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The Fortieth HoS List Challenge

Walpurgisnacht

It was in the Year of Maximum Danger
Location
Banned from the forum
Pronouns
He/Him
We'll really be roaring with this one! [note to editor, check if navigation in the Southern hemisphere still a hot reference among the kids before this goes to print]

The rules are simple; I give a prompt, and you have until 9:00pm on the last day of the month (or whenever I remember to post the announcement on that day) to post a list related to the prompt. As for what constitutes a list? If you'd personally post it in Lists of Heads of Government and Heads of State rather than another thread, I think that's a good enough criterion. Writeups are preferred, please don't post a blank list, and I'd also appreciate it if you titled your list for polling purposes. Once the deadline hits, we will open up a multiple choice poll, cocurrent with the new challenge going up, and whoever receives the most votes after a week gets the entirely immaterial prize.

May and May Day are rich with symbolic meanings throughout history. Interestingly, one of those meanings isn't related to the month at all! In the 1920s, the radio officer of Croydon Airport, which at the time mainly flew to France, had to come up with a new distress signal. He chose a corruption of the French m'aidez, or "help me"--mayday. With very little competition, the words SOS being far more distinguishable over Morse code than over speech, it quickly became the go-to signal for help when beset by crashes, attacks, or Natural Disasters. Disasters which have, from the Minoans to Fukushima, altered history in listable ways.

Good luck!
 
The 1795 Earthquake and the Fall of the Shun Dynasty

In June 1795, when the French Revolution raged in Europe, a earthquake hit the Chinese provinces of Henan, Zhili and Shandong, killing or injuring at least 110,000 Shun subjects and flooding the Yellow River. Since Chinese political tradition said natural disasters were a sign the Mandate of Heaven had been withdrawn, and the Shun had failed to defeat and conquer the firearm-equipped Dzungars decades earlier, effectively recognizing their independence, a 42 year-old Confucian scholar of peasant and mixed Han-Manchu origin from Liaodong named Shang Hudong had it enough of the Shun's corruption, military failures and lack of technological innovation, and decided to found his own dynasty, putting the Shun dynasty under its greatest peril since the war against the rival Qing one century and half earlier.

By 26 October 1795, the peasant revolt has broken out in Liaodong, and it soon spread like wildfire across Manchuria, which the Shun had conquered – the Qing dynasty being abolished – by 1658. The Manchus had never been strong supporters of the Shun dynasty, and many of them felt excluded from the imperial government, giving the revolt an ethnic dimension. On 15 February 1796, Shang proclaimed his new Muong Dynasty, with Fengtian as a provisional capital until Beijing could be captured, its own currency, an organized military hierarchy and imperial seal, that were later rolled out across China when the Shun was defeated.

Months earlier, Henan and Shandong had joined the revolt, and soon declared their alliance to the Great Muong, which had the support of the Buddhist White Lotus movement, itself responsible for the founding of the Ming in the 1300s. In March 1796, Muong armies were victorious at Baoding in one of the largest battles in human history, and it appeared the new dynasty would soon seize Beijing. However, the Shun emperor soon organized effective defenses with the best weapons in his arsenals, and the attackers were stopped kilometers south of the capital.

After over one decade of warfare and dozens of millions of death, as well as limited involvement from Napoleonic France and Britain, on 10 April 1808, the Muong forces, which already controlled most of China proper and all of inner and outer Manchuria, entered Beijing and executed the successor of the emperor who ruled when the revolt began. Shang then formally became emperor of all of China, and began major reforms meant to end corruption and form a society according to Confucian virtues. The Muong Dynasty lasted until 1949, when a republic was proclaimed.
 
Primary Tremors

Kenneth Thomas Cuccinelli II
(born July 30, 1968) is an American lawyer from Virginia who has served as United States Attorney General under President Donald Trump since the resignation of Jeff Sessions in 2018. A controversial figure, Cuccinelli's tenure at the Justice Department has been characterized by fierce loyalty to the president under whom he has served. During the impeachment trial of Donald Trump over the delay of arms shipments to Ukraine to exert pressure on Kyiv to assist in inquiries over the dealings of a former vice president and then presidential candidate Joe Biden and his son in that country, a Justice Department source close to the attorney general leaked to the press details of contents on a laptop purportedly belonging to the younger Mr. Biden. This revelation during the 2020 impeachment trial causes a row in the Democratic presidential field leading to Bernie Sanders defeating the former vice president in the Iowa Caucus. The resultant political controversy not only derailed the candidacy of the one Democrat thought certain to have beaten Mr. Trump in his reelection campaign but resulted in indictments and criminal proceedings against both Bidens as well as several associates in the political and business realm. Critics have condemned these inquiries as politically motivated witch-hunts designed to bolster GOP fundraising as Vice President Pence takes on the still to be determined Democratic Party presidential nominee in November.

Prior to his tenure at the Justice Department, Cuccinelli, a native of New Jersey, held elective office in Virginia, the state that has been his residence since college. First elected to the state senate in a special election August of 2002, Cuccinelli served in that body until 2010, having been elected attorney general of the commonwealth in 2009 and serving in the latter capacity under governors McDonnell and Bolling. Reportedly, Cuccinelli had intended to run for governor in 2013, but with Bolling's elevation and popularity following McDonnell's demise in the 2011 earthquake [1], this became impractical. Instead, Cuccinelli ran for and secured the GOP nomination for governor in the 2017 election before losing to a former congressman, Tom Perriello, in November of that year. The relative recentness of the Virginia gubernatorial campaign to Sessions' resignation has been credited with the appointment of Cuccinelli to the Trump cabinet. Reportedly, the president admired Cuccinelli for his willingness to embrace him during the gubernatorial campaign in a state that had voted twice for Barack Obama and then for Hillary Clinton having last gone for a Democrat in a presidential election in Lyndon Johnson's landslide victory over Barry Goldwater in 1964.

