over.

A month before the election, Harry Bridges, Harold Pritchett, and their armies of street-fighting cadres forced a special session of the Federation, ousted the Soviet emigres and their admirers, and installed a hardheaded communist logger as Executive Secretary. Sailors with their fists wrapped in aluminum tape, and lumber workers armed with axes and peaveys, posted guards around polling places and staged raids on Silver Shirt lodges and KKK klaverns. Vic Meyers – a clown but not a fool – was prodded into action, and reputed enemies of the people, from conservative Teamsters boss Dave Beck to the fraternity-brother fascists of the NOOC, were taken into custody by state troopers. On November 7th, the unionized staff of the Seattle Post-Intelligencer locked their editors out of the building and published a special edition marking Meyers’s landslide re-election and the defeat of a brewing coup.

*​

To many Americans, last year’s events on Puget Sound were proof that President Wallace has it right – with the New World standing united against the imperial tyrannies of the Old, we have to be wary of subversion as we prepare for the dreaded world war, and it’s the patriots of the CIO who are in the vanguard. The fighting boys of the ILA, who saved democracy in Olympia, are now helping fortify the Pacific states against Japanese aggression, and are working with the government to dismantle the crooked, anti-American cabal of the Teamsters Union, who threaten to undermine preparedness.

Of course, there are skeptics of the official story. The right-wing columnist Westbrook Pegler has termed Washington the world’s first example of “Russian Doll Communism” – claiming that the Democratic state government is covertly run by the WCF, the WCF by the Communist Party, and the Communist Party by Bridges’ West Coast CIO office in San Francisco. But only the most gauche of conservatives would call the state’s charming governor a puppet to his face. To those suspicious souls, Meyers just grins and says “Who ever heard of a Communist named Aloysius?”
 
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Forty-Seven States and the Washington Soviet
Thanks to you I learn more and more about the fascinating political landscape of the North West. I knew of Clarence D. Martin (who I’ve used once before wrongly in a list I believe) but I didn’t know of his Left Wing, Jazz Bandleader and snappy dresser Victor Aloysius Meyers until today.

This is all incredibly fun.
 
Thanks to you I learn more and more about the fascinating political landscape of the North West. I knew of Clarence D. Martin (who I’ve used once before wrongly in a list I believe) but I didn’t know of his Left Wing, Jazz Bandleader and snappy dresser Victor Aloysius Meyers until today.

This is all incredibly fun.

This list was just kind of an excuse to show off the wacky OTL happenings in Depression-era Washington, so I'm glad it was educational! Vic Meyers is a great character (although I think his music was probably more big-band than jazz - not a lot of white boys playing jazz in the 30s).

You should check out the story about Meyers and Martin racing back to Olympia from their respective vacations, the former trying to become Acting Governor, call a special legislative session, and pass the WCF platform, and the latter trying to beat him over the state line.
 
Grand Masters of the Knights of Labor:

1. Terrence V. Powderly 1879-1890 (Pragmatist)
2. George A. Schilling 1890-1901 (Radical)
3. David C. Coates 1901-1913 (Radical)

4. Morris Hillquit 1913-1919 (Pragmatist)
5. Alexander Howat 1919-1927 (Radical)
6. Floyd B. Olson 1927-1931 (Radical)
7. Sidney Hillman 1932-1950 (Radical)

8. Walter Reuther 1950- (Pragmatist)


The K of L's history has been long and troubled but through the years they've held on through sheer will and determination. The years that were by far the most formative years for the K of L were undoubtedly the 1890s. First of all, George Schilling was elected Grand Master, leading the K of L to ally with the Populist Party. At first, the Populists were hesitant to ally with the urban organization but the young union leader, Eugene V. Debs managed to build connections between the poor farmers and the railroad workers who despised the large railroad monopolies. Furthermore, the Panic of 1893 brought the old system crashing down. President Grover Cleveland's harsh crackdown on the Pullman Strike of 1894 killed over a hundred people and doomed his re-election bid (which he would never see after he died from cancer in 1895). His successor, Isaac P. Gray was very unpopular and became Schilling's favorite target. Gray's wealth came under ruthless attacks as labor unions dodged bullets in the streets and Gray stood by as Pinkerton thugs killed dozens during the First Homeland Emergency. Furthermore, the Panic of 1893 plunged millions into poverty and the Democrats despised Gray, with the South viewing him as a traitor for his support for the 13th, 14th, and 15th amendments. Facing no support from his own party he decided to run for the nomination which blew up in his face. His eventual endorsement of William Vilas over Willian Jennings Bryan was instrumental in preventing the latter's nomination.

But this was the end of the Democratic Party. With the perceived savior of progressivism defeated the Populists and K of L finally decided to officially unite. Formerly imprisoned union leader and K of L member Eugene V. Debs was nominated with North Carolina Senator Marion Butler as his running mate. The K of L naturally came under increased attacks by Pinkertons and the federal government whose goal was to keep the left wing in check. Of course, the K of L resisted, continuing their patterns of strikes and protests. Come election day though, the K of L and the American left was victorious.

President Debs and the incoming Fusion Party majority in the House immediately set out to reform the economy on the basis of social democracy. But in the Senate, the Republican Party blocked almost any efforts to reign in monopolies or recognize Labor unions. Much to the shock of the Republicans, this backfired as the midterms were a wash for the Fusionist Alliance and the K of L sought to reform the nation without Congress. The K of L dramatically increased their membership and with their newfound popularity, they began to use their power to their advantage. In major cities, the city councils were swept by K of L endorsed candidates and in the slums of New York, the K of L organized cleanup crews and led food drives for the hungry. Most radical of all was their use of general strikes to force cities to recognize the K of L. Under normal circumstances, this would be crushed by the military, but Debs was more than happy to let the K of L do their thing.

This grassroots organizing was the final nail in the coffin for monopolies. Combined with Debs's landslide re-election in 1900 the ground was fertile for the seeds of a revolution. With a majority in both chambers of Congress and millions of people in the K of L ready to dismantle the old system, Debs went to work. First, the Disney-Tillman Act revamped the Sherman Anti-Trust Act to allow the government to break up monopolies for unethical behavior, stating that unions were different from monopolies and therefore not subject to the same rules as monopolies, and created the Interstate Commerce Bureau (ICB) to investigate monopolies. Second, The Tillman Act was passed that banned direct campaign contributions from businessmen, and third was the coveted LaFollette Act which recognized Labor Unions as legitimate organizations.

