vjw's Electoral Vault

[vjw]

Hi, I've decided to start a series of election stories and maps that you all love. I'll start with Canada, which I worked on long enough to create a DB of candidates, parties; create a map, and recreate it again. You know, it's not very nice when your opponent, who lost by a few votes, gets lost in history. The ParlInfo is incomplete, contains a lot of gaps. And while I was working on it, I learned a lot about the formation of the True North Strong and Free.

Canada was in an interesting period in history. It was the 1860s, when relations between Britain and the United States were cool. Against the backdrop of the Civil War, there was an incident involving the Trent, a ship carrying Dixie diplomats. It was a tense moment that could have escalated into war. The arena of which would have been the BNA colonies. Fortunately, it all worked out, but trade links were weakening and it was necessary to orient oneself eastwards. Next came the Grand Coalition, the Charlottetown and Quebec conferences, the dissolution of the coalition and the Macdonald government. Here also came the raids of the Fenians, who did not stabilise Canada, wanting to use it as a bargaining chip for Irish independence.

A strong political will and the complexity of the domestic situation gave birth to the state. So here we have July 1, 1867 and the British North America Act came into force. The Dominion of Canada was created by the union of Upper and Lower Canada, New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. The election was to be a fait accompli, confirming the consolidation of Canada.

Although, in fact, these were four separate elections that bore little resemblance to the current one. Before confederation, the two Canadas were formally equal, including in parliament. They had the same number of seats - from 1854 there were 65, the same number of representatives in the cabinet and the speakers rotated through the provinces. But Upper Canada had a larger population, so the Reformers promoted 'representation by population' to their advantage. The Conservatives responded by arguing that this was aimed at creating inter-ethnic conflict and destroying the union. The debate went on for years and the problem was resolved at conferences. Ontario got 82 seats (Algoma is a worthy mention), Quebec was left with 65, of which 12 with an English-speaking majority were protected by the BNA Act and could not be taken away without residents' consent. And for the balance Nova Scotia was allocated 19 seats and New Brunswick 15 (given that Halifax and St John have two each). The 'double majority' requirement, which required the simultaneous consent of sections of Canada East and West for the bill to pass, was also eliminated.

In these provinces each riding (part or all of the county) determined the day of nomination, voting and announcement separately, so in general the elections lasted from August 26 to September 21 with the results to be determined by September 24 (for the distant Chicoutimi-Saguenay and Gaspé ridings the deadline would be extended to October 24). The Conservatives were king of the day, so they could influence where the vote would go faster or further. Otherwise, who knows if the elected candidate would go further and not have to be nominated again? In addition, the success of the Tories acted as an incentive for them to fight further.

There were not many candidates, in many places they were elected by acclamation. It was possible to run for and be elected for federal and provincial seats at the same time. As for the voting, it lasted for two days and took place by open ballot. At the end of the first day, the intermediate results were proclaimed, and from that moment on, bribery, intimidation and coercion of workers by their masters went on: everything to make the government-elected candidate win. Those who possessed censorship in several constituencies could vote multiple times. Battles over displays of emotion were not uncommon.

They were most vividly manifested in Kamouraska. Here Chapais and Pelletier were nominated in the local riding, and the former was elected acclamation in the federal one. Pelletier's admirers offered to give him the remaining seat, but Chapais was undeterred: he wanted two. At the suspiciously uncomfortable meeting, the protesters wanted the returning officer to admit responsibility for his illegal actions. He refused, and the angry mob proceeded to stone the house, take away the ballot papers, and drown the officer if he dared to choose Chapais. Two were fatally injured.

The reason for the conflict was simple: the returning officer was in close relations with Chapais and in order for him to win, he tried to disenfranchise the parishes who supported Pelletier. These statements were copies, which negated the law. And if that wasn't enough, there was a serious error in his proclamation, which had to be overturned by a second one. The officer was withdrawn and Kamouraska would elect a representative after two years. Pelletier, by the way, will win.

In the Maritimes, the elections were closer to the current ones. In New Brunswick, the vote was secret, lasting one day, but the polling date was still different. In Nova Scotia voting took place in one day, September 18th. This rule has existed after excessive violence was reported in the 1843 election. The first session of the parliament of united Canada has begun on November 6th, 1867.

A fluid liberal-conservative coalition was built on the popularity of John A. Macdonald. In Quebec, significant support for conservatives and pro-French Bleus was provided by the Catholic Church and local elites. For instance, the Archbishop of Quebec (who died during the campaign) stated that accepting what emanated from legitimate authority is God's command, and that it is not necessary to elect fighters against the confederation. In Ontario, the Liberal-Conservative movement was a continuation of a great coalition of Tories and moderate liberals. The Confederates have developed a success in New Brunswick that began last year's provincial election, but have shown uncertainty in Nova Scotia. In addition to supporting the confederation, of course, their platform included expanding trade both within the dominion and abroad, supporting duties on industrial goods, expansion into the rest of the British colonies, increasing defense capabilities, allowing dual representation, and so on. The coalition owned an excellent organisation, election control and patronage, and picked up on the theme of Canadian patriotism.

The opposition was fragmented. The success of Ontario's Reformers in 1863 set the stage for the formation of a workable government. George Brown, while reluctantly agreeing to a coalition with the Quebec Bleus and Ontario Conservatives, realised that it was for the good of the future confederation. Of course, the Conservatives established a majority in government and some reformers became supporters of Macdonald's policies. The situation was difficult for Brown and he decided to start again. Believing there was nothing to stop the confederation, he broke the alliance with the conservatives and resuscitated the Reform movement. Then he held a convention for 700 people in Toronto in June 27th. In his speech he argued against Macdonald's government, for separation of church and state, and for maintaining relations with the United States while maintaining his own way. He, too, urged people to be vigilant and politically awareness. To earn support east of Toronto, the Reformer stronghold, he nominated in Ontario South (not the one you thought). On the first day he was leading his opponent by a slim margin. The next day, through manipulation, he lost the election. Decided he had done enough, in October he will leave Canada and politics, becoming 'the noblest victim of them all.' The Reformists have shown themselves to be weak because the theme of patriotism has divided the traditional liberal vote.

They did not have an easy time with the parties in Lower Canada. The Quebec Rouge did not accept the Grand Coalition and the anti-French Reformist position, so they were on their own. They favoured positive innovation and opposed the dominance of the Catholic Church. They also embraced confederation, which for Rouge used to seem like an excuse to anglicise Quebec. But on the whole, they went against the tide and could not count on fighting the Bleus.

In New Brunswick, party lines are confusing: in 1866 there was a choice between confederates and constitutionalists, in this election elected members were ministerialists or oppositionists, and on the floor they sat as liberals or conservatives. However, the ratio of seats occupied by Confederates and anti-Confederates was 12-3, and this was a continuation of the trend of last year's elections. Then, fearing by Fenian raids, Tilley pushed for an union with Canada.

