There may not have been fixed stops, back in the day it was pretty common for trams to just stop wherever a head bobbed up.
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Max's election maps and assorted others
- Thread starter Ares96
- Start date
- Location
- Derbyshire
Yeah there's definite suggestions that only the early timetables featured stops on them.
Not sitting up for the last few results, so here's the election-night map. To my surprise, the Tagesschau results presentation includes results by district, so I've been able to put those in for the few states that have released them (and even then they're not all complete).
Possibly the starkest the inner-German border has ever been on one of these. Note also that the AfD even won the Eichsfeld - I'd be seriously questioning things right now if I were Catholic.
Possibly the starkest the inner-German border has ever been on one of these. Note also that the AfD even won the Eichsfeld - I'd be seriously questioning things right now if I were Catholic.
Excellent work Max. I know the old border already stood out starkly on the 2024 euro-election map but that's even more dramatic.
Bundestagswahl 2025 (preliminary)
Post-industrial malaise. It's the same story in the Ruhr, but it doesn't show through as much there because the SPD is stronger.
Meanwhile, here's an update to the Melbourne map. It's currently 4000x4000 pixels, editing it is slowing my computer down significantly, and it's going to need to get bigger to fit in the eastern lines.
shearsforest
These things will change, hopefully, I guess?
- Location
- Not the United States of America
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- he/him
I love the look of this map.
Meanwhile, here's an update to the Melbourne map. It's currently 4000x4000 pixels, editing it is slowing my computer down significantly, and it's going to need to get bigger to fit in the eastern lines.
prime-minister
Average electoral map enjoyer
- Location
- Cambridge
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- They/them
I've never heard of Erststimmen seats being left unassigned because of insufficient list votes. Is that a new thing because of the weird circumstances of this election, or is it just something that isn't usually marked on election maps?
It’s part of the reforms made before this election to make sure the Bundestag doesn’t keep growing in size. So it’s a new thing for this election, but it is going to be the way things work now unless the law is changed again.
That's a lot of tram stops.
Greenland 1979
There's been a lot of Greenland talk lately, so I thought I'd contribute what I can - some maps. Now, to start with the absolute basics, Greenland (Kalaallit Nunaat) is a self-governing part of the Kingdom of Denmark, with about 56,000 residents spread out across a territory about half the size of the European Union (of which it, unlike the remainder of the Danish realm, is not part). Although there was a Viking settlement on Greenland which existed until sometime in the early 15th century, the vast majority of the population today is made up of Kalaallit (Greenlanders), an ethnic group that forms part of the Inuit cultural continuum. Relations between the Kalaallit and the Danish government have had their ups and downs - for most of the early modern period, Denmark's attitude to Greenland was one of benign neglect, seeing little of value in the country and thus being content to let the locals alone as long as they paid their taxes and at least paid lip service to Christianity, but that all changed in the 20th century. The Danish constitution of 1953 made Greenland a fully integrated part of Denmark, and the Danish government of the time saw this as part of a process to "modernise" Greenland by doing away with the "backward" and "unsanitary" traditional lifestyle of the Kalaallit. This included relocating families from small fishing villages into prefabricated housing blocks in designated regional towns, taking children away from their families and raising them in boarding schools in Denmark, and inserting intrauterine devices in thousands of Kalaallit women with little to no informed consent.
These practices, along with more beneficial changes like expansion of the school system, led to a national revival among the Kalaallit, more and more of whom began to see themselves as a nation and Denmark as an unwelcome foreign influence. In 1971, after the election that saw the Social Democrats return to power in Copenhagen after one of their brief absences, Prime Minister Jens Otto Krag appointed Knud Hertling as Minister for Greenland, the first holder of the post (or member of the Danish cabinet overall) to have been born in Greenland. Hertling made it his goal to secure home rule for Greenland, and appointed a committee to investigate the options for this. Although Hertling lost his seat in the 1973 election (more on which in a moment), the committee was allowed to carry on and delivered its report in 1975, leading to the appointment of a 14-member Home Rule Commission with equal Danish and Greenlandic representation to draw up a final Home Rule Act.