Debs's tenure is highly ranked by the K of L who views his term as the golden age of Laborism in America. the K of L during this time undertook its own reforms. Grand Master Coates instituted numerous reforms, including a National Ballot that allowed all members of the K of L to vote for the next leader of the K of L and instituted elections every six years. Finally, the K of L officially made a stance on something other than economic issues. On May 1st, 1901, the K of L announced their opposition to American intervention in the First Great War (which would only be eclipsed by the War of the Worlds and Seco) at a time when the Republicans pushed for the US to intervene in favor of the Axis of Iron in order to take Cuba and Puerto Rico. Instead, the K of L mobilized their members to protest in favor of peace, and despite the sinking of the USS Jefferson ocean liner in Normandy that killed 340 Americans Debs refused to intervene (eventually proving that the Jefferson was sunk due to an accidental explosion).

Debs's term was ended with several proposed constitutional amendments. The first to pass was the 16th, which allowed a recall if 60% of the House and 55% of the Senate voted to recall the president. The second was the 17th Amendment which allowed the direct election of senators, the 18th Amendment allowed the government to regulate working conditions which passed mainly due to the K of L's organized effort, and the 19th Amendment, which was considered the magmas opus of the K of L recognized labor unions as a right (provided they weren't breaking the law). The last two Amendments were the Recall (20th) Amendment which allowed the recall of the president if approved by 60% of the House and Senate and the Referendum (21st) Amendment which required a referendum to approve a declaration of war (unless the US is attacked first).

With Debs's second term coming to an end the K of L was faced with a challenge that no one knew how to overcome: find a uniting successor.

The main problem with the K of L in 1904 was how broad their member's views were. You had radicals such as Daniel De Leon and moderates such as Robert LaFollette and even social conservatives such as William Jennings Bryan. In January of 1904, Grand Master Coates held an emergency ballot to decide who the K of L would endorse for President. The ballot was controversial, with anyone who had any influence in the K of L running. Originally, Eugene V. Debs was the front runner and in fact, in March he won the ballot on a write-in campaign, but he rejected the idea of running for an unprecedented third term. So, the first ballot was scratched. The second ballot was even worse, with William Jennings Bryan winning with 23.4% of the vote. The uproar led to Coates once again nullifying the ballot and holding a third with a second round for the top two, who was Vice President Butler and Secretary of State Bryan, which Butler won.

Coates once again got along well with President Butler, with Butler even offering Coates the position of Secretary of Commerce and Labor which Coates politely declined. During Butler's term, the twilight of the K of L came to an end. During Butler's nearly two terms the so-called "Golden Century Movement" came into fruition. Led by a coalition of imperialists, moderates, businessmen, and nationalists who wanted to partially return to the old days. In 1904 Butler easily defeated the new political party but in 1906 the fragility of the Solidarity Party (the official successor to the Fusion Party) was exposed when the Golden Century Party and National Party swept the Senate and Congress and managed to form an anti-progressive coalition. In 1908 the K of L faced its greatest opposition from NYC Mayor and imperialist Theodore Roosevelt who decried the power the K of L had over the nation, coming within 3,000 votes of winning the election against Butler, only being stopped by Butler's narrow win in New York.

During Butler's second term the K of L once again came under attack over a simple issue: racial discrimination. The K of L and the Solidarity Party had advanced civil rights to an impressive degree since the 1896 election. In North Carolina, the attempted Wilmington Coup was crushed when federal soldiers intervened and crushed the would-be mass murderers. Furthermore, the K of L refused to discriminate against black workers in the South and accepted any black man that wished to join. This became the perfect line of attack by the Golden Century Movement and the new National Party who blasted the K of L's acceptance of those perceived to be "un-American" (Jews, blacks, and Catholics). With the entrenchment of the Great Reforms of Debs and Butler, the focus turned to the issues of race. The Golden Century Movement was split on the issue. Senate Majority Leader Lodge was the man who wrote the federal anti-lynching bill, the Lodge Act that banned lynching, and was passed in 1901 with the help of the Fusion Party.

But now several members regrated the passage of the Lodge Act as the Golden Century Movement started to lose votes in the South to Thomas Watson's far-right National Party. Speaker of the House Champ Clark became the party's new standard-bearer, calling for states to be allowed to segregate the workplace and drumming up fears of interracial marriage. President Butler, who had been elected Senator in 1894 with the help of black Republicans refused to engage in such racism, refusing to segregate the armed forces of the United States government. Coates was less brave than Butler and decided to give ignore the increasingly racist state chapters that openly discriminated against black workers. This still wasn't enough for some K of L members who proceeded to form the White Workers Compact (WWC) which preached segregation and eugenics. Coates retaliated by expelling all members of the WWC but the walkout by reactionaries only gained steam.

Clashes between black and white workers in the South intensified, specifically in Louisiana where white dockworkers went on strike to prevent the hiring of 200 black workers, leading to the New Orleans Race Riots that killed nearly three hundred people by the time the military was sent in to crush the riots. It was no surprise that the K of L started to lose popularity in the 1910s as racial prejudice overcome the cause of economic democracy that was preached by President Butler.

As the K of L struggled to keep the status quo of a multi-religious, multi-racial, and broadly left-wing coalition in a time of terrible yet vast prejudice the Golden Century Movement finally won the Presidency in the first successful recall of a President. Moderate governor Oscar Underwood was elected in a landslide over President Butler in what also served as the second two-round system since the ratification of the 22nd Amendment in 1907.

During Underwood's term, the US experienced the Decade of Blood firsthand, even if the K of L once again kept America out of the war in Europe as the Second Great War encompassed Europe, Asia, and Latin America. During this time the Second Homeland Emergency broke out as a resurgent KKK lit the South on fire, attacking not only blacks, Jews, Catholics, and moderate southerners but also the K of L. At first, the K of L used the Second Homeland Emergency as evidence that the Underwood Administration was incapable of handling the violence and even sympathetic to the KKK, leading to Coates demanding a recall along with the far-right National Party. The recall effort succeeded but blew up in the K of L's face. First of all, David Coates was nominated for President by the Solidarity Party which made the recall look like dirty politics, and secondly Coates failed to make it to the second round, being edged out by the KKK-backed National Party. The ensuing election would see the K of L once again suffering from infighting as Coates resigned and Morris Hillquit was elected Grand Master, taking the K of L in a much more pragmatic direction. In fact, Hillquit managed to convince the K of L to support Underwood during the Second Homeland Emergency. With detente between Underwood and the K of L, the former focused his efforts less on deregulating the market and more on fighting the resurgent KKK, reducing tariffs, and reducing Asian immigration.