The leader of the Nova Scotia Party, Joseph Howe, was a good orator, a courageous reformer and a ruthless opponent of the Confederation, which he saw as violent. Being loyal to the Empire, he went to England several times to prove his point. Preventing confederation was futile: the Nova Scotian parliament accepted confederation, but it was still possible to win back. During 1867 Howe conducted a political tour of the province, which was greeted with indescribable enthusiasm. Large crowds came to listen to the jibes towards Ottawa. The consequence of this campaign was that the anti-Confederates took 18 seats, the outgoing provincial PM Tupper being the only one to win among the Unionists. It was the zenith of the movement before Nova Scotia recognised the fact of confederation and Howe did not become an afterthought in supporting Macdonald.

In the long run, the Coalition won a decisive victory with 51 seats in Ontario, 46 in Quebec and 13 in the Maritimes and received just over half of all the votes. John Macdonald was the first Canadian PM to eliminate anti-Confederate sentiment domestically and pursued a skillful domestic policy. Trade, too, has returned to normal and the new railways have consolidated the country more strongly. Under his rule, the slogan 'A mari usque ad mare' would become a reality.

However, the road to confederation was not complete for everyone. In Manitoba Louis Riel showed up, becoming a Métis leader and forming a provisional government, causing discontent among some Anglophone settlers. In British Columbia the confederacy was defended by the Amor de Cosmos and the League. In Newfoundland there was a fierce battle between supporters and opponents of union with Canada. And Prince Edward Island decided not to rush into it, remaining a British dominion for a little while longer. One thing is certain - the Canadians were beginning to control their own destiny.

And of course, wish me a happy birthday!

 

[vjw]

Think of it as a gift. The nomination and voting dates have often changed, but for me the main thing is to show a clear picture.

 

[Caprice]

Ooh, good work so far! This is a good resource for Canadian election results, if you're not already aware of it.

 

[vjw]

Ooh, good work so far! This is a good resource for Canadian election results, if you're not already aware of it.

Thanks for suggestion, although I see that the data of the same election of 1867 is based on an incomplete ParlInfo DB. Perhaps I'll ask them to complete it using my sources.

 

[vjw]

The other continent smells of snacks! These are the days when the religious component still influenced the elections.

 

[vjw]

The Québec Libre story with the work in QGIS, a transposition to png and not one variation of future events. Dedicated to @Ares96

 

[vjw]

I guess I can't wait any longer for maps on Germany to be lying around grumbling to myself about the danger. So meet the year 1912!

When we think of this election, we remember the first victory of the SPD and the large number of voters who voted for them. Less often we think of the fact that the electoral districts had not changed since 1867, which caused a severe imbalance: one district had a hundred thousand voters, while another had only 8,000. Some might say that the rise of the SPD came against the background of Chancellor von Bülow's precarious rule.

But there is one thing that everyone is forgetting. It is the second round of voting. With the late 20th century, this was an adequate idea: candidates were confidently elected in districts, and the runoff was in 46 districts. In the 1912 election there were already 192 such districts (not counting the by-election in Pless, because a candidate of the Polish party was elected in 2 districts).

Other parties were in no hurry to help the SPD in the second round, it seemed too radical to them. Even the Liberals do not support the social democrats, since the second round is the main source of electoral acquisition. But despite this, the SPD forms the largest number of seats, the very first in Europe. This was facilitated by nominations in all constituencies, which further distinguishes them from the religiously bound Zentrum (note the staggering margins of victory) and the Conservatives or the suburban Liberals. And also notable - the affirmation of the Progressive People's Party that consolidated left-wing liberal votes. I also notice agrarians, minorities and anti-Semites, but who cares?

However, the subject of elections in Wilhelmine Germany is very broad and interesting. While recommending Electoral politics in Wilhelmine Germany by Stanley Suval, the Canadian election is taking me deeper and deeper. To meet you all again!

 

[vjw]

I'm also care about you

Spoiler: Results by party

 

[Alex Richards]

Very impressive.

 

[vjw]

Greetings from the struggling Ukraine! Finally, after many months of research, writing, data analysis, and all that other stuff, I will present a series of articles on the Canadian Confederation. The 60's and early 70's of the 19th century are quite interesting times for Canadian history, because then there was a consolidation of the North American colonies of Britain into one system with common politics, economy, trade. The central events took place in the Province of Canada, but the political choices of the leaders and people of other colonies decided what form the union would take. And how not to do it through the description of elections?
I'll release articles with a frequency of three days. If there are no blackouts, personal problems, etc. I publish here only because it concerns OTL events. So, get in the time machine and don't forget your theatrical binoculars and British flags...

 

[vjw]

THE WAY TO THE CONFEDERATION
(February-December 2022)​

PROLOGUE​

The 1860s could be called a defining time for Canadian history. A time of maturation. Formed in 1841, the Province of Canada was a compromise between the dominant French-speaking East and the fast-growing English-speaking West. With the assumption of a responsible government in 1849, a regime based on the equality of the two Canadas became something unique. Two co-premiers ran the cabinet and were responsible to the assembly. The Legislative Assembly was elected equally from Upper and Lower Canadas, each with 65 members, leading to the passage of coalitions. An unspoken 'double majority' of the two sections was necessary to prevent the government being overthrown. English and French were established as the official languages and the rights and interests of each of the two Canadas were secured. Interestingly, before the Senate there was a legislative council, which was renewed every two years by a quarter, and the divisions in which elections were to be held were determined by lot. Although the system prevented a repeat of the revolutionary situation of the 30s, it failed when the interests of one part prevailed over the other.



When the West began to dominate the population, democratic and populist ideas began to spread among farmers. The Reform platform was radical: secularisation, legal reform, and democratisation in the American manner. Some advocated the dissolution of the Union and the transformation of Upper Canada into one of the American states. Some ideas would later develop into the Prairie provinces protest movement. George Brown, a stubborn Scotsman, reversed these views by introducing mid-Victorian liberalism with strong loyalism and 'representation by population'. It was not just a noble means of political struggle. It was a challenge to the system of compromise, an attempt to reform it. At the same time the idea of federalising Canada began to emerge.

On the guard of the old order was John Alexander Macdonald, who had represented Kingston in Parliament since 1844 and became co-Prime Minister in 1857. His leadership and intellect kept the Conservatives in line. Patronage strengthened the party structure. Collaboration with Taché and later with George-Étienne Cartier also kept the union with Quebec Bleus together, but made the Conservatives less popular in Upper Canada, keeping the elements from progressive Hincksite brokers to steadfast Tory patrons. During the five years that Macdonald led the government, apart from the five-day Brown-Dorion period, Ottawa was chosen by Queen Victoria as the capital, the social sphere developed and the bureaucracy was reorganised. Meanwhile, among his ministers began to appear thoughts of uniting the North American colonies into one.

