This was my favorite part
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Lists of Heads of Government and Heads of State
- Thread starter Mumby
- Start date
rosa
Well-known member
That write-up's too long
I need to find a good POD in 1908 to escape you.I'm still alive to torment you
Literally stole that idea from the Schwarzenneger-Schweitzer-Hugun list in your test thread.
I’m sorry
- Location
- Op een dag, Nederland.
- Pronouns
- she/her & ne/nem
Singapore on the Thames?
Margaret Thatcher (Conservative) 1979-1983
1979 (maj.): def. James Callaghan (Labour), David Steel (Liberal)
Harry Lee (Labour) 1983-1990
1983 (maj.): def. Margaret Thatcher (Conservative), David Steel (Liberal)
1987 (maj.): def. William Whitelaw (Conservative), David Steel (Liberal)
John Smith (Labour) 1990-1993
Michael Heseltine (Conservative) 1993-2002
1993 (maj.): def. John Smith (Labour), David Penhaligon (Liberal)
1997 (maj.): def. Margaret Beckett (Labour), David Penhaligon (Liberal)
2001 (maj.): def. Vince Cable (Labour), David Penhaligon (Liberal)
Stephen Dorrell (Conservative) 2002-2005
David Lee (Labour) 2005-present
2005 (maj.): def. Stephen Dorrell (Conservative), Simon Hughes (Liberal)
2010 (coal. with Liberals): def. David Cameron (Conservative), David Laws (Liberal)
2013 (maj.): def. David Cameron (Conservative), David Laws (Liberal), Nigel Farage (UKIP)
2017 (maj.): def. William Hague (Conservative), Liz Truss (Liberal)
2022 (maj.): def. Priti Patel (Conservative), Liz Truss (Liberal), Gerard Batten (British Interest)
As the dominance of Labour under its 17 years and counting Prime Minister keeps on chugging on, neo-Fabianism and the lust for modernising of an old country continues unabated. The Tories under Patel and the Liberals under Truss just keeps failing to make significant chips in the Labour dominance.
Truly under the Lees, Britain has finally reached the New Jerusalem. Right?
Margaret Thatcher (Conservative) 1979-1983
1979 (maj.): def. James Callaghan (Labour), David Steel (Liberal)
Harry Lee (Labour) 1983-1990
1983 (maj.): def. Margaret Thatcher (Conservative), David Steel (Liberal)
1987 (maj.): def. William Whitelaw (Conservative), David Steel (Liberal)
John Smith (Labour) 1990-1993
Michael Heseltine (Conservative) 1993-2002
1993 (maj.): def. John Smith (Labour), David Penhaligon (Liberal)
1997 (maj.): def. Margaret Beckett (Labour), David Penhaligon (Liberal)
2001 (maj.): def. Vince Cable (Labour), David Penhaligon (Liberal)
Stephen Dorrell (Conservative) 2002-2005
David Lee (Labour) 2005-present
2005 (maj.): def. Stephen Dorrell (Conservative), Simon Hughes (Liberal)
2010 (coal. with Liberals): def. David Cameron (Conservative), David Laws (Liberal)
2013 (maj.): def. David Cameron (Conservative), David Laws (Liberal), Nigel Farage (UKIP)
2017 (maj.): def. William Hague (Conservative), Liz Truss (Liberal)
2022 (maj.): def. Priti Patel (Conservative), Liz Truss (Liberal), Gerard Batten (British Interest)
As the dominance of Labour under its 17 years and counting Prime Minister keeps on chugging on, neo-Fabianism and the lust for modernising of an old country continues unabated. The Tories under Patel and the Liberals under Truss just keeps failing to make significant chips in the Labour dominance.
Truly under the Lees, Britain has finally reached the New Jerusalem. Right?
2001 - 2009: Senator Herman Cain / Governor George W. Bush (Republican)
2000 def: Vice President Al Gore / House Minority Leader Dick Gephardt (Democrat)
2004 def: Former Senate Minority Leader Tom Daschle / Senator Mary Landrieu (Democrat)
2009 - 2017: Senator Hillary Clinton / Former Governor Tom Vilsack (Democrat)
2008 def: Vice President George W. Bush / Former Governor Mitt Romney (Republican)
2012 def: Senator Ron Paul / Supreme Court Justice Andrew Napolitano (Republican), Former Mayor Michael Bloomberg / Representative Dede Scozzafava (Independent)
2017 - 2021: Speaker of the House of Representatives Ben Carson / Senator Sarah Palin (Republican)
2016 def: Senator Terry McAuliffe / Secrteary of Housing and Urban Development Julián Castro (Democrat)
2021 - 2025: Senator Sherrod Brown / Representative Terri Sewell (Democrat)
2020 def: President Ben Carson / Vice President Sarah Palin (Republican)
2025 - 2033: Governor David Clarke / Commentator Ben Shapiro (Republican)
2024 def: President Sherrod Brown / Vice President Terri Sewell (Democrat), Mayor Andrew Yang / Former Representative Jackson Hinckle (Forward)
2028 def: Governor Zephyr Teachout / Governor Carmen Yulín Cruz (Democrat)
2033 - 20__: Vice President Ben Shapiro / Senate Minority Leader Mike Lee (Republican)
2032 def: Senator Wes Moore / Representative Kathleen Clyde (Democrat)
The POD is Herman Cain running for the open Georgia Senate seat in 1996, and defeating Cleland by a few percent. Cain becomes an instant favorite among some conservatives for the 2000 nomination, and steals some of the Bush support. This forces the governor to move closer to the centre ironically have a campaign closer to that of Papa. This is of course not appreciated by much of the base, and he falls behind Cain in the primaries, finishing in a distant second place, but being offered the VP-spot as a consolation.
Cain defeats Al Gore, who picked Gephardt in order to get some of those white working class voters who are ‘unsure’ about a Cain presidency, with roughly the same numbers as OTL 2004, winning the popular vote and all that. His cabinet is also pretty similar to that of Bush, but with some differences, Cheney is back for round 3 in the Pentagon, and the Club for Growth types in high positions. He governs a bit more to the right as well, none of that compassionate conservatism, and is a bit more gung-ho in the Middle-East, even managing to piss off Tony Blair somehow. By 2008 he leaves Bush with an unwinnable election.
Butterflies cause Obama to not win the 2004 primaries, and he opts to stay in Illinois. As a result, Clinton only faces token opposition, and cruises to the nomination, and presidency in a landslide. With strong majorities in both chambers, she is able to get more done than Obama OTL, but she never manages to get the popularity he had, and a six-year trifecta causes the party left to continuously and rightfully argue that she could have done more. Her policies also cause a stronger right-wing reaction and the Minutemen (ttl’s Tea Party) successfully getting Senator Paul the nomination. Ten years after President Cain helped him to the Senate nomination from Texas. A far-right, and ‘far-left’ nominee causes Bloomberg, who never ran for a third term, to throw his hat into the ring and get into the debates, though all he really manages to do is cause a weird map despite himself not winning any state.
Of course, the Minutemen’s strength also causes headaches for the GOP, and when they regain the House in 2014, enough of them refuse to support the idea of a Speaker Cantor. This causes days of balloting until an agreement is finally reached, and the Republicans go for that bonkers plan of Speaker Carlson. To ensure maximum hilarity the 2016 RNC ends up being a brokered convention, and eventually Carlson is drafted, with party-smoothbrains arguing that a nominee with melanin guarantees victory, though they are proven to be right in this instance as Clintonworld forces through the nomination of the not-so-popular Virginia senator.
Carlson’s presidency is pretty similar to that of Trump. He still nominates shitty people to places where they have the capability to do a lot of damage, and he likewise says a lot of stupid shit. Two notable differences are the lack of alt-right prominence, instead we just get the usual conservative hate mongering like we have in 2022, and president Carlson handles the COVID-19 (I know, I know, just wait for it) outbreak even worse than Trump did OTL, with Carlson listening to his conspiracy theorist advisors, and blue states having to handle it on their own. Of course all of this also creates further polarization, and a OTL type 2020 election, though with its own special October surprise in the form of former President Cain dying of the virus, which is the final nail in the coffin for Carson.