Come 1917 it was no surprise that Underwood won. This time Solidarity made it to the second round, with the Governor of Indiana and brother of former President Debs, Theodore Debs being nominated. Despite the loss, the K of L was still powerful. During this time the K of L focused less on Underwood and more on Chinese and Japanese immigration. With the advent of the Chinese Civil War and a recession in Japan, hundreds of thousands made their way to Canada, Hawaii, the Kingdom of the Philippines, and of course the United States. In the US clashes between white workers and Chinese workers became frequent. Soon enough, fears of immigrant workers taking high-paying union jobs gripped the K of L and the K of L took action. In one of the darkest moments in the K of L's history, Hillquit announced his support for a total ban on Asian immigrants and banned Asian workers from being members of the K of L. President Underwood gladly worked with the Solidarity Party and the K of L to drastically decrease Japanese and Chinese immigration by 98%. Still, this wasn't enough. Governor of California Hiram Johnson called for a 100% decrease in Asian immigrants and attacked them as willing tools of corporations. In response, the Solidarity majority in both the state senate and state house passed a bill banning all Chinese and Japanese immigrants, which was later found to be unconstitutional by the supreme court.

Unsurprisingly, Asian-Americans, whether Chinese, Japanese, or Manchurian have some of the lowest unionization rates in the entire nation with the K of L never repealing their nativist platform, only making it less explicitly racist.

But the Nativist backlash took a small break when a greater issue gripped the nation. The death of President Underwood.

It was a fateful day in Mobile Alabama when Underwood met his end. He was meeting with K of L members in one of the many munition factories that popped up during the First and Second Great Wars. He was negotiating with local workers about the progress of the fight against the Klan in his home state. He got his answer when a Klan member threw a bomb at him and the K of L members, killing fifteen people.

Immediately, the murder was met with outrage by the K of L and the rest of America. In the last major act of Hillquit's time as Grand Master of the K of L he added an anti-terrorism position to the K of L platform. Led by Massachusetts Senator Henry Lodge and former President Butler he put pressure on Congress to declare the Klan a terrorist organization. Incoming President, Harry Wallace bowed to public pressure and passed the Internal Securities Act of 1918, which gave the Justice Department the right to break up the Klan. Politics though were not Wallace's specialty. With the situation in the South requiring federal soldiers to crush the Klan once and for all as anti-Klan politicians faced assassination or even torture, he came to the conclusion he didn't want to be President. So, for the first time in American history, a President voluntarily recalled himself. On April 1st, 1919, Wallace asked for Congress to call a new election.

The request was granted but it was a disaster for the Golden Century Party. First of all, it crushed the belief that Wallace and the Golden Century Party would be able to handle the Klan, a belief that the K of L pounced on. The election was surprisingly tense as the K of L ran a grassroots campaign for former President Butler, who ran on crushing the Klan just like Debs and he did in North Carolina. Unsurprisingly, he defeated the disoriented Golden Century Party by a decent margin.

During Butler's third and final term the K of L found itself once again using its power to radically alter the United States. Grand Master Howat used his influence to get former K of L Grand Master David Hillquit appointed to the Supreme Court, replacing Chief Justice Robert Todd Lincoln. Otherwise, the K of L launched the Dixie Plan, which aimed to fill the power vacuum that the crushing of the KKK left. For the first time in a long time, black citizens held some political power. Howat immediately got to work by pushing for the unionization of black farmers and workers, aiming to build a multi-racial coalition just like they had in the North. The still racist South of course tried to crush this effort, but the Butler Administration was backing the effort to their best ability, sending in federal marshals to protect union leaders from anti-black and anti-union mobs.

Of course, as history often goes the Dixie Plan was a failure. Ever since 1897, every President had been progressive. Even Underwood was fairly progressive considering he signed a bill banning child labor and led the crusade against the Klan. Something had to give and that came with Bloody West Virginia. On March 4th, 1921, coal companies raised the rent in company towns but didn't raise wages. So, the K of L predictably declared a strike that spread throughout the Appalachian Mountains. Butler naturally supported the strike but it quickly turned bloody as scabs were brought in and riots broke out. The bloodshed would kill over fifty people and fears of a Marxist-Engelist Revolution in America spread like wildfire. The nation, just like during the First French Revolution was divided. Secretary of State Robert Owen supported the Second French Revolution and was a proponent of allying with the Pact of Florence, which was composed of Italy, Portugal, France, and Illyria. But as the French Revolution took a more radical turn, openly devolving into executing moderates such as Jean Jaures Owen the US, and most of the Pact of Florence left (minus Illyria), especially when Jacques Doriot began to blame Jews, Germans, and Englishmen for the problems of France. Despite condemnations from Owen and Butler the Second French Revolution gave credence to the rising right-wing in America, culminating in General John J. Pershing defeating Butler in 1923.

Pershing's Presidency was harsh for the K of L. During this time Pershing pushed an anti-union, pro-business, and militarist agenda that was propped up by the Golden Decade. The Southern Renaissance saw the rapid expansion of black culture and Southern industry. Businesses flocked to the South as the little unionization and low taxes made the region great for business. In Memphis Tennessee, the influx of immigrants from France, Belgium, and Puerto Rico caused an unparalleled expansion of industry, so much that Memphis was nicknamed "Warm Chicago." Even more important than Memphis was Houston Texas which became a hub for not only industry but major corporations, becoming known as "Southern Wall St." The pro-business state governments, combined with Pershing's hostility towards unions prevented the South from becoming unionized during the Golden Decade. In fact, attempts were often violently dealt with, with the national guard often being deployed to break up strikes and escort scabs. But under the golden sun that engulfed the decade, it all came crashing down when the Panic of 1930 hit like an F-5 tornado.