The prototype of the confederation was an alliance of French and English political elites, the Catholic Church and the business magnates of Montreal and Toronto. Michel Brunet dubbed this the Great Compromise of Canadian history, which lasted to varying degrees until the second half of the twentieth century. The first reasonably sound idea of confederation was proposed by Alexander Galt in 1858. He saw Canada as a federal alliance of British North America and Rupert's Land. London then coolly embraced the idea as well as the other colonies. A more down-to-earth plan was prepared by Brown at the Reformers' Convention in 1859. His vision was of a federalisation of the two Canadas that was capable of eliminating sectional conflict. With this he countered a radical group that wanted a ruptured union. In 1861 the call for a united state was made by John Macdonald, although he feared it would have 'the defects in the Constitution of the United States' - a weak central government.

And the reasons for consolidation were increasing. The United Kingdom, which held the colonies in North America, felt little economic benefit and wanted to shift the burden onto the locals. Canada's economic activity was increasing, fueling its reciprocity treaty with the United States. Timber and wheat enriched the colonies. But Anglo-American rivalry came into play, a pursuit of the Pacific coast that could escalate into a conflict over an innocent pig, for example.

Things heated up when civil war broke out in America. It was vital for the secluded South to gain the support of European states, above all the maritime overlord, Britain. On this errand, the English RMS Trent set out in November 1861 with two Confederate agents. They were intercepted on the high seas by a northern warship and the envoys were sent to prison. What was a scandal! If the United States went to war on Canada, the wide frontier would make defending the territories super difficult. The province could have fallen if reinforcements from Britain had not arrived. But there was no escalation. The agents were let go, but the subject of defence in Canada became a hot-button issue. It was assumed that Ottawa would take greater responsibility for the costs, which meant increasing the militia to 50,000 men as well as increasing the deficit budget. This was already unpleasant, but the provision for conscription where there were not enough volunteers led to the bill's failure and Macdonald's resignation. This became possible thanks to some Bleus, which slowly evokes associations with 1917 and 1944.

Last but not least is Lord Durham's age-old description of Canadian politics at the time as 'a struggle not of principles but of races'. Indeed, each of the nationalities did not seek to yield to the other without guaranteeing their rights. If a compromise had not been reached, one side would have easily overwhelmed the other in many aspects. In the worst case, it would have led to assimilation.




The 1861 election fixed a division between a reformist West and a conservative East that was not going to cede to each other. Add to that the diversity of political groups, views, religious and ethnic issues and the result is a recipe for the failure of the model of equal representation of the two Canadas. This was the context in which the Siсotte-Sandfield Macdonald government, which was on the "double majority" from 1862 onwards, operated.

 

[vjw]

1863 CANADIAN ELECTION​

When the session was opened in early 1863, the popularity of the Sandfield Macdonald-Sicotte government was high and the premier himself from Canada West was approved for maintaining the intra-party unity of the reformers. However, the external situation was becoming more tense. With ethnic and religious strife, the strength of government was weakening.

On February 27th, Richard Scott's bill for separate schools in Upper Canada passed its first reading. Although it made no radical changes, it was criticised by both Orangeman Conservatives and Brownites. The former did not like the preferences of Catholics, the latter advocated secularization of education. Sandfield and Sicotte did not feel threatened when, to their general cheers, the bill passed its second reading on March 5th by 'double majority'. On the same day George Brown, taking advantage of Sandfield's indiscretion in nominating to the bench and livid at the hypocrisy of his former MPs, winning a by-election in South Oxford. His return consolidated party opposition, and although the bill passed, a majority from the East opposed it. The 'double majority' was not achieved. Sandfield left the meeting 'in great indignation.'

The chair over the premier rocked. Across Upper Canada there was rallying against the bill, Brown secretly negotiating with the Conservatives. On April 22nd, the Separate Schools Bill was finally passed, but what didс it do for Sandfield? Opponents felt weak. On May 1st, John Macdonald expressed no confidence in the government in what sounded more like a union offer. On May 7th, George Brown also expressed distrust of a government that had backed away from reformist ideals. But for him as well he preferred the existing government to the last one. A vote was held the next day, where the government was defeated 59 to 64. Sandfield asked Lord Monck to dissolve parliament and it happened quickly.

The 1863 election was largely a bipartisan struggle between Reformers-Rouge and Conservatives-Bleus. There were no significant electoral changes, which thanks to the unstable but still emergent party organisation. The election cycle lasted from May 28 to June 28. Symbolically, Sandfield Macdonald by acclamation was elected first among all candidates.

To secure re-election, Sandfield Macdonald negotiated through intermediaries with Brown, Holton and Dorion, abandoning the 'double majority' and opting for a more radical course. Unhappy with this, the moderate group switched to the Conservatives. In the election, Sandfield's group concentrated in eastern Upper Canada and the small-town area. Although John Macdonald did not help the Catholic candidates, this did not prevent them from winning most districts here. At the same time Brown took over the south-western part, triumphantly re-electing in South Oxford and helping other Grits. In general, voters elected Reformers because they would cut public debt, deal with separate schools and implement the good old 'rep by pop'. But more often than not, it came down to elections against the 'corruptionists' who were Macdonald, Galt and company.

In Lower Canada it was the opposite. Franco-Canadians felt the threats introduced by 'rep by pop' and wanted to maintain the status quo longer. The idea of 'notre langue, nos institutions et nos lois' was supported by both Blues and Rouges. Dorion was committed to power, opposed the laying of the railway in the Maritimes, and in favour of a cautious introduction of duties. Meanwhile, the Conservatives, backed by Catholic priests, presented their opponents as dangerous to law and order, Franco-Canadian nationality and personally to the Church. The cooling of the defence theme also played a role, which reunited Bleu and provided it with a majority. Anti-Confederate Rouges, on the other hand, found a not unreasonable reason for their defeat in electoral fraud, concluding that a secret ballot should be introduced.

Thus, the results were close in both parts, and the government representatives retained the majority by a small margin. 58% of elected members had sat in the previous Legislative Assembly. The new 8th Parliament began its work on August 13th 1863.

Conservative/Bleu - 58 seats (92171 votes)
Reformer - 47 seats (64042 votes)
Rouge - 22 seats (26638 votes)
Independent - 0 seats (3435 votes)
Ind. Reformer (1541 votes)
Ind. Rouge - 1 seat (Member elected by acclamation)
Ind. Conservative (Member elected by acclamation)​

The re-elected government began work at a time when Gettysburg and Vicksburg turned the tide of the American Civil War. It seemed that after the conquest of the seceding states, Washington's eyes could turn to the British possessions in North America. In order not to be absorbed, it was necessary to unite - so it was decided in Ottawa.