Brown gained the nomination as a result of the backlash against the Clinton family, and their favorite Senator Weiner doing his thing. He governs more aggressively than Biden, and with a stronger position in congress, the senate being in the hands of the D’s since 2007, he passes a public option, and does other nice progressive things. The 2022 elections are a bloodbath though, and Brown is instead forced to focus on foreign affairs with the Russians dick around in East Europe again. Parts of the left rebel against the president, and former representative Hickle (21-23) even joins Mayor Yang’s UBI-ticket. All of this leads to the recently elected Governor of Wisconsin to enter the White House.
David Clarke styles himself as the natural successor to Cain and Carson (make of that what you will), and he just does the usual; bust unions, roll back LGBT+ rights, and make voting harder for minorities. He wins a close re-election against an increasingly more left-wing Democratic party, and just continues to roll back voting rights. By 2032 his VP wins in a Hungary/Poland levels of democratic elections. His Vice-President is of course none other than Ben Shapiro, who was picked to appeal to the youth vote or something like that. The Democrats finally nominate an African-American in the form of Senate Moore, though the party of Lincoln once again wins, with “America’s fourth black president” celebrating it by making a diss-track against the Democrats with legendary artist Kanye West.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
2021 - 2023: Joe Biden / Kamala Harris (Democrat)
2020 def: Donald Trump / Mike Pence (Republican) [disputed by Republicans]
2023 - 2023: Kamala Harris (Democrat) / vacant
2023 - 2024: Kamala Harris / Kyrsten Sinema (Democrat)
2024 - 2025: Kamala Harris (Democrat) / Kyrsten Sinema (America for Sinema)
2025 - 2033: Donald Trump / Ric Grenell (Republican)
2024 def: Kamala Harris / Pete Buttigieg (Democrat), Bernie Sanders / Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (Vermont Regulars), Kyrsten Sinema / Charlie Baker (America for Sinema) [disputed by Democrats (including Sanders) and America for Sinema]
2028; cancelled by 2027 Supreme Court decision granting Trump his 'lost years'
2033 - 20__: Michael Flynn / Eric Trump (Republican)
2032 def: Robert F. Kennedy Jr. / Tulsi Gabbard (Democrat),
Last edited:
TheHatMan98
Well-known member
Operation Mindfuck: The Pop Culture History of British Politics
Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom
1964-1969: Harold Wilson* (Labour) [1]
1964 (Majority) def. Alec Douglas-Home (Conservative), Jo Grimond (Liberal)
1966 (Majority) def. Edward Heath (Conservative), Jo Grimond (Liberal)
1969-1975: Michael Rimmer (Labour) [2]
1970 (Majority) def. Edward Heath (Conservative), Miles Sercombe (Liberal)
1970 Postal Democracy Referendum: 59% YES, 41% NO
1970 Emergency Powers Referendum: 55% YES, 45% NO
1971 EEC Membership Referendum: 61% YES, 39% NO
1971 Industrial Relations Referendum: 47% YES, 53% NO
1972 Motor Industry Nationalisation Referendum: 51% YES, 49% NO
1973 Scottish Devolution Referendum: 49% YES, 45% NO, 6% OTHER
1973 Welsh Devolution Referendum: 35% YES, 57% NO, 8% NO
1973 Northern Ireland Power Sharing Referendum: 92% NO, 8% YES
1974 National Incomes Policy Referendum: 37% YES, 45 NO%, 18% OTHER
1974 (Minority) def. Charles Seymour (Conservative), Miles Sercombe (Liberal)
1975-1979: Simon Kerslake (Conservative) [3]
1975 (Coalition, with Liberals) def. Michael Rimmer (Labour), Miles Sercombe (Liberal)
1979-1983: Harry Perkins (Labour) [4]
1979 (Majority) def. Simon Kerslake (Conservative), Miles Sercombe (Liberal)
1983-1985: Duncan Sandys (Conservative) [5]
1983 (Majority) def. Harry Perkins (Labour), Miles Sercombe (Liberal)
1985-1992: James Hacker (Conservative) [6]
1987 (Majority) def. Tom Sargent (Labour), Julia Bartlett (Liberal)
1991 (Majority) def. Tom Sargent (Labour), Julia Bartlett (Liberal)
1992-2003: Francis Urquhart* (Conservative) [7]
1996 (Majority) def. S.O. Baldrick (Labour), Julia Bartlett (Liberal), Adam Sutler (Norsefire)
2000 (Majority) def. S.O. Baldrick (Labour), Julia Bartlett (Liberal), Adam Sutler (Norsefire)
2003-2004: Alan B’Stard (Conservative) [8]
2004-2005: Michael Stevens* (Labour) [9]
2004 (Majority) def. Peter Manion (Conservative), Adam Lang (Liberal), Alan B’Stard/Adam Sutler (Norsefire)
2005-20??: Harriet Jones (Labour) [10]
2006 (Majority) def. Peter Manion (Conservative), Adam Lang (Liberal), Alan B’Stard/Adam Sutler (Norsefire)
A continuation to present may follow...
Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom
1964-1969: Harold Wilson* (Labour) [1]
1964 (Majority) def. Alec Douglas-Home (Conservative), Jo Grimond (Liberal)
1966 (Majority) def. Edward Heath (Conservative), Jo Grimond (Liberal)
1969-1975: Michael Rimmer (Labour) [2]
1970 (Majority) def. Edward Heath (Conservative), Miles Sercombe (Liberal)
1970 Postal Democracy Referendum: 59% YES, 41% NO
1970 Emergency Powers Referendum: 55% YES, 45% NO
1971 EEC Membership Referendum: 61% YES, 39% NO
1971 Industrial Relations Referendum: 47% YES, 53% NO
1972 Motor Industry Nationalisation Referendum: 51% YES, 49% NO
1973 Scottish Devolution Referendum: 49% YES, 45% NO, 6% OTHER
1973 Welsh Devolution Referendum: 35% YES, 57% NO, 8% NO
1973 Northern Ireland Power Sharing Referendum: 92% NO, 8% YES
1974 National Incomes Policy Referendum: 37% YES, 45 NO%, 18% OTHER
1974 (Minority) def. Charles Seymour (Conservative), Miles Sercombe (Liberal)
1975-1979: Simon Kerslake (Conservative) [3]
1975 (Coalition, with Liberals) def. Michael Rimmer (Labour), Miles Sercombe (Liberal)
1979-1983: Harry Perkins (Labour) [4]
1979 (Majority) def. Simon Kerslake (Conservative), Miles Sercombe (Liberal)
1983-1985: Duncan Sandys (Conservative) [5]
1983 (Majority) def. Harry Perkins (Labour), Miles Sercombe (Liberal)
1985-1992: James Hacker (Conservative) [6]
1987 (Majority) def. Tom Sargent (Labour), Julia Bartlett (Liberal)
1991 (Majority) def. Tom Sargent (Labour), Julia Bartlett (Liberal)
1992-2003: Francis Urquhart* (Conservative) [7]
1996 (Majority) def. S.O. Baldrick (Labour), Julia Bartlett (Liberal), Adam Sutler (Norsefire)
2000 (Majority) def. S.O. Baldrick (Labour), Julia Bartlett (Liberal), Adam Sutler (Norsefire)
2003-2004: Alan B’Stard (Conservative) [8]
2004-2005: Michael Stevens* (Labour) [9]
2004 (Majority) def. Peter Manion (Conservative), Adam Lang (Liberal), Alan B’Stard/Adam Sutler (Norsefire)
2005-20??: Harriet Jones (Labour) [10]
2006 (Majority) def. Peter Manion (Conservative), Adam Lang (Liberal), Alan B’Stard/Adam Sutler (Norsefire)
A continuation to present may follow...
Sickos.jpg
Blackentheborg
Dennis Skinner's molotov
- Location
- Grand Hotel Abyss
- Pronouns
- He/Him
this is the kind of content I crave
Let's Parler Franglais
Procurators of the Fifth United Commonwealth
1959 - 1969: Bernard L. Montgomery (Independent/Union of Patriots for the Commonwealth)
1981 - 1995: Anthony Wedgewood Benn (Syndicalist Party)
1995 - 2007: John Moore (Commonwealth Array)
2007 - 2012: Michael Portillo (Commonwealth Array)
2012 - 2017: Dave Prentis (Syndicalist Party)
2017 - 2027: Chuka Umunna (Commonwealth Unbowed!)