Within a day the deregulated and consumerist economy collapsed and 20% of Americans were jobless by the end of the year. Unsurprisingly, Pershing was recalled once the Solidarity Party took control of Congress and the Senate. Pershing would lose in a landslide to New York Governor Norman Thomas whose pacifism and a radical agenda that promised the nationalization of healthcare, strict regulations on Wall St, the temporary nationalization of banks, the nationalization of railroads, and a 6-hour workday.

Pershing denounced Thomas's platform as Marxist and compared his election to the Second French Revolution. Thomas ignored him but unfortunately, that was his biggest mistake as soldiers led by Pershing launched a coup on March 4th, 1931. Stemmed from fears of a possible Marxist takeover, thirty thousand militiamen, veterans, and rogue soldiers. The coup was supported by the National Party and factions of the Red, White, and Blue Party. The coup saw Thomas and Vice President Bryan jailed and Washington D.C turned into a warzone as the Secret Service and anti-coup militiamen fought the traitors. K of L leader Floyd Olson managed to escape and declared a general strike which even ununionized workers joined in. The strike in a matter of days swept the entire country and Pershing was forced out when 150,000 soldiers surrounded DC and Pershing was arrested trying to escape DC.

In the aftermath of Pershing's arrest, both Thomas and Bryan were executed by the putschists leaving the line of succession up in the air considering Pershing's appointed "cabinet" was either in jail or dead. It was in this confusion the K of L came to the rescue. with there being no Speaker of the House, Minnesota Representative Henrik Shipstead put K of L put forward his friend and K of L leader Floyd Bjørnstjerne Olson as a candidate for President. Olson had earned an unprecedented level of respect for leading the general strike that prevented Pershing and his supporters amongst the upper class from seizing power. Furthermore, he was a founder of the Popular Democratic Front which united multiple parties of vastly different ideologies, from the conservative Flame of the Nation to the far-left Workers Party. Soon after Olson was elected Speaker, ascending to the Presidency, creating the Popular Democratic Front as a political entity. After securing his power Olson enacted his plan to radically redistribute the balance of power in America from the government to unions and the working class. First, he temporarily nationalized the banks and instituted a 30-hour workweek, with the ladder to try and stimulate the economy by allowing more of the jobless to work for the same pay. Furthermore, the oil industry, hydroelectric industry, healthcare system, and numerous electrical grids were nationalized permanently. Within a year the economy would rebound as global trade restabilized and the sheer amount of money the Olson Administration put into the economy through public work programs and direct relief managed to cut unemployment from 20% to 10%.

Olson's popularity would be unmatched, only comparable to Washington, Lincoln, or Debs but like Lincoln he would never see a full second term, dying from stomach cancer in 1934. His successor though would continue his legacy farther than anyone thought.

President Dyer was someone everyone knew in St. Louis and knew that he'd go far. At first, he was a lawyer for the K of L who fought big business head-on. His first major case would be defending K of L member Joe Hill from charges of inciting a riot, which he successfully did and would later bring a case against the logging company for anti-union practices which he also won. Soon after in 1920, he joined the Justice Department and by 1921 he was Solicitor General. In 1923 with Chief Justice Lincoln's retirement he was on Butler's shortlist to become Chief Justice but was passed over due to the K of L's influence in the Butler Administration. In 1924 he was elected Governor of Missouri and in 1930 he was the runner-up at the 1932 SNC, losing by only 100 delegates to Norman Thomas. In 1931 his staunch opposition to Pershing landed him the Vice Presidency and with Olson's death the Presidency. During his term, he was hell-bent on destroying the power of big business and imperialism, supporting the Cuban War of Independence by sending guns and artillery to rebels in Havana. Furthermore, he passed the 27th amendment that banned hard labor as a punishment and signed the Wagner-Roosevelt Act that capped bank loans at 10% interest.

Of course, Dyer's term cannot be talked about without his cooperation with the K of L and Grandmaster Sidney Hillman that saw federal soldiers intervene in West Virginia, Oregon, and Colorado to protect striking workers from Pinkertons and intimidation. Another moment of cooperation came in 1937 when in Kansas a drought threatened to bankrupt farmers and the K of L led the nation in a money drive to keep over a thousand farms afloat as Dyer attempted to push through a bill that provided $500 million in relief for farmers affected by the Great Drought of 1937.

Dyer's term at home was put on hold with the outbreak of the War of the Worlds which saw several anti-status quo reactionary governments attempt to destroy the status quo by attacking Germany and the UK. France was joined by Spain, Hungary, Illyria, China, Two Sicilies, the Sultanate of Egypt, the Ottoman Empire, Russia, and the Nordic League. The US along with the Democratic Front, composed of the Democratic Republic of Italy, Portugal, Cuba, El Salvador, and Brazil joined the war when French soldiers landed on Sardinia and the Two Sicilies attempted to seize Rome. After a hastily prepared referendum, the US was at war and a week later US soldiers arrived in Portugal. The War of Worlds lasted from 1942 to 1947 and saw over a million US soldiers die before Moscow fell after the deployment of tactical Atomic Bombs on Russian forces. After the war's conclusion Dyer announced he would not run for a fourth term, keeping in line with the Butler precedent.

Ammon Hennacy's election as President of the United States could not have come at a worse time. The man was popular amongst the K of L due to his dedication to organizing workers in Utah but his goals were puritan, to say the least, being much less inclined to compromise compared to Hillman or Dyer. Despite this, he rode Dyer's popularity to victory in 1947. That's where his success stopped domestically. On the homefront, he refused to compromise with Congress on issues such as decreasing military spending or dismantling the nation's atomic weapons. This caused a backlash not only from the Flame of the Nation Party but also the Popular Democratic Front and the K of L itself who supported nuclear proliferation to deter German and British aggression in the Americas and Europe. Soon after Hennacy ordered the the nuclear arsenal dismantled he was recalled and wasn't even renominated, with dissident Vice President Rexford Tugwell being nominated on a pro-nuclear and arming anti-colonialist uprisings in the Kongo, Katanga, Kenya, Philippines, Poland, and India. Hennacy reteliated by running an independent campaign which ensured that the PDF's reign would come to an end. In the second round the fervent anti-British and (by proxy) anti-German Senator Joseph P. Kennedy Sr won against the moderate Christian Democrat John Swift.