Unfazed by his 2017 loss, Mr. Cuccinelli appears poised to secure the support of Republican voters to succeed Virginia's first female governor, Winsome Sears, who is term limited by Virginia's unusual practice of prohibiting governors from serving consecutive elected terms in office. Polls indicate that retiring member of Congress Abigail Spanberger, the only major Democrat to have entered the race, currently has the edge in next year's gubernatorial election.

Governors of Virginia, 2002-present:
Mark Warner (Democratic) 2002-2006
Tim Kaine (Democratic) 2006-2010

Bob McDonnell (Republican) 2010-2011[1]
Bill Bolling (Republican) 2011-2018[2]

Tom Perriello (Democratic) 2018-2022
Winsome Sears (Republican) 2022-present

[1] The POD. Virginia did have an earthquake on August 23rd, 2011. Historically, no lives were lost despite the tremor being felt as far away as Ontario, but here the governor, Bob McDonnell, is rallying voters on primary day and perishes when the structure where this is taking place collapses.

[2] Butterfly. Bolling's elevation causes an upheaval in Virginia and, eventually, national politics.
 
will I get rightly cancelled if I title a list Katrina Debris

Wikipedia said:
Hurricane Katrina was a devastating and deadly Category 5 Atlantic hurricane that caused 1,718 fatalities and damages estimated between $161.7 billion to $193.7 billion in late August 2005, particularly in the city of Houston and its surrounding area. To date, it was the costliest tropical cyclone in recorded history. Katrina was the twelfth tropical cyclone, the fifth hurricane, and the third major hurricane of the 2005 Atlantic hurricane season. It was also the fourth-most intense Atlantic hurricane to make landfall in the contiguous United States, gauged by barometric pressure...
List of Governors of Texas, 21st century
2000-2007: Rick Perry (Republican) [1]
2007-2011: Carole Keeton Strayhorn (Republican, then independent, then Americans Elect)
'06 [2] def. John Sharp (Democratic), Richard "Kinky" Friedman (independent)
2011-2015: Dan Patrick (Republican)
'10 [4] def. Carole Keeton Strayhorn (Americans Elect), Gene Locke (Democratic), Ray Hill (Green)
2015-2019: Tony Buzbee (Democratic, then independent, then Republican, then independent, then Texans Elect) [8]
'14 [6] def. Dan Patrick (Republican), John Arnold (independent)
2019-: George P. Bush (Republican)
'18 [10] def. Adrian Garcia (Democratic), Tony Buzbee (Texans Elect)
'22 def. Andrew White (Democratic)

List of Governors of Louisiana, 21st century
2004-2012: Kathleen Blanco (Democratic)
'07 [3] def. Bobby Jindal (Republican), David Duke (Republican)
2012-2016: Jeff Landry (Republican)
'11 [5] def. Cleo Fields (Democratic), John N. Kennedy (Republican), Burl Cain (Republican), Scott Angelle (independent), John Georges (independent), Gerald Long (Republican)
2016-2024: Jim Letten (Republican) [9]
'15 [7] def. Jeff Landry (Republican), Edwin Edwards (Democratic), Sammy Kershaw (Republican), Eddie Jordan (Democratic)
'19 [10] def. Cedric Richmond (Democratic), Stacy Head (Democratic)
2024-: Ray Garofalo (Republican)
'23 def. Joseph Cao (Democratic), Charles Boustany (Republican), Gary Chambers (Democratic), Richard Nelson (Republican), Caleb Kleinpeter (Republican)

[1] Our story begins in a tempest. Hurricane Katrina tears its way through Galveston Bay to inundate the city of Houston, particularly the east side - containing the Houston Ship Channel, one of the nation's largest ports, as well as the historic heart of Houston's Black and Hispanic communities. Federal, state, county, and city authorities fail to coordinate a response; water crests the earthen dams of the Addicks and Barker Reservoirs, destroying both and causing flash floods that kill six hundred people in two hours; the Johnson Space Center, Texas Medical Center, University of Houston, and Texas Southern University are so seriously damaged some buildings never reopen; the refinery complexes of the Ship Channel are smashed to bits, creating one of the largest oil spills in American history; more than a million people are left homeless, many of them going east to New Orleans. All this is prologue.

[2] Governor Perry is already in trouble. A friend in the White House and a historically collegial city government should have greased the wheels of both preparations and recovery; they do neither. Rich Anglo neighborhoods in the Katy Prairie and the suburbs get reconstructed quickly, as do the petrochemical complexes; the Second, Third, and Fifth Wards have to wait in line. Seeking to capitalize on this, the Texas Democratic Party parachutes in John Sharp, one of its most respected figures - a former Comptroller with bipartisan credentials and a long record of political moderation and collegiality - and, almost by accident, pushes aside Jolanda Jones, who holds no office but taps into the real anger of a lot of Houstonians. Sharp wins on the back of rural Texans and moderate Anglos, but a lot of Democrats are not happy with seeing a daughter of the Third Ward pushed aside by an establishment creature like Sharp (who has dubious views on abortion, to boot).

Meanwhile, Carole Keeton Strayhorn doesn't have a very clear platform on disaster relief - or on much of anything. But she does have pungent criticisms of the Republican establishment in general and Governor Perry in specific, and just enough of a platform to come out on top when the two titans of the Texas Republicans destroy each other. Many conservatives stay home or vote for Friedman, many liberals cross the aisle to vote for Strayhorn, and the current Comptroller beats the former Comptroller.

[3] Across the Sabine, Kathleen Blanco wins re-election handily. Why wouldn't she? Nationally regarded as a saint for helping take in nearly a hundred thousand Houstonians, she has the benefit of being able to attack David Duke, who hopes to capitalize on a backlash to the fact that nine out of ten of those Houstonians are non-white. Jindal founders, and Blanco finds herself re-elected, narrowly avoiding a runoff.