---
Historians are in little doubt that the start of the Ireland Crisis in 1958 sealed the fate of the young and unloved Fourth Commonwealth. Just as with its pre-war successor, the state had been hampered by instability, a weak executive, and a lack of clear policy direction. Despite some progress in decolonisation, the United Commonwealth remained an Imperial Power, and although conflict and open revolt had begun the process of decolonisation, it was Gerald Templer's surrender at Penang that galvanised ultranationalist support to retain Ireland as a fundamental part of the British metropole. In a grim reversal of previous efforts, a motley assortment of dissident paramilitaries, ranging from respected (if erratic) military figures such as General Harding and Colonel Walter Walker, to dissident post-Rexists thinkers such as Jenks and Tolkien, that established the shadowy organisation that would launch the campaign of underground violence and bring mainland Britain to the brink of civil war. To that end, Procurator Hoare's appeal to "that most illustrious of Britons" marked the last throw of the dice for the terrified establishment in London, and indeed, of the Commonwealth itself.
Until the crisis, Bernard Law Montgomery had been a man who everyone, bar himself, had assumed to have had his time been and gone. The man who had kept the kept the aspidistra flying during the État's occupation, headed the Provisional Government, and set out the principles of the Sovereign Economy had effectively taken himself out of the political mainstream by the time the barrels were rolling down the protesters outside the Temple Bar. Yet London, paralysed by fear, looked to him alone. With the swagger and self-assurance that only he was capable of, the coterie of middle-ranking civil servants and lawyers that drafted the Emergency Constitution during that long, hot, summer were left in little doubt as to who it was intended for.
Self-coup or not, the general election of November 1958 saw a comfortable majority for Montgomery's loose coalition known initially as the Alliance for a New Commonwealth. A hastily arranged sitting of the House of Commons and Councillors rubber-stamped his elevation to Procurator, which would be the last indirect election to date. With the crushing of the Dublin Putsch in 1961, and using his impeccable credentials as cover, it could only have been the Arch-Patriot Montgomery that could cut Ireland lose, set-up the directed economics that kick-started the so-called Thirty Years Boom, and row-back on the security guarantees to America. His inherent distrust of both Washington and Paris would frustrate both nations (not least for withdrawing from OTAN and repeatedly rebutting Werner Dollinger's repeated efforts to join the Amsterdam Pact.)
Yet, of course, even the most glittering of careers - unless cut shot - ends at some unhappy juncture. A narrower than expected victory over Wedgewood Benn in the first direct Procurator election since Charles Mornington-Wesley's landslide in 1848 marked the start of his political decline, and his sudden resignation after the defeat of his referendum on regionalisation in 1969 have remained a source of controversy ever since, as well as a blemish on his reputation. Regardless, it is impossible to think of modern Britain without The General, and all subsequent statesmen have harkened back to the legacy of Montgomeryism in some form or another.
After the first interim Procuratorship of Selwyn Lloyd, the former Finance Minister and Speaker of the House of Councillors, the office would pass on a permanent basis to Iain Macleod. Although very much a protégé of The General, Macleod's term in office was marked by a more open and consolatory attitude in foreign policy, with warmer relations to both the United States of America and to the German Federation, which finally had a non-vetoed effort to join the Assembly of Europe. His death, often attributed to years of overwork as Montgomery's long-suffering Prime Minister, was met with genuine sadness by the British public, who had taken to the avuncular Macleod in a way that they had never quite managed with his stubborn and inscrutable predecessor. Today, he is immortalised in the vast Ministerial Complex of buildings along the Strand, and the eponymous modern art complex that bares his name on the site of the former Bankside Power Station.
Francis Pym is a man who - by his own admission - should perhaps have remained in the civil service. The characteristics that made him a well-respected Minister for the Exchequer, a solid understanding of detail, an inherent Germanophilia, and an inherent willingness to compromise, did not suit the demands of being the Chief of State. Pym was always inherently somewhat of a snob (his constant harkening back to his revolutionary ancestor of the same name, despite having only the most tenuous of familial connections) irked the public, whilst his record for political slipperiness (he had broken with the UPC after being dismissed from the Cabinet) found him few allies on the Montgomeryist Right. His backing as the consensus candidate in the 1974 election was largely due being seen as the most likely bloc on the resurgent Syndicalists, led by the increasingly fiery Wedgewood Benn, rather than widespread like or approval from his more conservative rivals.
By 1981, with the economy entering the doldrums from the late-1970s inflation shock, and with the atomkraft revolution not yet able to combat the challenges of spiralling energy costs, there was little doubt that Pym would face challenges for re-election. John Moore, elected as the first Mayor of Paris since the New Digger Uprising that accompanied the end of the Anglo-French War a century prior, stood for the Ultras, brushing his credentials for the future. He nevertheless expected to hold on for reflected, and was shell-shocked at the result.
Prior to his election as the first left-wing Procurator since the establishment of the Fifth Commonwealth, Anthony Wedgewood Benn had had a political career that had boarded on the quixotic. Originally cutting his teeth as an active member of the non-Rexist Far-Right (at times experimenting with Monarchism), he had served briefly in the army before being captured in one of the great encirclements during the État's guerre éclair of 1940. Languishing in a prison camp, and after making several failed attempts to flee to the relative freedom of the Buxton Government, he served as an effective member of Alan Brooke's Most Loyal Residence, one of the chief rivals to Montgomery's Free British Army. In the first post-war elections, Wedgewood Benn had already begun a turn towards the left, initially sitting for the Commonwealth Broad Left Union, which later merged into as the broad anti-Montgommaryist alliance known as the Citizen's Freedom Movement.
Wedgewood Benn's ultimate skill during his long time in opposition was to undercut the more radical elements of the Commonwealth. Even his campaign posters were aimed at downplaying the more vocal elements of his electoral coalition to prevent a last-minute bolt to Pym by wavering centrists. The posters, baring the slogan, A Calming Force with a side-view of the placid, pipe-smoking figure in front of that most English of images, the Seven Sisters on the Sussex coastline, have become a much imitated staple of all subsequent elections (a notorious parody, showing Wedgewood Benn wearing the uniform of the Mistery Guard, the far-right movement he had associated with during his youth, with dissidents being thrown off the cliffs behind him, saw Private Eye briefly banned from publication for a few months after his election).
However, there was little sign of such conciliation after Wedgewood Benn's surprisingly strong second-round victory. Eschewing the State Bentley on the walk to his inauguration, his first address as Procurator set out an aggressive, syndicalist vision for the future of the Commonwealth. Immediate efforts were made for the full nationalisation of industry, a solidarity tax on wealth, and swinging defence cuts. At a time when the Cold War was reaching new heights as the United States brought itself out of the Malay-aise under President Connally, such rhetoric sat ill in the other capitals of the western alliance.
Such fears of a red tendril flung far from Moscow, however, proved unwarranted. Within two years, as the initial manifesto had failed to bring in the expected resurgence in living standards, Wedgewood Benn had moved towards more conciliatory syndicalism. A withdrawal of a bill to nationalise the great Public Schools resulted in the withdrawal of the Rodney Bickerstaffe's Worker's Party from the government. At the time seen as a mortal blow to Wedgewood Benn's re-election chances, it afforded him the ability to reinvigorate his administration, whilst continuing to pursue broad efforts to unite the fractious British left. By 1988, few doubted that Wedgewood Benn would be elected for a second term. After a comfortable victory against John Moore, he led the European Response to the final collapse of the Soviet Union, and played a key role in convincing Chancellor Strauß to accept the reality of French Reunification.
As the Commonwealth entered the 1990s, however, it was clear Wedgewood Benn was fading, physically at least. Decades of smoking, as well as heavy drinking picked up during his time in the Resistance, had robbed him of much of his strength, and it is now a matter of public record that he concealed the extent of his declining health from the public ahead of the 1988 election. A number of domestic scandals saw Shirley Williams fall to a landslide Parliamentary defeat to the resurgent right in the elections of 1993, forcing an awkward duopoly as Moore was appointed Premier. Moore would subsequently succeed Wedgewood Benn two years later, and he died a matter of months after leaving office. Nevertheless, he currently stands second only to Montgomery as the most influential Procurator of the post-war era.