But this was overlooked while the government was hit by bad decisions and lost by-elections. There was no progress. Without sessions and no confidence vote, Sandfield Macdonald resigned on March 21st 1864, and a new Taché-Macdonald government was convened at the end of the month. On June 14th he was overthrown by two votes. Grits, wanting a deal with Bleus separated from Rouges. The Conservatives and Bleus were not prepared to give up power to radicals from the West. The old system had come to a standstill.

On May 18th, Brown announced his intention to set up a parliamentary committee to discuss individual problems and report on the best way out. To George's own surprise, the decision was taken and the committee discussed ways out of the crisis in secrecy. The report was presented on June 14th, and among many options the members settled on a federal union of all the colonies or at least the two Canadas. Brown took this up immediately, and Macdonald, who had contemplated the dissolution of parliament, agreed to negotiate with him.

In the days that followed the parties agreed to a broader federation and a broader union. 'Rep by pop' became an important component of the lower house. Discussing the composition of the government, three Conservatives and Reformers from the West each were to be included, while Bleus took the East's seats entirely. Brown was very reluctant to take a seat in government.

On June 30th 1864, the Great Coalition was formed to organise a new field in which the Two Canadas, possibly with the Maritime provinces, could satisfy their aspirations. The field for negotiations was found soon enough, in Charlottetown.

 

[vjw]

1865 NEW BRUNSWICK ELECTION​

The Charlottetown Conference was scheduled to approve the union of the Maritime colonies. The arrival of the Canadian representatives turned the picture upside down, indicating the possibility of a broad Confederation of all parts of British North America, together with the emergence of its own trade and administrative system. Quebec reinforced this confidence of enterprise, which had taken definite shape thanks to her Fathers.

Wooded and inconspicuous, New Brunswick was an important stronghold connecting the two Canadas and Nova Scotia. Its inhabitants were unwilling to accept the province's inferiority in the Canadian mainstream, nor to cede their independence for the common good. They did not want to pay higher tariffs and lose established ties. They also feared that New Brunswick's small weight would prevent them from blocking large-scale projects that did not benefit the province, such as a railway to British Columbia.

The rapidly changing events of Confederation forced Samuel Leonard Tilley at the end of his term. The terms of the union were outrageous to merchants, financiers and railroad promoters who feared they could not compete with the Canadians. Tilley in a letter to Galt described 'a strong current rising against the Federation'. The Irish and Acadian populations were also of concern. Catholics in New Brunswick feared that their Protestants would impose their discriminatory will on them. Railroad promoters feared that instead of a railroad from Portland to Halifax via St. John's, the Intercolonial Railway would be built, which could bypass the big city. Although without the reciprocity treaty, which could be abolished in the near future, the American railway was unnecessary. And Tilley called for guaranteeing the construction of a Canadian railway right into the Act. John Macdonald publicly withdrew this possibility, but a week later he telegraphed Tilley that he would write a clause about the railway. The issue was confusing. The subject of defense was not important at the moment. Anti-Confederates doubted that union would put British North America in a more defensible position.

But what naturally infuriated Macdonald was Tilley's call that the question of confederation would be decided after the election. Although the Grand Coalition brought together the Conservatives, Ontario Reformers and the Bleus, the Rouges, fierce opponents of Confederation, remained strong in Quebec. In the 1863 election they received about 40% of the vote in Canada East, but a negative result in the Maritimes could have given strength to the radical liberals, and their victory could have called the Union into question. But anti-Confederates justified it as the will of the people that had to be heard.

Albert James Smith was the embodiment of that desire. The son of a storekeeper, he had worked as a lawyer in his youth and had a long record as an MP. He was not attracted to rule from above, but to control from the ground. When confederation became a topic of conversation, Smith criticized the possibility of New Brunswick becoming a minor province 'at the feet of upper Canada'.
In January 1865 Tilley decided to hold an election. But the cup of indignation was already full. Anti-Confederates were very active in campaigning, saying that Canadian taxation would affect every domestic animal. When at a voters' meeting the premier announced an annual subsidy of eighty cents per head, his opponent Wetmore depicted a dialogue in which a father explained to his son that his country had been sold to Tilley. The Confederate campaign found support from manufacturers, for whom the preservation of industry was important, and merchants, who believed that the future tax burden would fall on the rich.

Constitutionalist - 30 seats (47660 votes)
Confederation - 11 seats (33020 votes)​

The Constitutionalists were supported by other groups in New Brunswick. The only significant struggle was in two Saint John ridings, where Samuel Leonard Tilley lost to Cudlip and Anglin. His associates also collapsed, and the Confederates won only 11 seats. In the words of Lt. Governor Arthur Hamilton Gordon, who was optimistic, Confederation had met 'with a most decided rejection in New Brunswick'. However, public opinion is a fickle thing.

 

[vjw]

1866 NEW BRUNSWICK ELECTION​

After the elections in 1865, the anti-Confederates were in an advantageous position. You bet, because their majority allowed to make any decision. But was there unity? A few members favored self-government, one even advocated a complete break with England. But most were in favor of strong provincial powers within the union.

There were also attempts to please the Americans. An amendment was made that the construction of the railway could be carried out by a private company at public expense. This was to allow the construction of the road to Portland to begin. But no money could be found, and the Reciprocity Treaty was withdrawn by the Americans. One of the cabinet members resigned because of this amendment.

Meanwhile, the Canadians began to act. A delegation of Galt, Macdonald, Brown and Cartier went to London to overturn the New Brunswick verdict. Fisher, Tilly and Tupper believed that the defeat was the fault of the governors. The colonial office, however, warmly welcomed the delegation, pointing out that the provinces could not provide defence adequately. The government of New Brunswick opposed the statements of the delegation and the position of London, and appealed to the governor to assess the level of commitment of the population to the Canadian scheme. The Secretary replied that he found no obstacles to Confederation.

The failures of some serve as an incentive for others. In November, there was an election in York between Confederate Charles Fisher and Constitutionalist John Pickard. Both had strong financial backing as well as ample group support. For a month, the county, with the capital Fredericton, was toured by prominent politicians and figures, each supporting their own side. However, the issue was not about the Confederacy, but about the Fenians and the security threat. In the end, thanks to Protestants and Loyalists, Fisher won with a 20% difference. Meanwhile, Robert Wilmot, an anti-Confederate convert in Quebec to federalism, resigned.