Though Blanco is shortlisted for the Vice Presidential ticket a year later, Clinton eventually decides that the American people aren't ready for a two-woman ticket, instead choosing Senator Harold Ford Jr. The Democratic ticket, helped by the fact that tens of thousands of those Houstonians decide to stay, wins Louisiana.

[4] Strayhorn's Governorship is a long list of missed opportunities. The Republican Party, which commands but does not control both houses, is deeply divided over the gubernatorial primary and the speakership of the ornery Tom Craddick; the Democrats are little better, a circular firing squad between mossbacks, Anglo liberals, and members of color. Strayhorn and Craddick's egos clashed (Lieutenant Governor Dewhurst was no more functional but at least seemed vaguely mature and professional), and policy went to the Lege to die; the Governor called interminable special sessions to deal with school finance, transportation, flood mitigation, and healthcare, while the Lege simply ignored her. Eventually a troika of moderates - Joe Straus and Sylvester Turner in the House, the irascible John Carona in the Senate - elbowed Craddick aside to push through a set of reforms and present them as a fait accompli.

Then Clinton got elected President, the national tide turned, and Carole Keeton Strayhorn got it into her head she could take advantage of the new bipartisan mood. She announced that the 'increasingly partisan' Legislature (which, many argued, was actually less partisan than it had been in years, at least on an operational level) needed a truly non-partisan Governor. It didn't really work, but she was able to take credit for the work of the moderate coalition, and more importantly a lot of Texas Democrat power players would rather throw their weight behind her than deal with the party's internal dynamics.

Then the Tea Party, radicalized by the Clinton administration nationally and the RINO betrayal locally, swept everything away in the red wave.

[5] The Democrats' Louisiana heyday didn't last long. There was a brief moment where Hillary was even popular in the Pelican State - largely because of people who remembered the '90s, but so what? - but then it became clear that the two priorities of her administration were healthcare reform (implicitly including abortion and stem cell funding and 'death panels' and aid to 'those people') and emissions reduction (which might kill the state's oil industry, and then the state's economy). And on the local level, the shine came off the Blanco administration and Ray Nagin's mayoralty - some of that was due to fumbles in dealing with the new population of 'Katrina debris', in reforming the public education system, in dealing with Clinton administration, and some (it later transpired) was due to Blanco having other things on her mind after her 2009 cancer diagnosis.

Still, the question remained - who would be the Republican victor? Bobby Jindal was a two-time loser whose narrow losses were a cautionary tale to a generation of Southern Republicans of color. John N. Kennedy was a transparent opportunist who had been a Democrat until two years prior, but that wasn't entirely a liability. Burl Cain was popular on the right - at least, the Protestant parts of it - but he was also fighting numerous legal battles over his violations of the First and Eighth Amendments and his real estate dealings. Gerald Long had a famous last name and not much else. Jeff Landry, a Cajun Catholic veteran with thin electoral experience but at least no obvious red flags, was the least bad option and won on those grounds (and because Fields squeaked into the second spot in the runoff).

[6] For decades, the strike against the Texas Democrats has been that they're run by the trial lawyers - who have the charisma, the connections, and the money to bend the state's regulatory ecosystem in their direction. For decades this was merely the water the fish swam in; but under Governor Bush, the Republican Party and its own business interests pushed hard for tort reform to protect doctors and businesses from 'frivolous' workers' comp and malpractice lawsuits - and the trial lawyers consequently spent millions out of their contingency fees from the tobacco lawsuits to get him defeated in 2000 and keep his allies down on the state level. Tony Buzbee was the trial lawyer par excellence - but he was also a Galveston boy made good. He was light on policy, sure - but he had made his career out of his personality, how much he cared about his plaintiffs in contrast to how little the corporate lawyers cared.

Dan Patrick also won on emotion. He won on fear of a 'socialist' Clinton administration cracking down on the oil industry and churches, and contempt for pro-choice women and welfare recipients. But that wasn't enough, in the long term - not when half the state legislature, even after moderate Republicans were decimated by primary challenges, hated his guts; not when the new Republican administration kept punching at Patrick to prove the President wasn't a nut, and Patrick kept punching back at Romney to prove the Governor was a real Christian and a real conservative; not when education reform is dead on arrival and so is property tax reform. When Buzbee goes up against Patrick in the middle of a blue wave, in a two-horse race - Enron John peels off a few of the country-club-conservative types and a handful of 'evidence-based' Dems who think Buzbee is anti-intellectual and déclassé - even in a red state, that's enough.

[7] Meanwhile, across the Sabine, Landry's administration is another case study in modern conservatism. Landry, an unknown going into the Governor's Mansion, quickly gained a reputation as combative and bullying, willing to issue threats at minimal provocation - as Governor Buzbee put it, "he'll fight you over anything at the drop of a hat, and he'll drop the hat". This would have been distasteful from any Governor - from Landry, a first-term nobody with a thin record in the State Senate, it was pathetic as well. When Landry's fits of pique blew up a bipartisan deal to deal with the opioid crisis at the last minute, Republican power brokers tried to organize a campaign against him - and succeeded, with career prosecutor Jim Letten making his way into the runoff and then triumphing off a coalition of urban Republicans and Democrats who hated Landry enough to grit their teeth for Letten and hoped that he would at least do something about corruption and the opioid crisis.