Prior to his election, John Moore was always seen as the almost-man of British politics. His pretty boy, transatlantic swagger as Mayor of London and unofficial leader of the right had been much mocked in the media of the time, including a thinly-veiled cameo of Cassius Neoliberalus, the Latin School of Economics graduate in the pages of 0 AD. However, the years as the main thorn in the side of Wedgewood Benn had matured him, and by the time he was sworn into office after a comfortable, if not exactly vast margin over Bernard Donoughue, his motto of "Bring the Commonwealth Together" had gone someway to shedding his reputation as a conservative Rottweiler.
Moore's legacy, however, is mixed. His aloof and at times contradictory personality made him a respected but usually disliked Procurator, was brought up against a desire to reform the creaking British economy. Oftentimes accused of representing a pro-American, supply-side attitude to economics, Moore was unable to bring about the wide-spread reforms to the British state that he had once espoused as Mayor of London. As the promise of a calmer post-Cold War period gave way to the growing thread of civil conflict in India, the Balkans, and elsewhere, Moore soon found himself falling back on the trope much beloved of the British left, right, and centre, "blame it all on Mont Pelerin". The French-based international centre for classical liberalism had always been a useful scapegoat for Procurators of all parties, and Moore made heavy use of it whilst trying to force his own, even tepid, reforms to pensions and trades unions through the legislature. Indeed, it was this, just as much as Donoughue's own ineptness as leader of the Syndicalists, that led to what at the time was the most shocking election in the history of the Fifth Commonwealth.
The history of the far-right in British politics goes back to the first Revolution, and the beheading of Charles Stuart. However, whilst monarchists of the Stuart, Hanoverian, and Wellesleyan tendencies have all jostled for attention since the fall of the Second Empire, the tendency in recent years has been towards the populist, nativist end of the spectrum. Nevertheless, no one seemed as shocked as the man himself when Alan K. M. Clark snuck over the line in second place. The son of a semi-aristocratic family of Scottish-Irish descent, Clark had fallen upon hard times after the death of his father during the War. After a spell in the armed forces and a failed attempt as a military historian, Clark embraced the growing tendency of the New Right, aimed at breaking with the monarchist-leanings of the traditional extremes of British politics in favour of a more populist, worker focused tendency. Cutting his teeth as Arthur Chesterton's campaign manager in the 1965 election (during which the Rexist received a not-insignificant 5 percent of the vote), Clark became as an increasingly prominent figure on as both an intellectual thuggish figure for what would grow into the British Front, and now the National Rally (although he has subsequently broken with his former heir and ally, Anne-Marie Morris). However, prior to 2002, few, if any, thought that the man would be anything more than a fringe figure.
The shock of the first-round brought reports of a permanent fracturing of the "Commonwealth Front" into sharp focus. Syndicalists, Communists, Radicals and Ecologists alike, stung by the result, turned out in force as Moore faced Clark in the second round. With the world's media watching, the result was a foregone conclusion well before election day, and Moore was re-elected with what remains the largest landslide in British history - ahead of even Mornington-Wesley's victory as Prince-Procurator over a hundred and fifty years prior.
Yet, it was a victory that was certainly more anti-Clark as it was pro-Moore, and the latter's second term in office was marked by further antipathy and distrust, not least as the Head of State faced increasingly prominent corruption allegations. Increasingly in the shadow of his popular Interior Minister, he left office in 2007.
Michael Portillo's victory over Frances O'Grady was seen as a generational and social change in Commonwealth politics - with both candidates born after the War, and both representing a first for second round candidates, Portillo, the son of an exiled Spanish republican, and O'Grady, the first mainstream female candidate in an historically macho landscape. However, the campaign was marked by an increasingly bitter contest, with Portillo in particular moving towards increasingly hard-right policy positions on immigration and culture, in part to stave off a repeat of the previous election. His victory over O'Grady brought with it the usual riots and demonstrations from the left, but ominously, very little in the way of an active rally from the right. His election, coinciding as it did with the start of the Asian Currency Crisis and the Great Recession, was followed by a flashy but unpopular term in office - during which he did little to impress an increasingly irritated electorate by wearing colourful and unpresidential suits and spending more time travelling around on InterCityExpress for photo-ops, rather than dealing with the cost of living crisis. His defeat to the veteran backroom operator and General Secretary of the Syndicalist Party, David Prentis, surprised little but himself.
The one thing that Portillo could take solace in, perhaps, was that his hapless predecessor proved even more unpopular than he did. Taking office as the Commonwealth slowly emerged from the worst economic slump in forty years, Prentis soon found himself embittered as he haemorrhaged support from both right and left. Unpopular (if arguably necessary) labour reforms drew the ire of the Syndicalist base, whilst efforts to bring in further social reforms turned him into a figure of much distrust from the formally safe, if socially conservative voters in Yorkshire, the Midlands and elsewhere in Pink Wall that had previously served as the left's heartlands. As the British Front made inroads in the former heartlands, and the country was hit by a wave of terrorist attacks, Prentis soon found himself with the unenviable epitaph as the most unpopular Procurator in history.
Yet, in time, Prentis may be seen as being a more successful Head of State than many let on. Much of the policy framework of his successor was begun by him, especially on pensions and tax reform, whilst the ambitious reorganisation of the Commonwealth's administrative regions (including the merger of the hodgepodge of 24 regions into 12) will take years before it can be judged a failure or not. However, there is little doubt that the old power of the Syndicalist Party is but a shadow of what it was barely a few years ago. With approval figures reaching single-figures, Prentis became the first Procurator since the formation of the Fifth Commonwealth to forgo re-election.
Chuka Umunna's meteoric rise to the Whitehall could have been stopped by any number of things. Had he not chosen exactly the right moment to resign as Economy Minister, he may have been shackled with the aura of failure than doomed Prentis. Had The Constitutionalists selected anyone other than Christopher Grayling to be the standard bearer of the traditional right, there is little chance that his reformist, egocentric coalition would have been able to draw sufficient numbers of suburban voters to take him to the second round. Had he faced anyone other than Anne-Marie Morris - a figure still too far for the Commonwealth Front to take to heart, he would have cracked under the pressure of a more experienced rival. However, all is speculation. As it was - the fresh-faced, polyglot, Europhile, liberal entered office in 2017 as the first Procurator in the history of the Commonwealth to have not belong to either of the two main power blocks.
Umunna's legacy will take much to measure, even as he recovered from a more stressful than expected contest against Morris in last-week's rematch. With neither Morris, nor George Galloway's rag-tag Britain Arise expected to stand again in 2027, the future of the Commonwealth looks as unpredictable as it has ever done. Constitutionally illegible for a third term, Umunna may yet move to the realm of European supranational politics, leaving his movement to find another to rally around (or perhaps splinter). Much has been made of his former Prime Minister, Nicholas Clegg, who serves as both a more personable and liked candidate than his former boss, but whether the former liberal-conservative Mayor of Brighton can maintain his grip on the broad centre (perhaps remained New Commonwealth) in quite the same way, remains to be seen.
Procurators of the Fifth United Commonwealth
1959 - 1969: Bernard L. Montgomery (Independent/Union of Patriots for the Commonwealth)
1969: Selwyn Lloyd (Constitutional Levellers)
1969 - 1974: Iain Macleod† (Union of Patriots for the Commonwealth)1974: Selwyn Lloyd (Constitutional Levellers)
1974 - 1981: Francis Pym (Union for British Freedom)1981 - 1995: Anthony Wedgewood Benn (Syndicalist Party)
1995 - 2007: John Moore (Commonwealth Array)
2007 - 2012: Michael Portillo (Commonwealth Array)
2012 - 2017: Dave Prentis (Syndicalist Party)
2017 - 2027: Chuka Umunna (Commonwealth Unbowed!)