It is March 1866. Governor Gordon, bypassing the procedure for responding to the Throne Speech from both houses, decides to convene a Confederate-dominated Legislative Council. The following month, Albert Smith learned of the Council's meeting, and he became quite angry with the governor, with whom he had an unfriendly relationship. On April 6, the Council passed a motion to submit to the imperial parliament a draft of unification based on the Quebec Resolutions. The heated debate exposed the contradictions of the government: elected against Confederation, it tried to accept it on favorable terms. Four days later, the premier resigned. It was a constitutional mini-crisis, arranged and skillfully resolved by the governor. A technical government led by Peter Mitchell and Robert Wilmot dissolved parliament and called elections for May-June.

Much of what the Smith government had hoped for turned out to be a failure. The government itself lacked determination and resilience. Canadian money and British power worked for the success of a broad confederation. The sum of about 50 thousand dollars could have satisfied it. But on the border with the United States, a decisive argument appeared for the Confederates that showed the importance of defense to the whole project of a united Canada. It was the Fenians, who sought Irish independence from the British Empire. Some supporters sought to achieve this through the seizure of the North American colonies. It was a simple exchange of freedom for security. In April, 700 Fenians set out for the unprotected island of Campobello, but this attack was forestalled by the arrival of the 81-gun H.M.S. Duncan. This attack terrified New Brunswick, and on May 31, the Fenians terrified Lower Canada. Despite vigilant local patrols, they crossed the Niagara and captured Fort Erie for a day. The next day, the Fenians overpowered a strong militia.

This fear became the trump card of the campaign. Confederates branded opponents as annexationists and pro-Fenians. When these were not in question, Tilley emphasized the benefits of union: lower taxes, railroads, a new market. Ultimately, his election meant the formation of a sound parliament and a stable government. Five anti-confederate members switched sides in this election. The Constitutionalists themselves held a large rally in Saint John early in the campaign, opposing the Quebec scheme and supporting the principles of responsible government.

New Brunswick was the only colony with a secret ballot at the time. This did not negate the money flow of Canadians, vote buying, clashes and obstruction of the will for French speakers. The ballot was printed in English and Catholic voters were required to swear allegiance to the Crown and 'Protestant descendants'.

Confederation - 33 seats (56665 votes)
Constitutionalist - 8 seats (33767 votes)​

To quote Ray Argyle, 'the counties continued to fall like dominoes for the Confederation party'. Those seats that the Constitutionalists did elect were francophone, and not all Acadians were for them. In Victoria they did not carry enough weight, and in Restigouche the influence of Israel Landry, founder of the first French-language newspaper in the Maritimes, was felt.

Thus, the Confederate triumph was even greater than that of the Constitutionalists a year earlier. At the same time, it happened with the highest turnout. The election results unblocked the entry of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia into the future Confederation, and also allowed the entry of Prince Edward Island and Newfoundland. And this is worth a lot.

 

[vjw]

It's time to take a short break from the Canadian series and go to Doggerland, which has risen from the sea. It's essentially a polsim in Discord, where there's two forces. The United Republicans are a diverse group of political leanings, dominated by protectionism, isolationism, civil liberties, and anti-monarchism. The traditional liberals are more coherent: they occupy the liberal-conservative field and have been in power for most of their existence. In the 1977 elections, the Liberals suffered a crushing defeat, caused by internal instability and several defeats in National Assembly. They were left with 34, compared to 64 for the Republicans. This does not take into account ethnic relations, the deep political and economic situation, etc. Let others talk about this, but I have a story of one competition.

================================================

Edwin Revelstoke was closely linked to three things: farming, Anglicanism and monarchism. From father he inherited a zealous devotion to faith and patient

service. His mother was a good housewife, but passed away early. He was quite a well-known farmer, at the age of 25 he took part in the founding of an elevator in Dwenton, and 10 years later became its director. During his many years of work, this place became a center of leisure and cooperation for 500 residents.

He entered politics as a Socred, in the early years not much different. In 1957, the MP for Doriet-Roesbeke got into a financial scandal, rumored to be related to abuses in the timber industry, that cost him the nomination. It went to Revelstoke, who had already established himself as a strong speaker and practitioner. He got the votes of English speakers, conservatives, monarchists and of course farmers and won the constituency.

Over time Edwin developed anti-Dutch (despite the fact that they inhabited a significant part of the constituency) and anti-Dogger (he considered them inferior) views. When a law was passed to recognize the Dogger language, he strongly opposed it, stating that "a language spoken by fewer people than live in Mistlan is not worthy of being brought back from oblivion". Of course, he was kicked out of the faction. Edwin then founded the English Action Party, which aimed to integrate Doggerland into the UK, the Anglophone community and the Commonwealth. He also held conservative and agrarian views. In the Assembly he was active on bills, trying to retain his seat in the constituency. But when it came to a three-way race, he got only 20%.

For ten years he led the English Action Party, a fringe party to say the least. He went to the Lords, talked to many Conservatives. By the way, he condemned the Rivers of Blood speech. He was a candidate in 1964 and 1968, receiving no more than 15% of the vote. Feeling desperate in the party, he dissolved it and joined the Traditional Liberals in 1970. Here he changed his attitude towards the Dutch, although not completely, and conservative views were close to him.

The following year his father died, and Edwin was elected vice-mayor of Tweekingham, dealing with public works. Meanwhile, the elevator continued to operate, although not as actively as in the 50s, but still connected the local population. Eventually, he managed to give a speech on the connection between Anglicanism and farming, which caused a lively reaction in the press. Edwin's oratorical abilities only strengthened it. This was a prerequisite for Edwin Revelstoke to announce his nomination in the same constituency as the previous 3 elections, but now for the Liberals.

Theo Meijer was not new to public life and politics either. As a child, he became interested in law and his potential was highly appreciated by his father. After entering the University of Nandels and well studying for 5 years, he began to practice law. The most famous case is the incident with the Doggish-language (close to Frisian with interspersed Celtic languages) person who was accused of aiding the northern separatists. The circumstances of the arrest are quite comical: he was caught while he was eating cod near the shore. This allowed the case to become public, provoking discussions about illegal detention. Meijer skillfully took advantage of the inaccuracies of the investigation and proved its inability. His lawyer service is quite long, and Meijer works from Kamnstadt, his small homeland. He has dozens of cases to his credit, and Meijer has developed his own defense tactics, which are more like an attack.

Meijer decided to go into politics in 1970, joining UR. He holds social democratic views and his political views are dominated by a sense of justice. Meijer positions himself as a human rights activist and supporter of workers' rights. And because he is Dutch, he had no doubts about being elected, especially when in the previous election the Republicans lost only a percentage point to the Liberals.