Under Kennedy, incoming Grand Master Walter Reuther has had a more pragmatic approach, partially due to Kennedy's anti-trade union stances and as a reaction against the uncompromising and puritan Ammon Hennacy. During Kennedy's two terms he has been careful to declare massive strikes that were seen during the Debs and Dyer years but when Kennedy attempted to pass a bill that allowed the President to end strikes via executive order Reuther knew that he needed to fight. And so on June 30th, 1955 the K of L declared a general strike.

Presidents of the US:

22. James G. Blaine 1885-1889
23. Grover Cleveland 1889-1895 (Democratic)
(With Isaac Gray) 1888 Def: James G. Blaine/John Sherman
(With Isaac Gray) 1892 Def: William McKinley/Matthew Quay James Weaver/Terence Powderly

24. Isaac P. Gray 1895-1897 (Democratic)
25. Eugene V. Debs 1897-1905 (Fusion)
(With Marion Butler) 1896 Def: Thomas Platt/William Day William Vilas/Thomas Bayard
(With Marion Butler) 1900 Def: Mark Hanna/Henry Adams Ben Tillman/William Goebel

26. Marion Butler 1905-1911 (Solidarity)
(With Robert LaFollette) 1904 Def: Henry Lodge/Alton Parker (Golden Century) Alfred Waddell/Joseph Bailey Daniel De Leon/Various
(With Robert LaFollette) 1908 Def: Theodore Roosevelt/George Dewey Thomas Watson/Woodrow Wilson (National) Bill Haywood/Lucy Parsons (Workers)

27. Oscar Underwood 1911-1918 (Golden Century)
(With Charles Fairbanks) 1911 Def: Marion Butler/Robert LaFollette Thomas Watson/Edward Jackson Jacob Coxey/Robert Minor
(With Charles Fairbanks) 1913 Def: Edward Jackson/Carter Glass David Coates/Hiram Johnson Robert Minor/Parley Christensen
(With Harry Wallace) 1917 Def: Theodore Debs/Seymour Stedman Carter Glass/Theodore Bilbo Jeanette Rankin/Jane Addams (Suffrage) Jack Reed/Elizabeth Flynn

28. Harry Wallace 1918-1919 (Golden Century)
29. Marion Butler 1919-1923 (Solidarity)
(With Clarence Darrow) 1919 Def: Charles Hughes/Franklin Roosevelt William Foster/Jack Reed
30. John J. Pershing 1923-1931 (Red, White, and Blue)
(With Blair Lee) 1923 Def: Marion Butler/Clarence Darrow Theodore Bilbo/James Ferguson Leonard Wood/Warren Harding
(With Blair Lee) 1927 Def: Jacob Coxey/Gustav Strebel George Norris/Newton Baker James Ferguson/William McAdoo

31. Norman Thomas 1931-1931 (Solidarity)
(With Charles Bryan) 1931 Def: John Pershing/Hamilton Fish III Elizabeth Flynn/Joe Hill James Byrnes/Joseph Robinson Al Smith/Quintin Roosevelt (Christian Democratic)
32. John J. Pershing 1931-1931 (Red, White, and Blue)
33. Floyd B. Olson 1931-1934 (Popular Democratic Front)
34. Leonidas C. Dyer 1934-1947 (Popular Democratic Front)
(With Fiorella LaGuardia) 1935 Def: Kasper Kubli/Josiah Bailey
(With Fiorella LaGuardia) 1939 Def: John Gardner/Nathan Miller
(With Ammon Hennacy) 1943 Def: Rush Holt/Charles McNary John Benard/Earl Browder Quintin Roosevelt/Leo Bozell

35. Ammon Hennacy 1947-1948 (Popular Democratic Front)
(With Rexford Tugwell) 1947 Def: Dwight Green/Earl Warren Earl Browder/Glen Taylor Howard Buffett/Reinhold Niebuhr
36. Joseph P. Kennedy 1948- (Flame of the Nation)
(With Millard Tydings) 1948 Def: John Swift/Howard Buffett Rexford Tugwell/Henrik Shipstead Ammon Hennacy/Elmer Benson Earl Browder/Oliver Law
(With Millard Tydings) 1952 Def: Walt Disney/Robert Kenny John Swift/James Curly Culbert Olson/Benjamin Davis Jr



Composition of the Popular Democratic Front, 1931-1937:

Solidarity
Christian Democracy
Workers
Flame of the Nation
Suffrage
 
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Bright is the Sky in the Liberated Zone

Leaders of the Communist Party of China (1921-1948)
1921-1927: Chen Duxiu (as Party General Secretary)
1927-1929: Qu Qiubai (as Acting Politburo Chairman)
1929-1947: Li Lisan (as Party General Secretary)
1941-1945: Tsang Sang (as Chairman of the Guangdong Provincial Committee)*
1947-1948: Ye Jianying (as Party General Secretary)

* declared Acting Chairman resulting from exile of Central Committee after the Japanese occupation of Hong Kong

Leaders of the Hong Kong Soviet
1927-1929: Ye Ting (CCP - Cantonese Red Guard)
1929-1941: Li Lisan (CCP - Central Committee)
1941-1963: Ye Jianying (CCP - Red Army [1941-1945]; Resistance Faction [1945-1947]; Hong Kong Faction [1947-1963])
1963-1971:
Tsang Sang (CCP - Hong Kong Faction)

General Secretaries of the Communist Party of China (Moscow Faction)
1948-1955: Wang Ming
1955-1976: Zhang Guotao
1976-: Chen Yun

Chairman of the Communist Party of China (Hong Kong Faction)
1948-1963: Ye Jianying
1963-1978: Tsang Sang
1978-1984: Chan Yiu-choi
1984-: Szeto Wah


When the workers of Hong Kong struck against colonialism in response to the shootings of Chinese protesters in Shanghai in 1925, few if any probably expected that those who claimed to be the harbingers of revolution would be part of a new social order brought about by a half-century long process of insurrection, organisation, banditry, negotiation, and finally elections. Perhaps it's debatable whether they would approve or balk at what the Communist Party of China has become, not least due to the presence of two organisations claiming that title. If nothing else though, perhaps their awe in the progress Hong Kong has achieved would be juxtaposed by the shock over the opposing direction the rest of China has taken.