[8] "Why can't the state of Texas elect a normal governor for once?" Tony Buzbee's tenure was the then-as-farce version of the already farcical Strayhorn administration; from the moment he ascended the dais to deliver his acceptance speech, clearly improvising and clearly too shitfaced for coherence, nothing went as planned. He drew up ambitious plans to reform education and expand healthcare, and then immediately scrapped them. He left the Democratic Party halfway his first legislative session, saying that Texas needed 'new, non-partisan, ways of thinking' - then joined the Republicans as a hail-Mary pass at salvaging any legislative accomplishments whatsoever - then vetoed the budget for reasons known only to himself, God, and Jim Beam - then left the party again, and revived the flailing remnants of Americans Elect Texas as his own vanity project.

Meanwhile, Republicans in the Legislature, having learned better than to think their electorate would tolerate them working with Democrats (or whatever the hell Buzbee was), either competed for who could be more extreme or else shut up altogether in hopes that their districts would assume things were going well. Matters came to a head in Romney's second term, when the new President (reeling from his narrow victory against fellow Bay Stater Senator Reich) put forward his own plan for healthcare reform - and a handful of conservatives, the 'Texas Teabags', killed it in the state as an example of 'socialized medicine'. Buzbee put forward a compromise proposal that everyone ignored, and President Romney and Speaker Flores prepared to go to war with the Paxton-Patrick-Sullivan troika.

[9] But they were pre-empted by events. Two weeks after the first floor vote, there was a police shooting on the streets of New Orleans. Blame fell on the New Orleans PD and the rancid racism of its internal culture - on the city's hamfisted attempts to integrate Texan migrants and spur economic development - and, most of all, on the Letten administration's focus on crime, crime, crime, and on getting results so it could tell the world it had tried to deal with the scourge of street crime in general and fentanyl traffickers and cartels. Letten had never intended what had happened, of course - but when he spread his phillippics and jeremiads about crime on the streets of New Orleans in the suburbs and the small towns, everyone knew who he meant. Overnight, Letten's status as the possible next President was over.

[10] The end of this story is too complex to tell in anything but summary. The New Orleans protests became a national movement; Romney's response was too sympathetic for his own party and too awkward for the other; though he tried, mightily, to pass tax reform it wasn't enough. After everything Letten actually managed to win re-election, with the Republican Party thinking he should have shot the 'rioters' but fearful of a Democratic victory. Buzbee fell to a normal Republican, tough enough to appease the Patrickistas but not too radical for the moderates to stand, a rising star with a famous name. Romney served an undistinguished second term and made way for Governor Brown. Politics continued in its steadily unsteady way.

Hurricane Katrina changed the lives of millions, in Texas, in Louisiana, and across the world. But how much did it really change Texas, Louisiana, or the world overall? It's impossible to say.
 
The 1795 Earthquake and the Fall of the Shun Dynasty

In June 1795, when the French Revolution raged in Europe, a earthquake hit the Chinese provinces of Henan, Zhili and Shandong, killing or injuring at least 110,000 Shun subjects and flooding the Yellow River. Since Chinese political tradition said natural disasters were a sign the Mandate of Heaven had been withdrawn, and the Shun had failed to defeat and conquer the firearm-equipped Dzungars decades earlier, effectively recognizing their independence, a 42 year-old Confucian scholar of peasant and mixed Han-Manchu origin from Liaodong named Shang Hudong had it enough of the Shun's corruption, military failures and lack of technological innovation, and decided to found his own dynasty, putting the Shun dynasty under its greatest peril since the war against the rival Qing one century and half earlier.

By 26 October 1795, the peasant revolt has broken out in Liaodong, and it soon spread like wildfire across Manchuria, which the Shun had conquered – the Qing dynasty being abolished – by 1658. The Manchus had never been strong supporters of the Shun dynasty, and many of them felt excluded from the imperial government, giving the revolt an ethnic dimension. On 15 February 1796, Shang proclaimed his new Muong Dynasty, with Fengtian as a provisional capital until Beijing could be captured, its own currency, an organized military hierarchy and imperial seal, that were later rolled out across China when the Shun was defeated.

Months earlier, Henan and Shandong had joined the revolt, and soon declared their alliance to the Great Muong, which had the support of the Buddhist White Lotus movement, itself responsible for the founding of the Ming in the 1300s. In March 1796, Muong armies were victorious at Baoding in one of the largest battles in human history, and it appeared the new dynasty would soon seize Beijing. However, the Shun emperor soon organized effective defenses with the best weapons in his arsenals, and the attackers were stopped kilometers south of the capital.

After over one decade of warfare and dozens of millions of death, as well as limited involvement from Napoleonic France and Britain, on 10 April 1808, the Muong forces, which already controlled most of China proper and all of inner and outer Manchuria, entered Beijing and executed the successor of the emperor who ruled when the revolt began. Shang then formally became emperor of all of China, and began major reforms meant to end corruption and form a society according to Confucian virtues. The Muong Dynasty lasted until 1949, when a republic was proclaimed.
Hey you accidentally forgot to include the list
 
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List of Presidents of the United States of America:

2001 - 2001: Al Gore / Joe Lieberman (Democrat)
2000: George W. Bush / Dick Cheney (Republican)
2001 - 2001: Joe Lieberman / vacant (Democrat)
2001 - 2009: Joe Lieberman / John McCain (National Union)
2004: Rudy Giuliani / Sam Brownback (Republican), Ralph Nader / Dennis Kucinich (Green)
2009 - 2013: Ron Paul / Walter B. Jones (Republican)
2008: Hillary Clinton / Wesley Clark (Democrat), Ralph Nader / Matt Gonzalez (Green)
2013 - 0000: Robert F. Kennedy Jr. / Michael Flynn (Democrat)
2012: Ron Paul / Walter B. Jones (Republican), Donald Trump / Susan Sarandon (Independent)



After 9/11 kills Al Gore, President Lieberman goes full Rambo on the Middle-East. Ron Paul is basically a near-anarchist, using the Republican supermajorities to gut the federal government. This all proves to be an horrible mistake, especially when Hurricane Sandy hits the NYC area. President Paul lost in a landslide to Governor Kennedy, who while having a good response on the hurricane, is running into ‘issues’ with his team on how to tackle the Ebola pandemic in Louisiana.
 