The election campaign in Doriet-Roesbeke was hot and active. Candidates came down to the people, participated in celebrations, communicated a lot and in different places. But they did not intersect much during the weeks of struggle. The main issues were accession to the EEC, healthcare, trade and economic recovery. Revelstoke was sceptical about Doggish and aggressive about the separatists. He was for competition, but given the choice between a free market with Europe and jobs, he chose the former. In his favour was the expansion of jobs and public works. Meijer, who liked to visit pubs and markets, also knew how to convince people. He inclined to the past of his opponent, which in his words, "smelled of bile". The lawyer advocated for an increase in unemployment benefits and pensions, as well as the observance of workers' rights. Observers noticed that he alternately spoke English and Dutch, as well as squeezed out French and Welsh words.

National campaigners could not but pay attention to such a close place. On the Republican side, Eugene Kaase campaigned, pointing to fatigue with endless lies, poverty, war and corruption. He was echoed by Oswald Hughes, who was holding back while drinking local beer. "We're fighting for the same things - good jobs, good pay, good communities, and a fine pint! We enjoy these small things" - he told the commoners. He was opposed by Gerard FitzWalter, who defended the principles of monarchy, liberal economic policy and sovereignty. Revelstoke also made a scathing remark about the agitators who did not debate with him. "Can't they, fearless knights, cross the stream?" - the old man quipped.

Edwin Revelstoke (TL) - 9983 votes
Theo Meijer (UR) - 9800 votes
Charles Kimberley (Ind) - 549 votes​

As a result, the campaign in Doriet-Roesbeke was one of the closest in the country, and repeated the fate of the previous election. Edwin Revelstoke joined the band of "survivors", as the Liberals of 1977 were called in the press. Political experience won over legal one thanks to oratory and popular support. As Edwin himself notes, "your shirt is closer to your body." But age takes its toll, and the politician, who returned to the National Assembly after a long absence, behaved more calmly, but not without excesses. It is not clear whether he will run for 1981. But if anything, he has a house in Dwenton where he can re-read Shakespeare, Bernard Shaw and Churchill. Perhaps his memoirs will come out of his pen?

 

[vjw]

After a few days of illness, I returned to work. Now we come to the key moment - the federal elections themselves, which I decided to divide in half. This is an amended and expanded first post here, and so it is interesting to recall what is involved. So, come on!

================================================

1867 CANADIAN ELECTION​

So here we have July 1, 1867 and the British North America Act came into force. The Dominion of Canada was created by the union of Upper and Lower Canada, New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. Much has been said about this day. On the same day John Macdonald, conferred upon the knight as a reward for the Confederation, took charge of the first government of the Dominion, assembled with proportional representation of provinces and religions and full Confederate ownership. Elections were approaching, where confederation was the paramount issue and which was to suggest which path Canada would take.

Electoral process​

Although, in fact, these were four separate elections that bore little resemblance to the current one. Pre-Confederation Canadas were formally equal in many things, including in parliament. Since 1854 they had the same number of seats - 65, although Upper Canada was ahead of Lower Canada in population. On this the Reformers, especially George Brown justified the principle of representation by population, and their voice has only grown louder with each decade, as same as population gap. The Conservatives feared that the continued dominance of Upper Canada would endanger the Union. Accepted the demands of the Reformers, they managed to get this trump card out of their hands. The Quebec Resolutions (and, accordingly, the BNA Act) adopted this principle, taking Quebec with 65 seats as an example when redistributing the seats. Ontario received 82 seats, Nova Scotia 19, and New Brunswick 15. The seats were also allocated to Newfoundland and PEI - 8 and 5 seats, respectively, in the case of accession before confederation. In Quebec, there were 12 privileged ridings with English-speaking majority, which could not be changed without the consent of the absolute majority of represented MPs.

Ontario's first redistricting retained 43 ridings and created 39 new ones. The united county of Huron-Bruce got as many as four ridings; Hastings, Middlesex and Wellington had three ridings; Victoria, Renfrew, Norfolk, Peterborough and Grey got two. The precinct around Kingston became Frontenac. Ridings appeared that covered a partial area of several counties: these were Bothwell, Monck, Cardwell. Representation appeared for Algoma, the northernmost part of then Ontario. No gerrymandering was heard of.

The 'double majority' requirement, which has caused a lot of pain to different governments, has been thrown into the dustbin of history.

In Upper and Lower Canadas, the day of nomination, voting and declaration vary from riding to riding. Writ was returned on August 7th. The elections lasted from August 26th to September 21st with the results to be determined by September 24th (for the distant Chicoutimi-Saguenay and Gaspé ridings the deadline would be extended to October 24th). Appointed by Macdonald himself, these dates were a compromise between striking Brown and resolving organisational issues. He used the technique he used to send writs in the most desirable order. About 10% of the male population was eligible to vote, which did not include most of the workers and Indigenous.

The electoral process is interesting for us. In the beginning, a public meeting was organised in the open air, for example in the square near city hall, the fairgrounds or another convenient location. The returning officer read the writ and formally inviting nominations. Candidates announced their nominations, and well-known local personalities echoed them. However, candidates announced their plans to run well in advance of nomination day (we are talking about months!) If only one person was nominated, that person automatically won the seat - an acclamation was a frequent occurrence at this time. If one or more opponents were found, they all had a week to earn the favour of the voters. This could range from notes in the newspaper to crowded meetings. Interestingly, the same candidate could run for federal and provincial seats at the same time. It was also allowed to be nominated for more than one riding. After the nomination, there was often a whole event with dancing and music, decorated streets and trains and even fireworks, and it could last until late at night.

So much for polling day. There was a polling officer assigned to each precinct who recorded the votes in the poll vote. After the polls closed, he handed the books to the centre, where the votes were counted and announced. Voting lasted for two days, with intermediate results announced at the end of the first day. Voting was open, which was not conducive to party structure.

Often the desire to win was so strong that candidates resorted to bribery and intimidation. People who held censorship in several districts were involved. Clashes were observed at polling stations. If the first day ended for government candidate unsuccessfully, there is a second day for patronage and investment. Finally, returing officers could disenfranchise certain parishes where the opposition vote prevailed. And even if the results were more or less fair, the voters who voted for the losing candidate could expect retribution from the winning side in the form of lost public services, contracts and projects.

The nominations are listed in ascending order (from left to right and from top to bottom)​

However, behind the scenes, John Macdonald conducted his performance like a conductor arranging election dates and his supporters as returning officers. They had control over the voting lists, crossing out or inserting certain names to assist candidates. As for the dates, pushing 'minsterialists' faster in safe places allowed for a morale advantage over the Grits and Rouge. This was reinforced by the often one-sided coverage of the elections on the press, where victory could be attributed to someone who was in fact from another party. In short, Macdonald was gamemaker.

The hottest spot in the election was Kamouraska. Here Chapais and Pelletier were nominated in the local riding, and the former was elected acclamation in the federal one. Pelletier's admirers offered to give him the remaining seat, but Chapais was undeterred: he wanted both. At the suspiciously uncomfortable meeting, the protesters wanted the returning officer to admit responsibility for his illegal actions. He refused, and the angry mob proceeded to stone the house, take away the ballot papers, and drown the officer if he dared to choose Chapais. Two were fatally injured.