At this time, unlike both the Danish mainland and the Faroes, Greenland didn't really have political parties. There was an elected Provincial Council (Grønlands Landsråd) with 16 members, but while candidates for this body were sometimes endorsed by professional or religious groups, the vast majority stood for election as independents. As such, it's kind of hard to track political changes over time, but we can definitely say there was a change in the political landscape at the April 1971 election. In that year, a group of young pro-independence activists mobilised to get new candidates elected to the Council, and were successful in two major races: in Qaqortoq (Julianehåb), the major town in the south of Greenland, 32-year-old local pastor Jonathan Motzfeldt narrowly defeated longtime incumbent Erling Høegh, while in Nuuk, 24-year-old teacher Lars Emil Johansen won by a convincing margin in a multi-cornered race. The so-called "Three Polar Bears" - Motzfeldt, Johansen, and Moses Olsen, a fellow teacher who had narrowly lost his race in Sisimiut (Holsteinsborg) - became the founders of the Sujumut ("Forward") movement, which sought to unite the Kalaallit people against Danish colonialism and secure independence for Greenland. In September of the same year, they succeeded in getting Olsen elected to the Folketing for the southern constituency, and while he lost his seat in 1973, Johansen was elected in the northern constituency over Knud Hertling. With the progress of talks on home rule, it became clear that the formation of a Greenlandic government wasn't far off, and that political parties would need to be formed. As such, the Sujumut movement, which changed the spelling of its name to Siumut in accordance with the modernised Greenlandic orthography adopted in 1973, re-established itself as a political party. It wasn't the first party formed in Greenland (Hertling had run a party called Sukaq for a few years, but disbanded it when he took up his Cabinet post in 1971), but it would be the most significant.
Meanwhile, official talks were progressing and the existing Greenlandic authorities remained in place. While there was broad consensus in Greenland that home rule would benefit them and should be pursued, the Siumut activists were very different in their approach from the older generation who dominated the Provincial Council. This more cautious brand of autonomism was personified by Lars Chemnitz, a former school superintendent who had served on the Council since 1967 and chaired it beginning in 1971. In 1976, Chemnitz and some like-minded people founded the political movement Atassut, whose Greenlandic name is somewhat difficult to translate - I've seen some sources claim it literally means "roof beam", while others go for the very clunky "feeling of community" to describe the metaphorical meaning. Since I'm unsure about the exact origin of the word, I've chosen to translate it as "connection" - the connection in question being Greenland's connection to Denmark, which the members of Atassut believed essential for the country's prosperity. You tend to see them described as the "unionist party" of Greenland, but it's important to note that there isn't really a full-on loyalist strain in Greenlandic politics - Atassut have generally supported home rule and been willing to work with Siumut towards constructive ends, but they also generally don't share Siumut's belief in independence as an end goal.
The Home Rule Bill was finally presented to the Greenlandic people in a referendum in January 1979, and 73% of voters (on 63% turnout) voted in favour of it. Passage through the Folketing was a mere formality, and in April, elections were called for the new legislative body. The legal name in Danish was the Landsting, or National Council, but the body quickly adopted a Greenlandic name: the Inatsisartut, literally meaning "those who make laws". It would be elected using a mixed system: the three constituencies in southwestern Greenland would elect 13 seats using proportional representation, while the rest of the country was split into five single-member constituencies which used FPTP (as the Provincial Council had previously done). Finally, three additional seats would be awarded to the best losers from each party to ensure overall proportionality. This system was not universally popular, but it was believed that small constituencies and individualised voting would serve the small, dispersed, and often poorly-educated Greenlandic electorate.
If the hope had been that this electoral system would protect Atassut-affiliated incumbents, however, that would turn out spectacularly wrong. Instead, Atassut's main areas of strength turned out to be the towns along the west coast, particularly around Disko Bay and in Nuuk, while Siumut drew massive support in the isolated communities of north, south and east Greenland. In fact, they won all five FPTP seats, and with them, an overall majority in the Inatsisartut. Motzfeldt became chairman of both the Inatsisartut itself and its executive committee, while Chemnitz - the oldest member of the legislature at 53 - became leader of the opposition. They would both remain in their positions for over a decade.
These practices, along with more beneficial changes like expansion of the school system, led to a national revival among the Kalaallit, more and more of whom began to see themselves as a nation and Denmark as an unwelcome foreign influence. In 1971, after the election that saw the Social Democrats return to power in Copenhagen after one of their brief absences, Prime Minister Jens Otto Krag appointed Knud Hertling as Minister for Greenland, the first holder of the post (or member of the Danish cabinet overall) to have been born in Greenland. Hertling made it his goal to secure home rule for Greenland, and appointed a committee to investigate the options for this. Although Hertling lost his seat in the 1973 election (more on which in a moment), the committee was allowed to carry on and delivered its report in 1975, leading to the appointment of a 14-member Home Rule Commission with equal Danish and Greenlandic representation to draw up a final Home Rule Act.