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Historians are in little doubt that the start of the Ireland Crisis in 1958 sealed the fate of the young and unloved Fourth Commonwealth. Just as with its pre-war successor, the state had been hampered by instability, a weak executive, and a lack of clear policy direction. Despite some progress in decolonisation, the United Commonwealth remained an Imperial Power, and although conflict and open revolt had begun the process of decolonisation, it was Gerald Templer's surrender at Penang that galvanised ultranationalist support to retain Ireland as a fundamental part of the British metropole. In a grim reversal of previous efforts, a motley assortment of dissident paramilitaries, ranging from respected (if erratic) military figures such as General Harding and Colonel Walter Walker, to dissident post-Rexists thinkers such as Jenks and Tolkien, that established the shadowy organisation that would launch the campaign of underground violence and bring mainland Britain to the brink of civil war. To that end, Procurator Hoare's appeal to "that most illustrious of Britons" marked the last throw of the dice for the terrified establishment in London, and indeed, of the Commonwealth itself.
Until the crisis, Bernard Law Montgomery had been a man who everyone, bar himself, had assumed to have had his time been and gone. The man who had kept the kept the aspidistra flying during the État's occupation, headed the Provisional Government, and set out the principles of the Sovereign Economy had effectively taken himself out of the political mainstream by the time the barrels were rolling down the protesters outside the Temple Bar. Yet London, paralysed by fear, looked to him alone. With the swagger and self-assurance that only he was capable of, the coterie of middle-ranking civil servants and lawyers that drafted the Emergency Constitution during that long, hot, summer were left in little doubt as to who it was intended for.
Self-coup or not, the general election of November 1958 saw a comfortable majority for Montgomery's loose coalition known initially as the Alliance for a New Commonwealth. A hastily arranged sitting of the House of Commons and Councillors rubber-stamped his elevation to Procurator, which would be the last indirect election to date. With the crushing of the Dublin Putsch in 1961, and using his impeccable credentials as cover, it could only have been the Arch-Patriot Montgomery that could cut Ireland lose, set-up the directed economics that kick-started the so-called Thirty Years Boom, and row-back on the security guarantees to America. His inherent distrust of both Washington and Paris would frustrate both nations (not least for withdrawing from OTAN and repeatedly rebutting Werner Dollinger's repeated efforts to join the Amsterdam Pact.)
Yet, of course, even the most glittering of careers - unless cut shot - ends at some unhappy juncture. A narrower than expected victory over Wedgewood Benn in the first direct Procurator election since Charles Mornington-Wesley's landslide in 1848 marked the start of his political decline, and his sudden resignation after the defeat of his referendum on regionalisation in 1969 have remained a source of controversy ever since, as well as a blemish on his reputation. Regardless, it is impossible to think of modern Britain without The General, and all subsequent statesmen have harkened back to the legacy of Montgomeryism in some form or another.
After the first interim Procuratorship of Selwyn Lloyd, the former Finance Minister and Speaker of the House of Councillors, the office would pass on a permanent basis to Iain Macleod. Although very much a protégé of The General, Macleod's term in office was marked by a more open and consolatory attitude in foreign policy, with warmer relations to both the United States of America and to the German Federation, which finally had a non-vetoed effort to join the Assembly of Europe. His death, often attributed to years of overwork as Montgomery's long-suffering Prime Minister, was met with genuine sadness by the British public, who had taken to the avuncular Macleod in a way that they had never quite managed with his stubborn and inscrutable predecessor. Today, he is immortalised in the vast Ministerial Complex of buildings along the Strand, and the eponymous modern art complex that bares his name on the site of the former Bankside Power Station.
Francis Pym is a man who - by his own admission - should perhaps have remained in the civil service. The characteristics that made him a well-respected Minister for the Exchequer, a solid understanding of detail, an inherent Germanophilia, and an inherent willingness to compromise, did not suit the demands of being the Chief of State. Pym was always inherently somewhat of a snob (his constant harkening back to his revolutionary ancestor of the same name, despite having only the most tenuous of familial connections) irked the public, whilst his record for political slipperiness (he had broken with the UPC after being dismissed from the Cabinet) found him few allies on the Montgomeryist Right. His backing as the consensus candidate in the 1974 election was largely due being seen as the most likely bloc on the resurgent Syndicalists, led by the increasingly fiery Wedgewood Benn, rather than widespread like or approval from his more conservative rivals.
By 1981, with the economy entering the doldrums from the late-1970s inflation shock, and with the atomkraft revolution not yet able to combat the challenges of spiralling energy costs, there was little doubt that Pym would face challenges for re-election. John Moore, elected as the first Mayor of Paris since the New Digger Uprising that accompanied the end of the Anglo-French War a century prior, stood for the Ultras, brushing his credentials for the future. He nevertheless expected to hold on for reflected, and was shell-shocked at the result.
Prior to his election as the first left-wing Procurator since the establishment of the Fifth Commonwealth, Anthony Wedgewood Benn had had a political career that had boarded on the quixotic. Originally cutting his teeth as an active member of the non-Rexist Far-Right (at times experimenting with Monarchism), he had served briefly in the army before being captured in one of the great encirclements during the État's guerre éclair of 1940. Languishing in a prison camp, and after making several failed attempts to flee to the relative freedom of the Buxton Government, he served as an effective member of Alan Brooke's Most Loyal Residence, one of the chief rivals to Montgomery's Free British Army. In the first post-war elections, Wedgewood Benn had already begun a turn towards the left, initially sitting for the Commonwealth Broad Left Union, which later merged into as the broad anti-Montgommaryist alliance known as the Citizen's Freedom Movement.
Wedgewood Benn's ultimate skill during his long time in opposition was to undercut the more radical elements of the Commonwealth. Even his campaign posters were aimed at downplaying the more vocal elements of his electoral coalition to prevent a last-minute bolt to Pym by wavering centrists. The posters, baring the slogan, A Calming Force with a side-view of the placid, pipe-smoking figure in front of that most English of images, the Seven Sisters on the Sussex coastline, have become a much imitated staple of all subsequent elections (a notorious parody, showing Wedgewood Benn wearing the uniform of the Mistery Guard, the far-right movement he had associated with during his youth, with dissidents being thrown off the cliffs behind him, saw Private Eye briefly banned from publication for a few months after his election).
However, there was little sign of such conciliation after Wedgewood Benn's surprisingly strong second-round victory. Eschewing the State Bentley on the walk to his inauguration, his first address as Procurator set out an aggressive, syndicalist vision for the future of the Commonwealth. Immediate efforts were made for the full nationalisation of industry, a solidarity tax on wealth, and swinging defence cuts. At a time when the Cold War was reaching new heights as the United States brought itself out of the Malay-aise under President Connally, such rhetoric sat ill in the other capitals of the western alliance.
Such fears of a red tendril flung far from Moscow, however, proved unwarranted. Within two years, as the initial manifesto had failed to bring in the expected resurgence in living standards, Wedgewood Benn had moved towards more conciliatory syndicalism. A withdrawal of a bill to nationalise the great Public Schools resulted in the withdrawal of the Rodney Bickerstaffe's Worker's Party from the government. At the time seen as a mortal blow to Wedgewood Benn's re-election chances, it afforded him the ability to reinvigorate his administration, whilst continuing to pursue broad efforts to unite the fractious British left. By 1988, few doubted that Wedgewood Benn would be elected for a second term. After a comfortable victory against John Moore, he led the European Response to the final collapse of the Soviet Union, and played a key role in convincing Chancellor Strauß to accept the reality of French Reunification.
As the Commonwealth entered the 1990s, however, it was clear Wedgewood Benn was fading, physically at least. Decades of smoking, as well as heavy drinking picked up during his time in the Resistance, had robbed him of much of his strength, and it is now a matter of public record that he concealed the extent of his declining health from the public ahead of the 1988 election. A number of domestic scandals saw Shirley Williams fall to a landslide Parliamentary defeat to the resurgent right in the elections of 1993, forcing an awkward duopoly as Moore was appointed Premier. Moore would subsequently succeed Wedgewood Benn two years later, and he died a matter of months after leaving office. Nevertheless, he currently stands second only to Montgomery as the most influential Procurator of the post-war era.