The reason for the conflict was simple: the returning officer was in close relations with Chapais and in order for him to win, he tried to disenfranchise the parishes who supported Pelletier. These statements were copies, which negated the law. And if that wasn't enough, there was a serious error in his proclamation, which had to be overturned by a second one. Once the deception was exposed, the officer was withdrawn and Kamouraska would elect a representative after two years. Pelletier, by the way, will win.

In the Maritimes, the elections were closer to the current ones. In New Brunswick, the vote was secret, lasting one day, but the polling date was still different. This, for example, reduced Anglin's majority by disenfranchising all Gloucester fishermen who could not afford to lose the whole week's work because of Wednesday's vote. In Nova Scotia voting took place in one day, September 18th. This rule has existed after excessive violence was reported in the 1843 election.

The first session of the parliament of united Canada has begun on November 6th, 1867.

 

[vjw]

Campaign​

It should be noted that each candidate was independent in his beliefs and platform, and their actions had more influence than in modern times. This led to the phenomenon of 'loose fish', in which unambitious or inconspicuous MPs supported the decisions of Conservatives and Reformers. This was a consequence of the system at the time.

In addition to the Confederation, there were also separate themes in the provinces. In Ontario, the candidates discussed the settlement of the northern part through homesteading and the production of infrastructure. In Quebec, the role was played by Catholic-Protestant relations. In New Brunswick, the question of which route the Intercolonial Railway would be laid aroused the interest of the candidates. By supporting one of the three tracks that were closest to their district, they wanted to plow investment here, and get the approval of the electorate at the next election. And in Nova Scotia, railways were also a theme, as was the tariff policy, fishery license and the new school system, which Archbishop Connolly criticised for excluding Catholics from policy decisions concerning education was American in origin.

Liberal-Conservatives and Bleus​

A fluid liberal-conservative coalition was built on a strong combination of patriotism and patronage, as well as John A. Macdonald's pontification. Joint persuasion brought together representatives of opposing views. In Quebec, the main supporters of the Bleus/Conservatives were Catholics, pleased with the party's contributions to church affairs, such as clerical control of teaching. The Archbishop of Quebec, for example, declared that it was God's will to accept what came out of legitimate authority, hinting at who to support. The bishops of Trois-Rivières, Saint-Hyacinthe, Montreal, and Rimouski also spoke, seeing the confederation as a safeguard against encroachment by the United States. Equally influential for them were Montreal's big business and the closely-knit English-speaking electorate of the Eastern Townships.

In Ontario, the Great Coalition continued with the valuable support of Sandfield Macdonald and the Reformers loyal to him such like McDougall and Howland. The defectors were given patronage and money to blend in with the Conservatives. And when traditional Tories complained about this, Macdonald responded sharply that as long as these men supported the Conservatives, they would receive all encouragement to stay in the fold. Eventually, reformers-defectors will become conservatives, and the label 'Liberal' will lose its independent meaning. The support of local patrons who reciprocally promoted the Coalition was also skillfully used, especially in southern Ontario, where the railroad made it faster to reach the target.

In New Brunswick, the confederation was supported by Anglophones compared to the anti-Confederate Acadians. In Nova Scotia, Tupper was in an unpopular position. His government patronage, aimed at building roads, did not bring votes, and the ways themselves, such as the Pictou railway, opened in an unready state, had no sense of safety. The introduction of a separate school system has caused distrust among Catholics, the arbitrary raising of fishing fees has not found support at the federal level. Given the still lack of wealthy candidates, Tupper's campaign was invisible.

As supporters of confederation, Conservatives rely on Britain and its political model, thus contrasting manifestations of American democracy. They preferred a strong central government, which would allow greater trade links and expansion along the rest of the British colonies. They believed in the importance of privilege as a guide in the construction of government. In addition, their programme contained provisions to support duties on manufactured goods, defence enhancement, permission for dual representation etc. The coalition had many things to win: a popular idea of 'Union and Progress' among the population, some internal organisation, well-known candidates, control of the electoral process and the support of elites and officials.

Reformers and Rouges​

That is not the case with the opposition. The results of the 1863 election deepened the divisions between the provinces, preventing the formation of a stable government. When George Brown succumbed to principles of yesterday's friends and to coalition with yesterday's foes he knew it was for the good of the future confederation. He left government in December 1865, when many Reformers had time to embrace Macdonald's policies. Brown felt difficult, but did not lose his dignity and decided to start again. He resuscitated the Reform movement. By the early 1867, the Brown's Globe was calling for the reactivation of abandoned riding associations. On April, Central Executive Committee was formed. Finally, 700-person convention was held in Toronto on June 27th.

The resolutions passed examined a broad field of issues. While fully supporting the Confederation and advocating westward expansion, the Reformers supported the establishment of 'the most friendly relations with the neighbouring people of the United States, and especially to offer every facility for the extension of trade and commerce between the two countries'. Coalition was described as diabolical conspiracy guaranteed to produce 'the lowering of public morality, lavish public expenditure and widespread corruption'. Economically, the party favoured the reduction of customs duties and strict economy, together with a gradual reduction of the public debt. Fundamental to the Reformists was the total separation of church and state, which found a place in the 'Federal Constitution'. Finally, the Reformers advocated the attractive migration of the North-West and the exploitation of the country's mineral resources. With this platform, they took aim at those who valued economic liberty: the representatives of the export industries and by enterprising agrarians with influence from the west of the province to Toronto.

However, the east, economically linked to Montreal and the St. Lawrence Route, was behind the coalition, so Brown decided to raid here. Among several options, he chose Ontario South as the closest to Toronto and the least expensive. Brown campaigned hard over the summer, raising voter awareness. He succeeded hard, almost single-handedly. Aware of what the Reformist leader had put on the line, Thomas Gibbs was championed by well-known figures like Matthew Cameron and John Sandfield MacDonald. John A. was himself elected in Kingston these days. On the first day Brown and Gibbs went close, it came down to a draw. On the next day, 'money was spent freely; jobs contracts, favours were promised in profusion', and Brown lost the election. Decided he had done enough, he declined an Mackenzie's offer to run for another constituency. As 'the noblest victim of them all,' he continued his newspaper and political activities, But with that blow, the Reformers could not stand up to non-partisan patriotism that divided the traditional liberal vote.