Following their purge by the Kuomintang government of Chiang Kai-shek beginning with the Shanghai massacre in April 1927, the Communist Party of China fled to Nanchang and declared an insurrection in August. The beginning of the CCP’s declared state of conflict against the Nanking government came to a swift end as the uprising was quickly crushed and the various cadres of the Communist Party scattered across the country, with the bulk of their forces retreating to Swatow in October before also being defeated by the National Revolutionary Army. It was in this background that in December 1927 Joseph Stalin ordered the CCP's Provincial Committee in Canton, through the Comintern operative Heinz Neumann, to launch an ill-advised uprising against the Kuomintang. The plan was met with resistance from the beginning, and when carried out it became a rout, with the young revolutionary Zhang Tailei, the driving force who organised the city's workers to strike, being shot dead shortly after the declaration of a revolutionary commune.

The event may have turned into little more than a footnote were it not for the decision of Ye Ting and Ye Jianying, the commanders of the militant Red Guards, to retreat south. Their arrival in Hong Kong was a masterstroke of planning and brokering, utilising their contacts with Chen Jitang, a Canton-based commander in the National Revolutionary Army seeking to expand his own power base, to receive passage into the British colony.

Hong Kong seemed an unlikely place as the final destination of thousands of Communists, self-proclaimed and trained alike, to converge on. It was a safe haven, and numerous figures in the Party would flee there when their base in Shanghai was crushed, but not one seemingly capable of providing a suitable base of operations. It was predominantly rural, and it lacked a permanent urban working class population to cultivate a base of support in accordance with socialist orthodoxy. And as thousands of revolutionaries streamed across the Sham Chun River, it became clear that the existing network of unions and intellectuals would be woefully insufficient to handle so many. With little choice left, they decided to live off the land.

Hong Kong's New Territories, the leased concessions acquired by Britain by treaty in 1898, were not only predominantly rural, but also had a history of successfully defending their rights from encroachment by the colonial authorities. In 1899, the village clans had mobilised and fought a six-day conflict against the British garrison, and despite their losses successfully secured concessions recognising their land rights and customs. In 1926, further conflicts over the villages' status would lead to the founding of the Heung Yee Kuk, bringing the villages together under a single body to negotiate with the government. The Kuk was barely a year old when the CCP's Canton section set up their new home in the New Territories, but despite the seemingly wide gulf between rural landlords and Communist insurgents, a relationship developed relatively quickly. This was in no small part due to Ye Jianying - born into a Hakka family from the mountainous northeast of Guangdong, he was well aware of the intricacies of village politics, and despite the different environment he established a rapport with villagers, many of them Hakka like himself. As a Workers' and Peasants' Soviet was declared in Hong Kong, Ye rallied the Kuk and villagers to join the CCP's ranks, and so began the unlikely alliance between landlords and communists, with a woefully under-equipped colonial garrison and police force incapable of stopping this new force in Hong Kong’s civil society.

The successful establishment of a base in Hong Kong came at the expense of the CCP’s operations in Mainland China. Under the leadership of the charismatic organiser Li Lisan, the Party’s Central Committee migrated to Hong Kong, but a brief honeymoon period with the Cantonese revolutionaries quickly waned. Li was a forceful and aggressive leader who sought to accelerate the socialist revolution by launching uprisings in various cities across China, following advice given to him by the Comintern, but this new party line proved to make enemies on all sides. Among the orthodox socialists centred on the Moscow-trained 28 Bolsheviks, this policy defied the teachings of Marx and Lenin, while the Canton veterans and Red Army, the latter increasingly revolving around Ye Jianying, saw such uprisings as strategically unsound and destructive towards the CCP’s future. Li suffered a massive personal blow in 1930 when his old friend Mao Zedong attempted to take Changsha only to meet his demise as the NRA besieged the city, but at the behest of Stalin and his Comintern representative Arthur Ewert, would stay on as Chairman, much to the chagrin of the Cantonese. Nonetheless, to stem further losses, several guerrilla armies would make the long trek south, the largest being the Guangxi militias under Deng Xiaoping.

Events may have moved against Li faster were it not for Imperial Japan’s invasion of Shandong and Manchuria in 1932. What began as a largely regional affair between rogue elements in the Kwantung Army and the NRA threatened to spiral into a wider, full-blown war, which would be realised as Japan’s civilian government collapsed and the navy seized the ports of Amoy and Foochow in 1938. In that time, the CCP had brokered a tentative ceasefire with Chiang’s government through the still-influential Chen Jitang and his ally Li Zongren, both commanders based in southern China who resented Chiang’s grip on the government and sought to use the communists as leverage, and veterans of the guerrilla campaigns were encouraged to enlist in the NRA’s volunteer armies. Many would be caught in the early battles of Japan’s full-scale invasion, such as Nanking, Wuhan, and Chengchow. Those who remained made preparations for a Japanese invasion of Hong Kong, and in lieu of a surge in British reinforcements except for a couple of Canadian and Indian battalions, the Red Army prepared for a guerrilla war.

When Japan declared war on Britain, the Netherlands, and America in 1941, the last flights out before the Japanese warplanes bombed RAF Kai Tak carried a number of important dignitaries, Li and other members of the CCP’s Central Committee being among them. Depending on who you ask, either the committee, at the behest of the pro-Moscow Bolshevik Wang Ming, ditched the Red Army and left them for dead, or they made the difficult decision to continue the fight for China in a safer environment. Regardless, as the IJA swarmed beyond the Gin Drinkers’ Line into Kowloon, what remained of the CCP reorganised under the Cantonese revolutionaries that had led them to Hong Kong in the first place. Working with escaped British soldiers and sympathetic locals, they fought against the occupation and helped people for three long years until Japan’s surrender in 1945.

The survival of the Red Army brought about no shortage of headaches for the party’s leadership. When Li and the Central Committee returned to Hong Kong, they found that the majority of the rank and file had coalesced around Ye Jianying and Tsang Sang's leadership, and while Li was willing to pass the torch, the orthodox Bolsheviks under Wang Ming weren’t. A year into Ye’s leadership they denounced his abandonment of Marxist-Leninist-Stalinist principles, and after a short-lived coup attempt fled in exile to Moscow, where most of the Party’s treasury was still held from the war.