Prior to his election, John Moore was always seen as the almost-man of British politics. His pretty boy, transatlantic swagger as Mayor of London and unofficial leader of the right had been much mocked in the media of the time, including a thinly-veiled cameo of Cassius Neoliberalus, the Latin School of Economics graduate in the pages of 0 AD. However, the years as the main thorn in the side of Wedgewood Benn had matured him, and by the time he was sworn into office after a comfortable, if not exactly vast margin over Bernard Donoughue, his motto of "Bring the Commonwealth Together" had gone someway to shedding his reputation as a conservative Rottweiler.
Moore's legacy, however, is mixed. His aloof and at times contradictory personality made him a respected but usually disliked Procurator, was brought up against a desire to reform the creaking British economy. Oftentimes accused of representing a pro-American, supply-side attitude to economics, Moore was unable to bring about the wide-spread reforms to the British state that he had once espoused as Mayor of London. As the promise of a calmer post-Cold War period gave way to the growing thread of civil conflict in India, the Balkans, and elsewhere, Moore soon found himself falling back on the trope much beloved of the British left, right, and centre, "blame it all on Mont Pelerin". The French-based international centre for classical liberalism had always been a useful scapegoat for Procurators of all parties, and Moore made heavy use of it whilst trying to force his own, even tepid, reforms to pensions and trades unions through the legislature. Indeed, it was this, just as much as Donoughue's own ineptness as leader of the Syndicalists, that led to what at the time was the most shocking election in the history of the Fifth Commonwealth.
The history of the far-right in British politics goes back to the first Revolution, and the beheading of Charles Stuart. However, whilst monarchists of the Stuart, Hanoverian, and Wellesleyan tendencies have all jostled for attention since the fall of the Second Empire, the tendency in recent years has been towards the populist, nativist end of the spectrum. Nevertheless, no one seemed as shocked as the man himself when Alan K. M. Clark snuck over the line in second place. The son of a semi-aristocratic family of Scottish-Irish descent, Clark had fallen upon hard times after the death of his father during the War. After a spell in the armed forces and a failed attempt as a military historian, Clark embraced the growing tendency of the New Right, aimed at breaking with the monarchist-leanings of the traditional extremes of British politics in favour of a more populist, worker focused tendency. Cutting his teeth as Arthur Chesterton's campaign manager in the 1965 election (during which the Rexist received a not-insignificant 5 percent of the vote), Clark became as an increasingly prominent figure on as both an intellectual thuggish figure for what would grow into the British Front, and now the National Rally (although he has subsequently broken with his former heir and ally, Anne-Marie Morris). However, prior to 2002, few, if any, thought that the man would be anything more than a fringe figure.
The shock of the first-round brought reports of a permanent fracturing of the "Commonwealth Front" into sharp focus. Syndicalists, Communists, Radicals and Ecologists alike, stung by the result, turned out in force as Moore faced Clark in the second round. With the world's media watching, the result was a foregone conclusion well before election day, and Moore was re-elected with what remains the largest landslide in British history - ahead of even Mornington-Wesley's victory as Prince-Procurator over a hundred and fifty years prior.
Yet, it was a victory that was certainly more anti-Clark as it was pro-Moore, and the latter's second term in office was marked by further antipathy and distrust, not least as the Head of State faced increasingly prominent corruption allegations. Increasingly in the shadow of his popular Interior Minister, he left office in 2007.
Michael Portillo's victory over Frances O'Grady was seen as a generational and social change in Commonwealth politics - with both candidates born after the War, and both representing a first for second round candidates, Portillo, the son of an exiled Spanish republican, and O'Grady, the first mainstream female candidate in an historically macho landscape. However, the campaign was marked by an increasingly bitter contest, with Portillo in particular moving towards increasingly hard-right policy positions on immigration and culture, in part to stave off a repeat of the previous election. His victory over O'Grady brought with it the usual riots and demonstrations from the left, but ominously, very little in the way of an active rally from the right. His election, coinciding as it did with the start of the Asian Currency Crisis and the Great Recession, was followed by a flashy but unpopular term in office - during which he did little to impress an increasingly irritated electorate by wearing colourful and unpresidential suits and spending more time travelling around on InterCityExpress for photo-ops, rather than dealing with the cost of living crisis. His defeat to the veteran backroom operator and General Secretary of the Syndicalist Party, David Prentis, surprised little but himself.
The one thing that Portillo could take solace in, perhaps, was that his hapless predecessor proved even more unpopular than he did. Taking office as the Commonwealth slowly emerged from the worst economic slump in forty years, Prentis soon found himself embittered as he haemorrhaged support from both right and left. Unpopular (if arguably necessary) labour reforms drew the ire of the Syndicalist base, whilst efforts to bring in further social reforms turned him into a figure of much distrust from the formally safe, if socially conservative voters in Yorkshire, the Midlands and elsewhere in Pink Wall that had previously served as the left's heartlands. As the British Front made inroads in the former heartlands, and the country was hit by a wave of terrorist attacks, Prentis soon found himself with the unenviable epitaph as the most unpopular Procurator in history.
Yet, in time, Prentis may be seen as being a more successful Head of State than many let on. Much of the policy framework of his successor was begun by him, especially on pensions and tax reform, whilst the ambitious reorganisation of the Commonwealth's administrative regions (including the merger of the hodgepodge of 24 regions into 12) will take years before it can be judged a failure or not. However, there is little doubt that the old power of the Syndicalist Party is but a shadow of what it was barely a few years ago. With approval figures reaching single-figures, Prentis became the first Procurator since the formation of the Fifth Commonwealth to forgo re-election.
Chuka Umunna's meteoric rise to the Whitehall could have been stopped by any number of things. Had he not chosen exactly the right moment to resign as Economy Minister, he may have been shackled with the aura of failure than doomed Prentis. Had The Constitutionalists selected anyone other than Christopher Grayling to be the standard bearer of the traditional right, there is little chance that his reformist, egocentric coalition would have been able to draw sufficient numbers of suburban voters to take him to the second round. Had he faced anyone other than Anne-Marie Morris - a figure still too far for the Commonwealth Front to take to heart, he would have cracked under the pressure of a more experienced rival. However, all is speculation. As it was - the fresh-faced, polyglot, Europhile, liberal entered office in 2017 as the first Procurator in the history of the Commonwealth to have not belong to either of the two main power blocks.
Umunna's legacy will take much to measure, even as he recovered from a more stressful than expected contest against Morris in last-week's rematch. With neither Morris, nor George Galloway's rag-tag Britain Arise expected to stand again in 2027, the future of the Commonwealth looks as unpredictable as it has ever done. Constitutionally illegible for a third term, Umunna may yet move to the realm of European supranational politics, leaving his movement to find another to rally around (or perhaps splinter). Much has been made of his former Prime Minister, Nicholas Clegg, who serves as both a more personable and liked candidate than his former boss, but whether the former liberal-conservative Mayor of Brighton can maintain his grip on the broad centre (perhaps remained New Commonwealth) in quite the same way, remains to be seen.
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- Pronouns
- he/him
Glorious work, m'lud.
I sometimes do write Alternate History, I just keep it very well hidden.
TheHatMan98
Well-known member
Yes, that's probably the most obscure one on the list. He's the Prime Minister in some Little Britain scits, and is never named on screen (had to do some double checking, I just remembered he was played by Anthony Head), but it dove tailed quite well with The Thick of it/In the Loop and the PM in those is never named either, nor the corpse of the PM in Doctor Who.
I'm also surprised you cast Adam Lang as a liberal as he is clearly written as a Blair analogue
TheHatMan98
Well-known member
I wanted to acknowledge The Ghost Writer but as far as Robert Harris’ books go I’ve thought it a bit overrated so probably prejudiced me against making him a PM in his own right. And if you’re going by the film versions, Piers Brosnan is already in the write up if you squint hard enough.
- Location
- Op een dag, Nederland.