From Destruction, Democracy


List of Presidents and Vice Presidents of the Philippines

1986-1989: Corazon "Cory" Aquino (PDP-Laban, UNIDO [1986-1987])/ Salvador "Doy" Laurel (PDP-Laban, UNIDO [1986-1987])

1986 election: Corazon "Cory" Aquino/Salvador "Doy" Laurel (UNIDO), Ferdinand E. Marcos/Arturo Tolentino (Kilusan Bagong Lipunan)
1989: Overthrown in military coup by the Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM)


1989-1991: Juan Ponce Enrile (Reform the Armed Forces Movement)/Gregorio "Gringo" Honasan (RAM)
1989: Declared provisional president and vice president under state of emergency
1991: Resignation of Enrile during the EDSA II/Pinatubo Revolution; Doy Laurel "reinstated" as President; Senators Jovy Salonga and Alberto Romulo declared acting co-heads of state by Reconstituted Emergency Congress


1991-1992: Salvador "Doy" Laurel (Nacionalista)/Gregorio "Gringo" Honasan (RAM) [disputed]
1991: Honasan de facto removed from office by United States Armed Forces, de jure remained in office due to failure of House of Representatives to achieve quorum for impeachment

1992-1998: Jovito "Jovy" Salonga (Liberal, Koalisyon para sa Demokrasyang Pilipino [1992-1995])/Neptali Gonzales (Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino)
1992 election: Jovito "Jovy" Salonga/Sergio "Serge" Osmeña III (KDP), José "Peping" Cojuangco Jr./Neptali Gonzales (LDP), Miriam Defensor Santiago/Juan Flavier (NUCD), Crispin Beltran/Loretta Ann "Etta" Rosales (Bayan), Salvador "Doy" Laurel/Renato "Rene" Cayetano (Nacionalista)

1998-2004: Vicente "Tito" Sotto III (Nacionalista)/Ramon Magsaysay Jr. (NUCD)
1998 election: Vicente "Tito" Sotto III/Lito Atienza Jr. (Nacionalista), Renato de Villa/John Henry "Sonny" Osmeña (LDP), Miriam Defensor Santiago/Ramon Magsaysay Jr. (NUCD), Aquilino "Nene" Pimentel Jr./Ceferino "Joker" Arroyo (PDP-Laban), Imelda Marcos/Renato "Rene" Cayetano (KBL), Loretta Ann "Etta" Rosales/Walden Bello (Bayan)

2004-2010: Jejomar "Jojo" Binay (PDP-Laban)/Robert Jaworski (NUCD)
2004 election: Jejomar "Jojo" Binay/Martin Diño (PDP-Laban), Ramon Magsaysay Jr./Robert Jaworski (NUCD), Raul Roco/Christian Monsod (Liberal), Panfilo "Ping" Lacson/Maria Teresa "Tessie" Aquino-Oreta (LDP), Renato "Rene" Cayetano/Emmanuel "Manny" Piñol (Nacionalista), Imelda Marcos/Lorenzo "Larry" Gadon (KBL)

2010-2016: Manuel "Manny" Villar Jr. (Nacionalista)/Pia Cayetano (Nacionalista)
2010 election: Manuel "Manny" Villar Jr./Pia Cayetano (Nacionalista), Manuel "Mar" Roxas II/Maria-Ana "Jamby" Madrigal (Liberal), Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo/Prospero "Butch" Pichay Jr. (LDP), Miriam Defensor Santiago/Rodrigo Duterte (NUCD), Walden Bello/Ana Theresia "Risa" Hontiveros (Akbayan)

2016-: Jesse Robredo (Liberal)/Lorenzo "Erin" Tañada III (Liberal)
2016 election: Jesse Robredo/Lorenzo "Erin" Tañada III (Liberal), Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo/Benjamin Magalong (LDP), Imee R. Marcos/Mark Cojuangco (NUCD), Loren Legarda/Ramon "Bong" Revilla Jr. (Nacionalista), Alfredo Lim/Rozzano "Ruffy" Biazon (PDP-Laban)


For Juan Ponce Enrile and Gringo Honasan, November 1989 was Christmas come early. Disillusioned by the reborn Philippine democracy and its widowed mother, Corazon Aquino, they had launched multiple coup attempts to overthrow her and bring about the military junta they had pined for since the last years of Marcos. Every time they had been beaten back, but as they were shuffled around the country in efforts to keep them out of power, they found more and more eager listeners whom they could recruit to their cause. Soon, the time would finally be right to strike.

The date chosen, 22 November 1989, seemed a little rushed. The plotters were wary of getting exposed, and in so doing lost time for additional preparation. Fortuitously, though, moving the date up proved to be a godsend. Typhoon Hunt made landfall on northern Luzon the same day, and as heavy rain and gale-force winds lashed Manila, the plotters struck with ease. Outside Luzon, bases fell in quick succession and aircraft were commandeered to control the skies, while the hardened crack troops of the coup forces put Malacañang Palace under their guns, with loyal forces on land unable to gain air support. With those odds, a trickle of changed allegiances became a wave. Across the country, democracy would be betrayed, from the lowliest private all the way up to the Vice President of the Republic.

Outwardly, Aquino remained defiant, as she had every year since she took office, since her son was shot in 1987. Addressing the nation, she displayed her characteristic steel and resolve. But as time passed, firefights escalated while heavier guns bombarded the palace, and so, at her commanders' behest, Aquino would request the United States military for help.