Meanwhile, the vulnerabilities in Britain’s empire in Asia had become apparent, and other resistance groups claiming the mantle of socialism, themselves veterans of the war, began mounting campaigns to liberate their homelands from imperialism. The Red Army began a similar insurgency, one in which they were lent support by their old associate Chen Jitang, now a senior advisor to President Li Zongren following Chiang Kai-shek’s untimely death in an air raid during the IJA’s offensive into Sichuan. However, though the Red Army proved successful in minimising the British presence in the New Territories and paralysing attempts to weaponise the Kowloon-Canton Railway thanks to their continued alliance with the rural villages, the CCP failed to immobilise urban society thanks to a combination of declining FTU membership, strikebreaking by the police, and a reform-minded Urban Council which began introducing local democracy to the urban working class. What ensued was a struggle for control over the countryside - on one side a numerous but under-equipped guerrilla force, and the other an understaffed garrison unable to call on more resources due to the souring attitude towards maintaining an empire at home. A stalemate would ensue, one lasting another two decades.

What broke the stalemate were yet more events in China. Li Zongren’s southern powerbase had been resented by numerous other officers in the Chinese military, and his passing in 1969 led to a power struggle that shifted authority to a northern clique of war veterans who took a hardline approach to dealing with dissidents and foreigners. As foreign capital prepared to leave Shanghai, Chinese activists found a safe haven in Hong Kong, which became a source of Nanking’s ire, a lingering vestige of Western imperialism. CCP resources and safehouses over the border were cut off, and the possibility of an invasion loomed large. In this background, Zheng Sheng, the local Hakka leader who succeeded Ye Jianying, made a pivotal decision - they would open talks to make peace with the British.

The resulting settlement between the CCP and the government in Victoria finally gave the CCP the political legitimacy it had lacked since the 1920s, though not in China proper. The party was legalised and permitted to run and endorse candidates in the Urban Council elections, as well as a newly established Regional Council to oversee the villages’ affairs, though their partnership with the Heung Yee Kuk meant they would effectively dominate it. A new charter of land rights for the villages would be drafted, cementing an even greater degree of autonomy and self-government, while the Hong Kong Soviet and the Red Army would disband and disarm, in exchange for members being unconditionally pardoned and offered a route to integration with the Royal Hong Kong Police Force.

And so the unlikely social order borne from peace between the colonialists and communists has lasted for a decade. In the years since, Tsang would dedicate his remaining years as Party Chairman to democratising the party, opening its membership to more and more people beyond the coterie of revolutionaries and war veterans. Szeto Wah, a former teacher at an English-speaking school, is emblematic of the new comfortable place this branch of the Communist Party of China has found in this vestige of empire, and though he continues to speak of renewing the Party’s efforts to bring democracy and freedom to an increasingly oppressive China, most members have little issue with playing the long game. But as the years of Britain’s lease on the New Territories comes to a close, unease is on the minds of party officials, wondering what China will do to deal with what Nanking has called a tumour threatening to consume the body of the Chinese nation? Unlikely as a deal between London and Nanking may seem, the unlikely chain of events that brought the CCP to find a home in colonial Hong Kong ensures few have any strong expectations of what is to come.
 
First post on the site even though this account is two years old. 805th uncreative American Labor Party list here we go...
The Dawning Day

Presidents of the United States, 1909-present

1909-1917 Governor Charles Evans Hughes/Senator Charles W. Fairbanks (Republican)
1917-1921 Senator Willliam Gibbs McAdoo/DNC Chairman Homer S. Cummings (Democratic)
1921-1929 Governor Henry Justin Allen/Governor Calvin Coolidge (Republican)
1929-1933 Vice President Calvin Coolidge/Businessman Herbert Hoover (Republican)
1933-1941 Governor Upton Sinclair/Senator Clarence Dill (American Labor/Democratic Alliance, with Progressive, Farmer-Labor, Nonpartisan League support)
1941-1947 Mayor of New York Fiorello LaGuardia/Senator Sheridan Downey (American Labor/Democratic Alliance, with Progressive, Farmer-Labor, Nonpartisan League support)*
1947-1949 Vice President Sheridan Downey/vacant (Democratic)
1949-1957 Governor Thomas Dewey/Robert A. Taft (Republican)
1957-1965 Senator Claude Pepper/Former Governor Maurice Toben (Democratic-American Labor Alliance)
1965-1973 Governor Richard Nixon/Senator Robert A. Taft (Republican)
1973-1977 Senator Henry M. Jackson/Governor Walter Mondale (Democratic Labor)
1977-1985 Governor John Connally/Senator Robert Griffin (Republican)
1985-1993 Fmr. Vice President Walter Mondale/Governor Dianne Feinstein (Democratic Labor)
1993-1999 Governor Steven Schiff/Governor Ed Madigan (Republican)*
1999-1999 Vice President Ed Madigan/Vacant (Republican)
1999-2001 President Ed Madigan/Senator Bill Valentine (Republican)
2001-2009 Governor Byron Dorgan/Senator Paul Wellstone (Democratic Labor)
2009-2017 Senator John McCain/Senator Mitt Romney (Republican)
2017-present Governor Nimrata Nikki White/Senator Jack Reed (Democratic Labor)
*Died in office

Course: PHIS5912 The Democratic Labor Party
Term:
Spring 2020 - Helena
Instructor: John Walsh, Phone: 406-918-2132, Email: jwalsh684@polsci.umt.edu
Catalog description: The Democratic Labor Party has been one of the big two parties of the United States since the 1930’s. Many of the changes that we associate with America were driven by either a DLP President or Congress

In this course, we will look at how the DLP rose from a splintered political landscape, first as an electoral fusion ballot between the Northern Democrats and the American Labor Party and how they eventually ingrained themselves in the political landscape despite attempts to dislodge them. We will also pay attention to the increasing polarization, despite Congress asserting a lot of power between 2001 and 2017.

Taken together, this has proven to be perhaps the second-most influential period of American history, including the various social movements around the time. In each module of the course, we will examine a specific period in the DLP’s history, leading up to the 2016 Election and President White’s inauguration

No prior knowledge is needed, but always welcomed. The course is based on the history of the DLP and how it is a party molded together from several disparate parts that don’t always fit together into a greater whole.
Prerequisites: None

Course outline

Module 1: The 1932 Chicago Conventions and the Aftershocks
Readings:

Lucas Reading, The Scarlet Banner - Socialism and Labor in America
Colin Hausmann, A Sick Jackass
John Miller, The Stricken Eagle

Questions for discussion
  1. To what extent did the Democratic Party have a future after the disastrous 1896 Convention?
  2. What was the effect of the unification of the American Labor and Democratic Parties, and how did it affect the Republican Party?
  3. Why did it matter that even a ‘fusion’ ticket was unable to dislodge the ALP strongholds in Montana and North Dakota?
  4. Following the 1932 Convention season, the Southern Democrats splintered off into their own. How did this come to the fore later?
Paper #1 on Athena discussing D) above. This will be evaluated individually, but based on group discussions.