At this time, unlike both the Danish mainland and the Faroes, Greenland didn't really have political parties. There was an elected Provincial Council (Grønlands Landsråd) with 16 members, but while candidates for this body were sometimes endorsed by professional or religious groups, the vast majority stood for election as independents. As such, it's kind of hard to track political changes over time, but we can definitely say there was a change in the political landscape at the April 1971 election. In that year, a group of young pro-independence activists mobilised to get new candidates elected to the Council, and were successful in two major races: in Qaqortoq (Julianehåb), the major town in the south of Greenland, 32-year-old local pastor Jonathan Motzfeldt narrowly defeated longtime incumbent Erling Høegh, while in Nuuk, 24-year-old teacher Lars Emil Johansen won by a convincing margin in a multi-cornered race. The so-called "Three Polar Bears" - Motzfeldt, Johansen, and Moses Olsen, a fellow teacher who had narrowly lost his race in Sisimiut (Holsteinsborg) - became the founders of the Sujumut ("Forward") movement, which sought to unite the Kalaallit people against Danish colonialism and secure independence for Greenland. In September of the same year, they succeeded in getting Olsen elected to the Folketing for the southern constituency, and while he lost his seat in 1973, Johansen was elected in the northern constituency over Knud Hertling. With the progress of talks on home rule, it became clear that the formation of a Greenlandic government wasn't far off, and that political parties would need to be formed. As such, the Sujumut movement, which changed the spelling of its name to Siumut in accordance with the modernised Greenlandic orthography adopted in 1973, re-established itself as a political party. It wasn't the first party formed in Greenland (Hertling had run a party called Sukaq for a few years, but disbanded it when he took up his Cabinet post in 1971), but it would be the most significant.
Meanwhile, official talks were progressing and the existing Greenlandic authorities remained in place. While there was broad consensus in Greenland that home rule would benefit them and should be pursued, the Siumut activists were very different in their approach from the older generation who dominated the Provincial Council. This more cautious brand of autonomism was personified by Lars Chemnitz, a former school superintendent who had served on the Council since 1967 and chaired it beginning in 1971. In 1976, Chemnitz and some like-minded people founded the political movement Atassut, whose Greenlandic name is somewhat difficult to translate - I've seen some sources claim it literally means "roof beam", while others go for the very clunky "feeling of community" to describe the metaphorical meaning. Since I'm unsure about the exact origin of the word, I've chosen to translate it as "connection" - the connection in question being Greenland's connection to Denmark, which the members of Atassut believed essential for the country's prosperity. You tend to see them described as the "unionist party" of Greenland, but it's important to note that there isn't really a full-on loyalist strain in Greenlandic politics - Atassut have generally supported home rule and been willing to work with Siumut towards constructive ends, but they also generally don't share Siumut's belief in independence as an end goal.
The Home Rule Bill was finally presented to the Greenlandic people in a referendum in January 1979, and 73% of voters (on 63% turnout) voted in favour of it. Passage through the Folketing was a mere formality, and in April, elections were called for the new legislative body. The legal name in Danish was the Landsting, or National Council, but the body quickly adopted a Greenlandic name: the Inatsisartut, literally meaning "those who make laws". It would be elected using a mixed system: the three constituencies in southwestern Greenland would elect 13 seats using proportional representation, while the rest of the country was split into five single-member constituencies which used FPTP (as the Provincial Council had previously done). Finally, three additional seats would be awarded to the best losers from each party to ensure overall proportionality. This system was not universally popular, but it was believed that small constituencies and individualised voting would serve the small, dispersed, and often poorly-educated Greenlandic electorate.
If the hope had been that this electoral system would protect Atassut-affiliated incumbents, however, that would turn out spectacularly wrong. Instead, Atassut's main areas of strength turned out to be the towns along the west coast, particularly around Disko Bay and in Nuuk, while Siumut drew massive support in the isolated communities of north, south and east Greenland. In fact, they won all five FPTP seats, and with them, an overall majority in the Inatsisartut. Motzfeldt became chairman of both the Inatsisartut itself and its executive committee, while Chemnitz - the oldest member of the legislature at 53 - became leader of the opposition. They would both remain in their positions for over a decade.
- Location
- Tamaki Makaurau
I'm only seeing four single-member constituencies - should the large eastern one have one less representative? Or does it have two because one of them is a 'best-loser' and you're not differentiating them visually?
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The latter - I should perhaps have indicated that, you’re right.
- Location
- Derbyshire
Must admit I was thinking of doing similarly, so great work here.
Nice work Max.
Whenever Greenland comes up I always remember the globe I still have in my parents' study which was purchased in the late 80s or early 90s (and I think we already outdated then, it still says United Arab Republic on Egypt) and the fact that it bears a 'Made in Denmark' stamp, the only visual signs of which is that Greenland is referred to as Grönland (yes, not Grønland, Grönland) and 'Bangladesch' is spelled with a C. (That might just be a typo rather than a Danish thing).
Whenever Greenland comes up I always remember the globe I still have in my parents' study which was purchased in the late 80s or early 90s (and I think we already outdated then, it still says United Arab Republic on Egypt) and the fact that it bears a 'Made in Denmark' stamp, the only visual signs of which is that Greenland is referred to as Grönland (yes, not Grønland, Grönland) and 'Bangladesch' is spelled with a C. (That might just be a typo rather than a Danish thing).
My guess is it would be a globe made for the German market, although it is worth noting that the Ö form would occasionally appear in Danish and Norwegian printed text until surprisingly recently.
prime-minister
Average electoral map enjoyer
- Location
- Cambridge
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- They/them
Really good stuff! But I have a small question, how come there's a little grey blob at the top of the northernmost constituency? Is that territory that's too remote and uninhabited even for Greenland?