That help would not be forthcoming. The Americans were unwilling to risk their aircraft in the midst of the storm, and asked Malacañang for patience. Patience they could not afford to have. Before the F-4s at Clark had started their engines, the gates to the palace fell and the troops rushed in. Their claimed aim of forcing Aquino's resignation was pre-empted by the flurry of stray bullets and shrapnel that flew all over the complex, as just one needed to strike true to end her life. The last anyone saw of the president, the Mother of Democracy who had so bravely stood against a tyrant, she was in prayer at her office, awaiting what came next.

And so democracy, birthed from a gunshot that felled an Aquino, died from a gunshot that felled an Aquino.

The world watched in disbelief - barely two weeks had passed since the Berlin Wall fell. So shocked was the country that few initially heeded the call of Cardinal Jaime Sin to occupy EDSA once again. But in the days, weeks, and months that followed, the toll of the coup weighed heavily in everyday life. The economy, only just showing a whisper of recovery after years of the Marcos family's theft, collapsed as a wave of companies fled and jobs evaporated. Men in green were inescapable, watching every word spoken and ready to handle any gathering they didn't like. Then the Communists seemed to return with a vengeance. It was all too much to bear. Even the legal fiction of Enrile, a sitting Senator, being declared provisional President, convinced few, if any. Yet any effort to counter this would inevitably be met with a shove, a rifle butt, and a night in jail. What, then, would bring it all to an end? Anything short of an act of God or nature, surely.

Well, nature sure works in funny ways.

The cracks began to appear in the dictatorship when an earthquake hit northern Luzon on 16 July 1990. The mountain city of Baguio saw the worst of the disaster when houses and hotels crumbled, forcing residents and tourists to camp in the streets. Yet the humanitarian crisis was marred with egregious mismanagement and chaos that led to a substantial number of excess, easily preventable deaths. Calls for redress were eventually met from the junta with some selected firings that would, it was hoped, be the end of that. But it was just the beginning.

There is little that needs be said of the June 1991 eruption of Mount Pinatubo, except that a total lack of preparation by the National Disaster Coordinating Council, itself under the oversight of Enrile as his own Secretary of National Defense, had led to tens of thousands buried alive, and those easily preventable deaths and the many, many months of warning signs, had awoken a fury simmering in the background. Finally, the crowds took to the streets of cities across the country, while civilian opposition politicians, in hiding, exile, or under house arrest for the last few years, resurfaced to demand the end of authoritarian rule once and for all. Generals Fidel Ramos and Renato de Villa, the chiefs who turned to the people in 1986, resurfaced to walk among them again and exhort their comrades to once again lay down their arms in the name of freedom. The people who had once mobilised on EDSA to defend JPE, now returned to demand his fall. And unable to face them in person, the two-time backstabber fell on his sword.

Gringo did not go so easily. Holing himself up in Camp Aguinaldo, he bravely declared his intent of making a last stand. But he did not count on a factor that had not manifested two years before. On the call of a rejuvenated opposition, American troops surged from Clark and Subic Bay to dislodge the colonel. The people of Quezon City would hear the echoes of rock music for hours before Honasan finally emerged to the booming tune of Thunderstruck by AC/DC.

And so democracy has been here to stay in the Philippines ever since. It has been a tumultuous three decades since those dark days, but every six years, the Filipino people continue to exercise their right to choose their own leaders, not at gunpoint, but with pen and paper. Well, assuming one doesn't think too hard about which families are going to appear on the ballots this time. But at least one can feel assured that when in doubt, Mother Nature will pound on the gates of Malacañang to remind everyone what's at stake.

Just ask Manny Villar and his thoughts on Super Typhoon Odette.


(big thanks to @aaa and @JuniperHyacinthe for feedback and suggestions!)
 
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I'll resubmit it, don't worry ;)

Huangdis of the Great Shun (1644–1808)

1. Yongchang Emperor (1644–1675)
2. Zenghang Emperor (1675–1712)
3. Yaoding Emperor (1712–1755)
4. Haotin Emperor (1755–1774)
5. Yinchang Emperor (1774–1791)
6. Lizhou Emperor (1791–1803)
7. Yinle Emperor (1803–1808)

The 1795 Earthquake and the Fall of the Shun Dynasty

In June 1795, when the French Revolution raged in Europe, a earthquake hit the Chinese provinces of Henan, Zhili and Shandong, killing or injuring at least 110,000 Shun subjects and flooding the Yellow River. Since Chinese political tradition said natural disasters were a sign the Mandate of Heaven had been withdrawn, and the Shun had failed to defeat and conquer the firearm-equipped Dzungars decades earlier, effectively recognizing their independence, a 42 year-old Confucian scholar of peasant and mixed Han-Manchu origin from Liaodong named Shang Hudong had it enough of the Shun's corruption, military failures and lack of technological innovation, and decided to found his own dynasty, putting the Shun dynasty under its greatest peril since the war against the rival Qing one century and half earlier.

By 26 October 1795, a peasant revolt had broken out in Liaodong, and it soon spread like wildfire across Manchuria, which the Shun had conquered – the Qing dynasty being abolished – by 1658. The Manchus had never been strong supporters of the Shun dynasty, and many of them felt excluded from the imperial government, giving the revolt an ethnic dimension. On 15 February 1796, Shang proclaimed his new Muong Dynasty, with Fengtian as a provisional capital until Beijing could be captured, its own currency, an organized military hierarchy and imperial seal, that were later rolled out across China when the Shun was defeated.

Months earlier, Henan and Shandong had joined the revolt, and soon declared their alliance to the Great Muong, which had the support of the Buddhist White Lotus movement, itself responsible for the founding of the Ming in the 1300s. In March 1796, Muong armies were victorious at Baoding in one of the largest battles in human history, and it appeared the new dynasty would soon seize Beijing. However, the Shun emperor soon organized effective defenses with the best weapons in his arsenals, and the attackers were stopped kilometers south of the capital.