Module 2: Between Republicans and Dissidents
Readings:

Scott Mitchell, New York, New York - LaGuardia and Dewey
Reid Marshall, Centerpoint

Questions for discussion
  1. The thrice-repeated landslides of the ALP/Democratic fusion ticket have never again been repeated. Why?
  2. What has the implication of the Second Bill of Rights been on political messaging both in America and abroad?
  3. What were the forces behind the closer and closer cooperation between the Democratic and American Labor Parties?
  4. The American Labor Party claimed to speak for the workers in their unions, and the workers alone. Yet still, a number of other groups supported them despite the messaging. Why?
Paper #2 on Athena. Topic: The Second Bill of Rights and the “constitutiofication” of the same despite not having official status as amendments

Module 3: The Crash of 1975 and the Reconstruction
Readings:

Henry Kissinger - The Last Man on Deck
Stewart Thompson - The Old and the New DLP

Questions for discussion:
  1. What was the reason and impetus for the merger of the Democratic and American Labor parties in 1972?
  2. The Latin American quagmire was the impetus for the Crash of 1975, true or false?
  3. Secretary of State Jeane Kirkpatrick said that the Republicans “Blame America First” - In what way was this meant?
  4. The DLP adopted a new program, in what was seen as a radical shift at the time in 1984. What was the influence of the San Francisco faction of the California DLP?
Ungraded exercise: Differences between the Old and New DLP, and the support bases of teh same

Module 4: Into the New Millenium
Readings:

Francis Bingaman, The Maryland and Montana Dynasties - Party Dominance in the DLP
Tobias Smith, Culture Warriors

Questions for discussion:
  1. To what degree has the growth of the Compass Progressives impacted the traditional voter base of the DLP?
  2. Do the traditional union and smallholder base still have a role in the DLP with the increasing fragmentation of the same?
  3. Why does it matter that President White has not been active domestically?
  4. Does the Republican Party have an answer to the DLP in states like California and Idaho?
Take-home question: Who will win the 2020 General Election. Why?

Schedules:
Lectures will be every Monday, Wednesday and Friday from 1:00 PM to 3:00 PM with the exception of Spring Break. Office hours shall be the same days from 3:00 PM to 6:00 PM or by appointment
 
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The Crown and The Hammer

Emperors of Ethiopia

1916-1931: Zewditu (Solomon)
1931-1935: Gugsa (Solomon)
1931; Italian intervention in ongoing Ethiopian Civil War
1932; American and Japanese intervention in ongoing Ethiopian Civil War

1935-1940: Haile Selassie (Solomon)
1935; Gugsa forced into Italian exile
1936; 'The League of Two Emperors' formed with Japan
1938; Beginning of Japanese-American 'Pacific' War

1940-1941: Amha Selassie (Solomon)
1940; American troops drive out Japanese 'advisors', Haile Selassie forced into exile
1940; Joint Franco-Italian 'Latin League' invasion of Ethiopia, Americans forced to withdraw

1941-1943: Gugsa (Solomon)
1941; Concordat signed between Latin League and Japan, arrangements made for Ethiopian succession
1943-1946: Haile Selassie (Solomon)
1946-0000: Amha Selassie (Solomon)
1946; Addis Ababa taken by American troops participating in the African Front of the World Revolutionary War, Haile Selassie exiled to Paris until that city was taken the following year
1947; Official formation of the Ethiopian Provisional Government modelled along American Syndicalist lines - remaining feudal privileges are abolished
1949; American victory in the World Revolutionary War leads to Ethiopian annexation of Italian and French Somaliland and Eritrea, and guaranteed influence in Lower Sudan, in accordance with the New Orleans Conference of 1948
1950; Breaking ground of the 'Great Red Railway' from Djibouti to Monrovia - often marked as an 'official' beginning to the Cold War between the American and Anglo-German spheres


The Second American Revolution of 1917 sent out ripples across the globe - it led to the Central Powers and Entente temporarily setting aside their difference to throttle the Bolshevik Insurrection in Russia before exhaustedly agreeing to a stalemate. It also led to an odd rebirth of New World adventuring as a naively isolationist government in the US allowed foreign interests to sweep in from the Rio Grande to Tierra del Fuego. While there was no grandiose redrawing of the map, it did place the United States in a more vulnerable and isolated position than any it had been in since 1812.

The US only came out of its self-imposed exile warily - beginning with assistance in overthrowing the True Whig government in Liberia and installation of an explicitly Syndicalist State. As the years passed, the US became increasingly confident, securing a 'Red Wall' of aligned states on its borders. From the overthrow of the Mexican government to the bloodless Canadian independence movement following the British monarchy's 'Marriage Crisis', the US seemed safe. And they were mostly content there. But the intervention in Liberia was merely a taster for what was to come, for the US body politic now included African-Americans who had a deep interest in preserving independence for not only Liberia but the one other remaining sovereign state.

American intervention began quietly with headlines in Appeal to Reason decrying the opening salvoes of the Ethiopian Civil War and particularly Italy's part in inflaming tensions between the ruling families. From that point onwards it accelerated rapidly. From 1932, US troops became a regular sight on the streets of Addis Ababa, whether they were fighting or in retreat. And the longer they stayed, the harder they and American institutions became for the feudal monarchy which had invited them to dislodge.

As the 1950s dawns, Ethiopia is the far eastern frontier of American Syndicalism - it's Parliament is explicitly modelled after the House of Representatives and the Workers' Chamber. It's constitution is modelled after America's own, including the 'Second Bill of Rights' that enshrined socialism into the very fabric of the nation. At the same time, that constitution acknowledges the place of the Emperor and his many colourful appelations. The Ethiopian Emperor has taken on deep cultural connotations in America's own body politic. And as the American sphere of influence in Africa grows, spreading across the Sudan and down to the Congo, the continuity of Ethiopia remains extremely inmportant.
 
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