- Pronouns
- she/her & ne/nem
The Rage of Blood
James VII and II (Stuart) 1685-1689
William III (Orange) and Mary II (Stuart) 1689
Pretender: James VII and II (Stuart)
James VII and II (Stuart) 1689 [dubious]
Pretenders: William III (Orange) and Mary II (Stuart)
William III (Orange) and Mary II (Stuart) 1689-1694
Pretender: James VII and II (Stuart)
William III (Orange) 1694-1702
Pretenders: James VII and II (Stuart) -1701 / James VIII and III (Stuart) 1701-
Anne (Stuart) 1702-1714
Pretender: James VIII and III (Stuart)
Sophia (Wittelsbach) 1714
Pretender: James VIII and III (Stuart)
George I (Hanover) 1714-1715
Pretender: James VIII and III (Stuart)
James VIII and III (Stuart) 1715-1719
Pretender: George I (Hanover)
George I (Hanover) 1719-1727
Pretender: James VIII and III (Stuart)
George II (Hanover) 1727-1745
Pretender: James VIII and III (Stuart)
James VIII and III (Stuart) 1745-1747
Pretender: George II (Hanover)
Charles III (Stuart) 1747-1763
Pretenders: George II (Hanover) -1760 / George III (Hanover) 1760-
George III (Hanover) 1763-1765
Pretender: Charles III (Stuart)
George IV (Hanover) 1765-1801
Pretenders: Charles III (Stuart) -1788 / Charlotte (Stuart) 1788-
Charlotte I (Stuart) 1801-1804
Pretender: George IV (Hanover)
George IV (Hanover) 1804-1830
Pretenders: Charlotte I (Stuart) -1805 / Charles IV (Roehenstart) 1805-
Charlotte I (Hanover) 1830-1837 [enumerated by historians as Charlotte II]
Pretender: Charles IV (Roehenstart)
William IV (Orange-Nassau) 1837-???? [also William III of the Netherlands from 1843 on]
Pretender: Charles IV (Roehenstart)
The "Rage of Blood" has demolished England. Already the chants of the Commonwealthmen has gained succour barely two centuries after the Civil War. At this point, everyone, from peasants to the most high, are vicars of Bray, willing to obey either the Hanovers and the Oranges, or the Stuarts and Roehenstarts, depending on who is the one in charge. At this point, it's all grinding, all exhausting. The First Lord is now the same one appointed by William IV and Charles IV and both acknowledge Parliament as the supreme legislature in the land. Yes, even the Jacobites has done that.
What went wrong? Was it 1689? Was it how that went off badly and led to a brief second Civil War and the King back on the throne for a few months? Was it 1715 when George I refused to return from Hanover and allowed the lay of the land open for the returning James VIII? Was it the German-funded armies landing in 1719? The French in 1745? The Eight Years War in 1763? The Landing of 1803? Lots of thoughts but it is clear that England remains bedevilled by tears and civil war in the 19th century, just as it had the misfortune to do so in the 17th century.
There is already murmurs you know. The Commonwealthmen aren't unpopular. And people do want to return to stability, which was only enjoyed under Charles III and George IV. Perhaps dynastic rule isn't all it's shaken up to be. Maybe it's time for a republic once more.
As the continent plunges into its latest destructive succession war, what is it this time, the War of the Italian Succession, Charles IV has received French troops to 'restore his kingdom'. The Roehenstarts may sit on the throne again it seems. The First Lord is already making plans...
But it does feel as if Europe is pulled tight by endless dynastic wars, and something will give. There's already news of riots in London, you know. Not pro-Roehenstart. But neither pro-Orange either, especially as the King is off leading the Dutch troops in Germany. Charles IV will likely sit on the throne as the latest in a long line of bitter dynastic strife, but will he last on it? Or will things snap and he experience the fate of the first Charles?
Who knows. Things are at the brink. Something will snap.
God help us all.
James VII and II (Stuart) 1685-1689
William III (Orange) and Mary II (Stuart) 1689
Pretender: James VII and II (Stuart)
James VII and II (Stuart) 1689 [dubious]
Pretenders: William III (Orange) and Mary II (Stuart)
William III (Orange) and Mary II (Stuart) 1689-1694
Pretender: James VII and II (Stuart)
William III (Orange) 1694-1702
Pretenders: James VII and II (Stuart) -1701 / James VIII and III (Stuart) 1701-
Anne (Stuart) 1702-1714
Pretender: James VIII and III (Stuart)
Sophia (Wittelsbach) 1714
Pretender: James VIII and III (Stuart)
George I (Hanover) 1714-1715
Pretender: James VIII and III (Stuart)
James VIII and III (Stuart) 1715-1719
Pretender: George I (Hanover)
George I (Hanover) 1719-1727
Pretender: James VIII and III (Stuart)
George II (Hanover) 1727-1745
Pretender: James VIII and III (Stuart)
James VIII and III (Stuart) 1745-1747
Pretender: George II (Hanover)
Charles III (Stuart) 1747-1763
Pretenders: George II (Hanover) -1760 / George III (Hanover) 1760-
George III (Hanover) 1763-1765
Pretender: Charles III (Stuart)
George IV (Hanover) 1765-1801
Pretenders: Charles III (Stuart) -1788 / Charlotte (Stuart) 1788-
Charlotte I (Stuart) 1801-1804
Pretender: George IV (Hanover)
George IV (Hanover) 1804-1830
Pretenders: Charlotte I (Stuart) -1805 / Charles IV (Roehenstart) 1805-
Charlotte I (Hanover) 1830-1837 [enumerated by historians as Charlotte II]
Pretender: Charles IV (Roehenstart)
William IV (Orange-Nassau) 1837-???? [also William III of the Netherlands from 1843 on]
Pretender: Charles IV (Roehenstart)
The "Rage of Blood" has demolished England. Already the chants of the Commonwealthmen has gained succour barely two centuries after the Civil War. At this point, everyone, from peasants to the most high, are vicars of Bray, willing to obey either the Hanovers and the Oranges, or the Stuarts and Roehenstarts, depending on who is the one in charge. At this point, it's all grinding, all exhausting. The First Lord is now the same one appointed by William IV and Charles IV and both acknowledge Parliament as the supreme legislature in the land. Yes, even the Jacobites has done that.
What went wrong? Was it 1689? Was it how that went off badly and led to a brief second Civil War and the King back on the throne for a few months? Was it 1715 when George I refused to return from Hanover and allowed the lay of the land open for the returning James VIII? Was it the German-funded armies landing in 1719? The French in 1745? The Eight Years War in 1763? The Landing of 1803? Lots of thoughts but it is clear that England remains bedevilled by tears and civil war in the 19th century, just as it had the misfortune to do so in the 17th century.
There is already murmurs you know. The Commonwealthmen aren't unpopular. And people do want to return to stability, which was only enjoyed under Charles III and George IV. Perhaps dynastic rule isn't all it's shaken up to be. Maybe it's time for a republic once more.
As the continent plunges into its latest destructive succession war, what is it this time, the War of the Italian Succession, Charles IV has received French troops to 'restore his kingdom'. The Roehenstarts may sit on the throne again it seems. The First Lord is already making plans...
But it does feel as if Europe is pulled tight by endless dynastic wars, and something will give. There's already news of riots in London, you know. Not pro-Roehenstart. But neither pro-Orange either, especially as the King is off leading the Dutch troops in Germany. Charles IV will likely sit on the throne as the latest in a long line of bitter dynastic strife, but will he last on it? Or will things snap and he experience the fate of the first Charles?
Who knows. Things are at the brink. Something will snap.
God help us all.
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- Location
- Sandford, Gloucestershire
- Pronouns
- She/They
AnActualFam
Well-known member
- Location
- Somewhere at Sea
- Pronouns
- He/They
1961-1963 John F. Kennedy/Henry Jackson (Democratic)
1960 def. Richard Nixon/Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. (Republican)
1963-1965 Henry Jackson/VACANT
1965-1969 Henry Jackson/Robert McNamara (Democratic)
1964 def. Barry Goldwater/Clare Booth Luce (Republican)
1969-???? George F. Kennan/Abraham Ribicoff (Democratic)
1968 def. Richard Nixon/Robert Finch (Republican), George Wallace/Happy Chandler (American Independent)
If you would have told the SDS in 1962 that one of their candidates would win the presidency only 6 years later, they would have been shocked, but they would have been even more shocked when they heard who was leading the charge. George Kennan never did like the New Left much, thinking them secular and wanting change too fast and too quick, but he allied with them as Vietnam got worse with over a million deployed by 1967 and even more by 1968. The full force angered Kennan as he saw the US squander opportunity after opportunity and tried to mount a quixotic bid for the Democratic nomination. In a shock, he beat Jackson in New Hampshire and led to a long bruising primary that led to him coming out on top thanks to a united front of those who wanted the war to be over. Now Kennan is president after aligning himself with the New Left while still trying to create a better world, especially with the help of the quiet workhorse Senate Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson for at least 4 years. Who knows where the US goes next and even if the New Left will survive someone they backed out of convenience wins the presidency.