After over one decade of warfare and dozens of millions of deaths, as well as limited involvement from Napoleonic France and Britain, on 10 April 1808, the Muong forces, which already controlled most of China proper and all of inner and outer Manchuria, entered Beijing and executed the successor of the emperor who ruled when the revolt began. Shang then formally became emperor of all of China, and began major reforms meant to end corruption and form a society according to Confucian virtues. The Muong Dynasty lasted until 1949, when a republic was proclaimed.
 
(Long time listener, first time caller)


Political Earthquake
1993-1994: Morihiro Hosokawa (Japan New Party)
1993 (non-LDP, non-Communist coalition) def. Kichi Miyazawa (Liberal Democratic Party), etc.
1994-1994: Tsutomu Hata (Japan Renewal Party)
1994-1995: Toshiki Kaifu (Liberal Democratic Party, then Liberal Reform Alliance, then New Frontier Party)
1995-1996: Toshihiro Nikai (New Frontier Party)

1996-0000: Koichi Kato (Liberal Democratic Party)
1996 def. Shintaro Ishihara (Liberals), Yukio Hatoyama (Democratic), Toshihiro Nikai (New Frontier Party), Kozo Igarashi (Socialist), etc.

In hindsight, the formation of the New Frontier Party was such a damp squib that it hardly justifies the attention it received contemporarily. But at the time, it was seen as the crowning achievement of Ichiro Ozawa, the young, canny political operator who had defected from the LDP and manoeuvred his way into every government when the "1955 System" collapsed into shambles. After the inexperienced Morihiro Hosokawa fell on his sword over allegations of corruption, Ozawa handpicked his old friend Tsutomu Hata into the leader's seat. But then the flaky Socialists pulled out of the coalition, effectively collapsing the Hata government before it took office. No matter: Ozawa simply staged an LDP revolt over their mooted Grand Coalition with the Socialists, luring former prime minister Toshiki Kaifu into being its ringleader and Michio Watanabe into defecting with promises of cushy jobs.

Throughout all this, what Ozawa truly wanted, apart from power, was a true two-party system in Japan: a stable, non-LDP choice that was "neoconservative" with his fingerprints all over, advocating for less bureaucratic government and an SDF willing to throw its weight behind peacekeeping abroad. To this end, in December 1995 he sat the near-unmanageable number of party leaders in government down and told them, quite frankly, that if they didn't unite he— they— would be booted out of power and the LDP would return with a vengeance, and if they disagreed he'd sell them down the river at the first opportunity. So the unwieldy coalition united into one unwieldy party; Ozawa had preferred "Conservative Party" but that was a bit too far for some.

And thus Ozawa had finally caught his white whale, and with approval ratings for the new cabinet ticking up he wanted the nation to know that he was the one who had made this possible, and only he had a true vision for a post-Cold War Japan. The press lauded his political finesse, looked forward to a stable government without multiple different parties going at each other's throats all the time, and christened the press conference where the new party was announced as the most impactful event in post-war politics: Yomiuri Shimbun even called it a "political earthquake".

That headline turned out to be a sign of things to come— but in the worst way possible. On January 17, 1995, an earthquake measuring 6.9 on the Richter scale rocked the coastal city of Kobe and reduced much of it into rubble. The government response was lacklustre— perhaps not of any fault of their own but due to communications from Kobe being disrupted— but it was still an embarrassment for the government when local TV crews discovered that even the Yakuza were doing more to help out the displaced populace of Kobe than the government or the SDF, and as harrowing images of fires and collapsing highways plastered newspapers the government's approval ratings plummeted. No big deal, thought Ozawa: we'll just shuffle Kaifu out and replace him with Toshihiro Nikai, another old LDP ally of his from the turbulent days of the late 80s.

What Ozawa didn't realize was the long shadow that the earthquake would cast. The earthquake had rendered the city's container port useless for a long while, further fueling the near-chronic economic malaise and effectively wiping out any optimism that voting out the LDP in 1993 had brought. And the decision to replace Kaifu with another of his underlings made the other parts of the government antsy, especially one Tsutomu Hata who had wanted the job back and had finally realized that he had been played. In a fit of rage, he left the government with a couple of representatives behind him, stating in a fiery press conference that Ozawa "only cared about playing the role of shadow shogun and not actually governing". With Kobe still in a state of disarray, the general public agreed.

After that, the government simply lurched from crisis to crisis to crisis. Aum Shinrikyo's sarin attack in the Tokyo Metro directed a lot of attention to the ex-Komeito types in government, with Shizuka Kamei drawing (rather unfair) parallels between the death cult and the Soka Gakkai. When said death cult hijacked a plane and killed more hostages even government ministers fretted over why the SDF was heading off to Rwanda instead. Then Michio Watanabe died and Shintaro Ishihara took over his faction, immediately left the government, called Nikai a Chinese stooge and Ozawa an American lapdog, and inexplicably led his Liberals up in the polls. Then in late 1995, news broke that some American servicemen at the Okinawa military base had kidnapped and raped a young Japanese girl, prompting a wave of anti-Americanism and making Ozawa's friendliness with Bill Clinton look very silly. And of course, there were the constant international gaffes, with Nikai's views on women, Watanabe's views on minorities and the odd backbencher's views on IJA war crimes provoking much concern from their neighbours and Western allies. As the dysfunctional government of 1995 looked increasingly like the dysfunctional coalitions of 1994, the Japanese public started to feel that maybe, just maybe, Ozawa wasn’t that good of a politician after all.