In Lower Canada it was more pessimistic. A numerical number of English-speaking Liberals, led by Luther Holton, forgiving the grievances of 1864, just as by accepting the Confederation, consolidated with Brown without directly joining the Reform Association. He was, however, cautiously treated by Rouges, who worked closely with the Reformers in the assembly, but no more than that. As the descendants of Patriotes of 1837, they adhered to strong anti-Catholic and anti-Confederate politics, with their activities and existence are closely linked to the Institut canadien in Montreal. The local Liberals promoted the principles of democratism, republicanism and positive innovation. In the run-up to the election, the moderate section of Rouge softened its stance by accepting the confederation, working instead of reforming it. But there were also young and more radical group for whom confederation was an excuse for the anglicization of Quebec, according to Lord Durham's precepts. For both some and others, breaking through the solid wall of clerical domination was difficult. Fear of sin for the Quebec voter worked harder than rational thought. Rouges suffered a crushing defeat, from which, having not recovered, went off into the sunset. The Institut canadien was banned the Church and, amid falling membership fees, finally closed its doors in 1880. With the help of the church, the word 'liberalism' took on a negative connotation in Quebec.

Among the liberals in Montreal was Médéric Lanctôt, one of the first Labour candidates in Canada. His Grande association de Protection des Ouvriers, an alliance of artisanal groups, based on ideas of trade solidarity and opposition to emigration, gathered great support from citizens. At the beginning of the summer, 5-10 thousand people turned up at demonstrations, waving Patriote flags. Socialistically minded, Lanctôt ran against George-Étienne Cartier who was at the peak of his prestige. On the side of the Conservative were a trio of clergy, elites and industrialists. The 'popular candidate' was haunted by failures with the cooperatives they had set up, he was slandered in the press, and the report that Lanctôt was allegedly trying to obtain a contract from the municipality knocked him out. After two days of voting, Lanctôt lost to Cartier by a paltry 8%. He tried to contest the results, but neither the workers nor Rouge stood up for Lanctôt. After the electoral debacle, the association's activity waned abruptly and Lanctôt himself became imbued with the opinion, first on Canadian independence and later on its annexation by the United States.

Confederates and Anti-Confederates​

In New Brunswick the party lines shifted smoothly from a choice between Confederates and Constitutionalists. Given the position in the Confederation, the supporters gained an unchallenged majority. This was essentially a continuation of the trend of the 1866 election. Then a combination of the Fenian raids, loss of economic ties with the US and Grand Trunk money brought Tilley and the unionist idea back to power. In parliament, however, representatives from New Brunswick were almost evenly split, voting more on particularist convictions than on partisan ones.

In Nova Scotia, the issue of Confederation was also cut along party lines. Anti-Confederates advocated revision of the Act, although some candidates were strongly opposed to it. From a platform perspective, Anti-Confederates accepted that wealth, education and proper morals should control society. They supported the abolition of fishing licenses and greater control over local taxes. But most fundamentally, they fought for the right of the people of Nova Scotia to be independent in making their own decisions.

The leader of the Nova Scotia Party, Joseph Howe, was a good orator, a courageous reformer and a ruthless opponent of the newly formed union, which he saw as violent. Being loyal to the Empire, he went to England several times to prove his point. Preventing confederation was futile: the Nova Scotian parliament accepted it like Howe himself. But he had to fight for provincial powers. During 1867 Howe conducted a political tour of the province, which was greeted with indescribable enthusiasm. Large crowds came to listen to the jibes towards Ottawa. He's stumped for support of the merchants and bankers of the province. In a later campaign, Howe decided to punish the Unionists for their past misdeeds and also prevent them from making mistakes. Pre-election speeches were held in Halifax, Truro, Cumberland, and eventually in Hants, where Howe was nominated.

Counting on at least 14 seats, the anti-confederates won as many as 18 seats thanks to a successful campaign, with outgoing provincial PM Tupper being the only one to win among the Unionists. It was the zenith of the movement before Nova Scotia recognised the fact of confederation and Howe did not become an afterthought in supporting Macdonald.

Conservative/Bleu - 81 seats (108676 votes)
Liberal-Conservative - 19 seats (25301 votes)
Conservative Anti-Confederate - 1 seat (3536 votes)
Reformer - 42 seats (71324 votes)
Rouge - 13 seats (24393 votes)
Reformed Anti-Confederate - 2 seats (5034 votes)
Anti-Confederation - 18 seats (21880 votes)
Independent - 0 seats (795 votes)
Ind. Reformer/Rouge - 3 seats (3666 votes)
Ind. Conservative - 1 seat (1785 votes)
1 seat wasn't contested due to riot (Kamouraska)​

In the long run, the Coalition won a decisive victory with 51 seats in Ontario, 46 in Quebec and 13 in the Maritimes and received just over half of all the votes. John Macdonald triumphed and was ready to contemplate own challenges: eliminating anti-Confederate sentiment domestically, pursue a skillful domestic policy, balancing of the accounts of the new provinces, establishment of trade relations and railways, which were built up to the Atlantic and Pacific coasts, were ready to link the country more strongly. Macdonald summed it up during the Speech from the Throne on November 7th: 'the Act of Union ... has laid the foundations of a new nationality.'

However, the way to confederation was not complete for everyone. In Manitoba Louis Riel showed up from Montreal, becoming a Métis leader and forming a provisional government, causing discontent among some Anglophone settlers and, later, Ontario protestants. In British Columbia the confederation was defended by the Amor de Cosmos and the League. In Newfoundland there was a fierce battle between supporters and opponents of union with Canada. And Prince Edward Island decided not to rush into it, remaining a British dominion for a little while longer and looking for ways to hold on to their finances. One thing is certain - the Canadians were beginning to control their own destiny.

 

[vjw]

I am interrupting my regular programme for a message, don't worry, I will be back to The Way of the Confederation after the hiatus.

If anyone remembers, I would most like to depict the Ukrainian parliamentary elections of 1990. To this end, I have been reviewing sources on the Internet. There is not much information, but there are clues.

I found out that the data on the election results are in the Central State Archive of Higher Authorities (ЦДАВО). They posted online the protocol from constituency 39, where Leonid Kravchuk ran and won. They also published the MP's voter registration card. To be honest, it was the first time I found out that it was possible to vote for and against a candidate.

Spoiler: Election results for constituency No39

https://tsdavo.gov.ua/wp-content/grand-media/image/02-1-31-383-046.jpg

https://tsdavo.gov.ua/wp-content/grand-media/image/04-1-31-383-047.jpg

So, in fact, this and other data on 1990 are in the fonds of the Verkhovna Rada (ЦДАВО України. Ф. 1. Оп. 31ос.), files 361, 374-393. Online copies of these documents can be ordered... but I'm not sure I can pay for almost 4000 sheets.
https://tsdavo.gov.ua/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/1-31-oc.pdf

I say this for two reasons: 1) the 1990 elections are really very interesting and crucial for my country, and 2) the further situation is uncertain as anything can happen this year.

...And now we are back.