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The Champ Is Here
1913-1921: Theodore Roosevelt (Republican)
1929-1933: Frank O. Lowden (Republican)
Continuation of my list from the current list contest. Didn't post the whole thing there as it wasn't relevant to the baseball. What we have here is your average "liberal Republicans conservative Democrats" or more accurately "state socialist Republicans" and "business liberal Democrats" where where the Republicans nationalize a new industry every time they win an election and Democrats respond by reducing top rate taxes from 99% to 98.9% as a show of force. The swing demographic in American elections is rural (Protestant) whites who are totally friendly with non-white people when the economy is good and not so much when not. Republican base is black voters, Catholic white ethnic (Italian, Irish), Jews, concentrated in urban areas and the southern Black Belt, the Northeast, the big cities of the Midwest. Democrat base is urban whites, rich people, high education, concentrated in other parts of the same urban areas and also the "suburbs", as well as the white south. Typical swing states are Ohio, Michigan, Florida, California, Oregon, West Virginia, New Jersey, Louisiana. The chief political division in modern society is the federal government vs states. The state's right to what? State's right to exist, considering how much policy is dictated by various alphabet agencies at every level. State governments are increasingly sidelined and will soon have no purpose other than announcing holidays and settling disputes between their lower parts. Or so Democrats would have you believe. "It's called the United States, you know."
1913-1921: Theodore Roosevelt (Republican)
1912: Theodore Roosevelt/Hiram Johnson (Republican) def. Champ Clark/John Burke (Democratic), William Jennings Bryan/various (faithless electors), Eugene V. Debs/Emil Seidel (Socialist)
1916: Theodore Roosevelt/Miles Poindexter (Republican) def. William Jennings Bryan/A. Mitchell Palmer (Democratic), Allan Benson/Kate Richards O'Hare (Socialist)
1921-1927: Herbert Hoover (Democratic)1920: Herbert Hoover/Franklin D. Roosevelt (Democratic) def. Leonard Wood/John M. Parker (Republican), Eugene V. Debs/James Maurer (Socialist)
1924: Herbert Hoover/Franklin D. Roosevelt (Democratic) def. Robert La Follette/Parley Christensen (Republican)
1927-1929: Franklin D. Roosevelt (Democratic)1929-1933: Frank O. Lowden (Republican)
1928: Frank O. Lowden/William E. Borah (Republican) def. Franklin D. Roosevelt/Joseph T. Robinson (Democratic), Norman Thomas/James Maurer (Socialist)
1933-1937: Upton Sinclair (Socialist)1932: Upton Sinclair/Fiorello La Guardia (Socialist) def. Bennett Champ Clark/Newton D. Baker (Democratic), Frank O. Lowden/William E. Borah (Republican)
1937-1945: Burton K. Wheeler (Democratic)1936: Burton K. Wheeler/George Dern (Democratic) def. Robert La Follette Jr./George Norris (Republican), Upton Sinclair/Fiorello La Guardia (Socialist)
1940: Burton K. Wheeler/Wendell Willkie (Democratic) def. Harold L. Ickes/William Lemke (Republican), Smedley Butler/Chandler Owen (Socialist)
1945-1953: Henry A. Wallace (Republican)1944: Henry A. Wallace/A. Philip Randolph (Republican) def. James F. Byrnes/Happy Chandler (Democratic)
1948: Henry A. Wallace/A. Philip Randolph (Republican) def. Joseph P. Kennedy, Jr./George S. Patton (Democratic)
1953-1961: Lyndon B. Johnson (Democratic)1952: Lyndon B. Johnson/Richard Nixon (Democratic) def. A. Philip Randolph/Quentin Roosevelt (Republican)
1956: Lyndon B. Johnson/Richard Nixon (Democratic) def. George Romney/Hubert H. Humphrey (Republican)
1961-1969: Paul Douglas (Republican)1960: Paul Douglas/Jackie Robinson (Republican) def. Richard Nixon/Brien McMahon (Democratic)
1964: Paul Douglas/Jackie Robinson (Republican) def. Otto Kerner Jr./George Wallace (Democratic), Edwin Walker/Ezra Taft Benson (Action!)
1969-1977: Walter Reuther (Republican)1968: Walter Reuther/Orval Faubus (Republican) def. George Wallace/Ed Edmondson (Democratic), Wayne Morse/Eugene McCarthy (Peace), William F. Buckley/Fred C. Koch (Action!)
1972: Walter Reuther/Orval Faubus (Republican) def. Ralph Yarborough/Harold Hughes (Democratic)
1977-1985: Basil Paterson (Republican)1976: Basil Paterson/Barry Goldwater (Republican) def. Adlai Stevenson III/Daniel Inouye (Democratic)
1980: Basil Paterson/Barry Goldwater (Republican) def. Moon Landrieu/Edward Brooke (Democratic), George Wallace/Dianne Goldman (People's Democratic)
1985-1993: Richard Nixon (Democratic)1984: Richard Nixon/John F. Kennedy (Democratic) def. Frank Church/Tom Hayden (Republican), Lawrence P. McDonald/L. R. Hubbard (Reaction)
1988: Richard Nixon/John F. Kennedy (Democratic) def. Jerry Brown/Sinclair Goode (Republican), Lyndon LaRouche/Dixy Lee Ray (True Republican)
1993-2001: Gordon Robertson (Democratic)1992: Gordon Robertson/Rudolph Giuliani (Democratic) def. Harold M. Ickes/Paul McCloskey (Republican)
1996: Gordon Robertson/Rudolph Giuliani (Democratic) def. Bernard Sanders/Harry Reid (Republican)
2001-2009: Franklin D. Roosevelt III (Republican)2000: Franklin D. Roosevelt III/Joe Biden (Republican) def. Rudolph Giuliani/James E. Carter (Democratic)
2004: Franklin D. Roosevelt III/Joe Biden (Republican) def. William Bennett/Linda Smith (Democratic)
2009-2017: Angela Kennedy (Democratic)2008: Angela Kennedy/Steve Beshear (Democratic) def. Joe Biden/Peter Camejo (Republican), Ernie Chambers/Mike Gravel (Socialist Republican)
2012: Angela Kennedy/Steve Beshear (Democratic) def. David Paterson/Andrew Romanoff (Republican)
2017-pres: Laura Dern (Democratic)2016: Laura Dern/John Garamendi (Democratic) def. Joe Biden III/Cedric Richmond (Republican)
2020: Laura Dern/John Garamendi (Democratic) def. Anthony K. Jones/Tina Rutnik (Republican), George Bush/Roger Goodell (Save The Economy)
Continuation of my list from the current list contest. Didn't post the whole thing there as it wasn't relevant to the baseball. What we have here is your average "liberal Republicans conservative Democrats" or more accurately "state socialist Republicans" and "business liberal Democrats" where where the Republicans nationalize a new industry every time they win an election and Democrats respond by reducing top rate taxes from 99% to 98.9% as a show of force. The swing demographic in American elections is rural (Protestant) whites who are totally friendly with non-white people when the economy is good and not so much when not. Republican base is black voters, Catholic white ethnic (Italian, Irish), Jews, concentrated in urban areas and the southern Black Belt, the Northeast, the big cities of the Midwest. Democrat base is urban whites, rich people, high education, concentrated in other parts of the same urban areas and also the "suburbs", as well as the white south. Typical swing states are Ohio, Michigan, Florida, California, Oregon, West Virginia, New Jersey, Louisiana. The chief political division in modern society is the federal government vs states. The state's right to what? State's right to exist, considering how much policy is dictated by various alphabet agencies at every level. State governments are increasingly sidelined and will soon have no purpose other than announcing holidays and settling disputes between their lower parts. Or so Democrats would have you believe. "It's called the United States, you know."