By the time 1996 rolled out Ozawa had an inkling he was screwed, but still genuinely thought he had a chance of hammering out a coalition deal with the LDP. But he couldn't have guessed how much he was screwed. As the votes were counted it first transpired that, even under the new electoral system, the LDP had still managed to claw their way back to a majority from campaigning on a "return to normalcy". Then in the Kansai region where the anti-LDP vote had traditionally flourished, the much-maligned response to the Great Hanshin earthquake had made the NFP electoral poison and fostered an appetite for a more vigorous government, one which Ishihara was more than willing to play to. And out of nowhere came Yukio Hatoyama and his band of representatives who had opposed the mooted Grand Coalition, bankrolled by billions of yen from his mother's coffers, pushing the NFP down to fourth in seats: only the Socialists falling even further into obscurity gave them something to laugh at. But the knives were out for Ozawa, and when he belatedly resigned his party position the NFP collapsed in his absence. As Ozawa, his pet project trounced in the polls and blamed for everything bad that had happened the past year, decamped for his native Iwate, he had a sinking feeling that his political career was over.

Maybe he should've taken that offer to be prime minister in 1991.
 
I'll admit this one is a little silly, but when I realised where it was going I couldn't resist.


The Fall of the House of Braganza and the Miracle of the House of Stuart


Monarchs of Portugal


1750-1755: José I , The Mourned (House of Braganza)
1755-1764: Manuel II , The Reformer (House of Braganza)
1764-1766: Jaime I , The Exile (House of Stuart)
1766-1788: Carlos I , The Drunkard (House of Stuart)
1788-xxxx: Henrique II , The Handsome (House of Stuart)


The Great Lisbon Earthquake of November 1st 1755 is not only infamous for the widespread destruction to Portugal’s capital city but for prompting one of the great European succession crises of the 18th century. Among the disaster's casualties were not only King José I himself but almost the entire extant royal house of Braganza, buried in the rubble of the Ribeira Palace. [1]

Sebastião José de Carvalho e Melo, the reformist son of a country squire, took charge of the reconstruction efforts in the aftermath and secured his place as de facto first minister under the new king. He saw in the wreckage the opportunity to rebuild the city of Lisbon and indeed the nation of Portugal along Enlightenment principles but this could only be achieved if the royal line (and his continued place at the head of government) were secured.

Manuel II, the libertine uncle of the old king, had survived due to being ensconced in his villa on the edge of the capital (as he had been for some years) and was now king by dint of being the only surviving legitimate male of the House of Braganza. He was elderly, unmarried and more interested in artistic endeavours than ensuring the line of succession.

While a hasty marriage to a suitable young noblewoman was arranged, the match proved unfruitful and an assassination attempt on the king in 1758 (by particularly conservative members of the aristocracy) focused his first minister’s mind on determining a clear heir.

The prospects looked grim. Two sons of Braganza still lived but both were illegitimate and thus unsuitable. Besides, one was an old-fashioned bishop and the other a leader among the opposition at court. [2] Neither conducive to Carvalho e Melo’s long-term career prospects.

Options through the female line were no better. [3] The remaining Braganza descendants in the female line were all Spanish nobles, which no right thinking Portuguese would stand for! The next most senior female line from the old royal house of Aviz led, via the Dukes of Parma, to the Queen Dowager of Spain and her son Charles III. Even worse! Portugal would not return to a personal union with Spain, a Bourbon was no better than a Habsburg!

But it was as Carvalho e Melo began to reach the point of despair that a strange solution presented itself. For, in examining the genealogical records it was noted that a less senior line of descent, again via the Dukes of Parma and then the Dukes of Modena, led to another royal house entirely. One currently bereft of a throne and perhaps prepared to negotiate.

When Carvalho e Melo approached the British Ambassador to sound them out on the plan, it was initially taken as a bad joke. But as they discussed it further, the advantages made themselves apparent. It is generally agreed by historians that Britain’s support for the plan assisted in persuading the Cortes to accept a foreigner as heir and Spain choosing not to contest the decision.

The Old Pretender was ill and infirm in his later years. Centuries later, the last ‘Traditional Jacobites’ would claim he didn’t understand the offer to which he agreed, thus making it illegitimate. In truth, he had long since given up hope of regaining his birthright and he traded it away with a clear mind and perhaps only a small pang of regret.

The Young Pretender (not as young as he used to be at nearly 40) was not consulted on the decision, he and his father had not been on speaking terms for some years. He ranted and railed when informed of his father’s ‘betrayal’ after the fact. After much drinking, cajoling and the promise of a suitable Portuguese bride, he finally acquiesced. Having abrogated his Catholic faith some years earlier, he returned to it on the principle that Lisbon was worth a Mass.

With one stroke, Carvalho e Melo had guaranteed the succession and ingratiated himself to Portugal’s oldest ally by pulling out the political thorn of Jacobitism once and for all.

When Manuel II passed away in 1764, James Francis Edward Stuart was acclaimed as Jaime I of Portugal. Too infirm to leave his bed in Rome, his son Charles Edward Stuart (known to some as Bonnie Prince Charlie) travelled to Lisbon to take up the royal responsibilities on his father’s behalf. Not long after, he in turn would be acclaimed as Carlos I. He refused to learn his kingdom’s language (conversing in French when required) and showed little actual interest in governing. This suited Carvalho e Melo (now the Marquês de Pombal and still the head of government) well enough.

Carlos’ son Henrique, on the other hand, was born and bred in Portugal. Upon his ascent to the throne in 1788, he set out to be an active and effective ruler. The House of Stuart would once again take its place in the affairs of Europe and the wider world.



[1] IOTL, José and the royal court had departed the Ribeira Palace in the early morning of November 1st (before the earthquake struck) to visit their countryside residence. ITTL, their departure is delayed with deadly consequences.

[2] Gaspar of Braganza, Archbishop of Braga & João Carlos de Bragança, 2nd Duke of Lafões, respectively.

[3] Trying to navigate European dynastic genealogies gets confusing, but I am reasonably confident of where I ended up with these conclusions.
 
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