• Hi Guest!

    The costs of running this forum are covered by Sea Lion Press. If you'd like to help support the company and the forum, visit patreon.com/sealionpress

Lists of Heads of Government and Heads of State

1974–1976: Tommy Douglas (New Democratic)
Feb. 1974 def. Robert Stanfield (Progressive Conservative), Paul Hellyer (Liberal), René Levesque (Parti National)
Oct. 1974 def. Robert Stanfield (Progressive Conservative), Paul Hellyer (Liberal), René Levesque (Parti National)

1976–1979: David Lewis (New Democratic)
1979–1990: Flora MacDonald (Progressive Conservative)

1979 def. David Lewis (New Democratic), John Turner (Liberal)
1983 def. Mel Watkins (New Democratic), John Turner (Liberal)
1987 def. Ed Broadbent (New Democratic), John Turner (Liberal)

1990–1997: Brian Mulroney (Progressive Conservative)
1992 def. Ed Broadbent (New Democratic), Jean Chrétien (Liberal)
1997–2007: Jack Layton (New Democratic)
1997 def. Brian Mulroney (Progressive Conservative), Jean Chrétien (Liberal)
2001 def. Brian Pallister (Progressive Conservative), Sheila Copps (Liberal)
2005 def. Vic Toews (Progressive Conservative), Sheila Copps (Liberal)

2007–2010: Robert Chisholm (New Democratic)
2010–2016: Scott Brison (Progressive Conservative-Liberal coalition, then Progressive Conservative)

2010 def. Robert Chisholm (New Democratic), Justin Trudeau (Liberal)
2015 def. Peter Julian (New Democratic), Martine Ouellet (Parti National), Justin Trudeau (Liberal)

2016–2019: Alison Redford (Progressive Conservative)
2017 def. Alexandre Boulerice (New Democratic), Martine Ouellet (Parti National), Stéphane Dion (Liberal)
2019–0000: Kevin O'Leary (Progressive Conservative)
2019 def. Alexandre Boulerice (New Democratic), Martine Ouellet (Parti National), Mélanie Joly (Liberal)
 
Cross-posting my entry from the last list challenge here as a reminder that there's just 10 days to get your entry in for this month's challenge! Link is in my sig.

A Penny Loaf
Covenanters of the British Republican Army:
1781-1785: George Gordon
1785-1787: John Rippon
1787-1891: did not exist as a coherent organisation
1891-1903:
John Kesnit
1903-1905: George Wise
1905-1911: George Wise (civilian leader), Fred Crawford (military leader)
1911-1916: Alexander Ratcliffe (civilian leader), Fred Crawford (military leader)
1916-1954: supressed, did not exist as a coherent organisation
1954-1967: William Weir Gilmour
1967-1975: Ron Henderson (southern branch), William Weir Gilmour (northern branch)
1975-1989: Roddy MacDonald
1989-1997: Daniel Houston (civilian leader), Johnny Adair (military leader)
1997-2006: Phil Moffat (civilian leader), Johnny Adair (military leader)

The Annotated Edition: Peter Mason's infamous "Bonfire Night Speech", 2005

In this time of trouble, what we desperately need is some context.

From the moment James II ascended to the throne, reunification with Rome began. A foreign hierarchy were imported over, bolstered by small numbers of existing recusants happy to welcome them over the water. Parliament's hopes were dashed when the Dutch fleet sunk in storm, and his majesty decided to import continental absolutism along with continental faith. The Papists controlled the government, the church, the purse-strings. The only thing out of their control was the people.

Riots against the forces of Popery were constant for decades, but it was only until our First Foundation that they became organised [1]. The Martyr Rippon correctly realised that aristocracy would always be welded to Rome--indeed, what is a king but a Pope over a nation? The blood of the nobles of England was the blood of those who once swore to serve the Pope, and their rule was backed up by the bog-dwelling hordes blindly loyal to their Romish priests[2]. As we saw in the War of the Three Kingdoms, Protestant power can only be safeguarded by a strong military-led republic, with the baser impulses of the masses held in check by a council of the strong and virtuous. To this noble cause, The Martyr Gordon, who while Catholic by birth had had himself baptised into Christianity, provided worldly assistance.

Our first rising ended in, let us be honest here, a failure. We had not the might of arms, nor the might of strategy, to succeed, and Queen Charlotte escaped the assassin's bullet by the ignoble heroism of her carriage-driver. Our leaders were martyred [3], and our forces driven underground for centuries [4]. But we survived, because the Christian faith in these isles will never die. The Martyr Kesnit and the Martyr Gilmour [5] would evolve our teachings for a new era, properly exploring the distinction between the Scottish and English republics and the military and secular republics. The Martyr Crawford and Martyr MacDonald would create new tactics for a new age, allowing us to hide like Gideon in the winepress until the time came to strike. Just like we struck today.

Once upon a time, a traitor, a man named Guy Fawkes, was righteously executed. On that day, the people of this country once celebrated their freedom from Rome's tyranny by recreating the fires of Perdition that he now suffers in [6]. Today, we hope men will celebrate this day once more, but this time in the recreation of a more earthly fire. A cleansing flame, that shall sweep Popery from this land.

As I speak, the Houses of Parliament, a speaking-place for ennobled lapdogs of a Popish monarch [7], have suffered the fate Fawkes once planned for them. I see no reason why this gunpowder treason will ever be forgot. Soon, by this sign, our legions will rise up, and the glorious work of three centuries will be accomplished[8].

Goodnight, and may the Lord be the shade at your right hand.
_____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

[1] This is a highly disingenuous reading of history. Sidney's Rebellion lasted up until 1715, and at its height the Council of Five controlled sizeable chunks of Britain--even at one point threatening London. Indeed, most of the early BRA consisted of Sidneyite veterans.

[2] This element of Rippon's politico-theology was very clearly influenced by the use of Irish auxiliaries loyal to Charles III as auxiliary police to keep the peace in London, something that was noted by many other commentators as an unusual level of dependence on Ireland. While somewhat less aggressive, Catholic English rulers still tended to neglect Ireland at best, and Irish feelings toward the restored crown slowly dipped from its early heights to a more usual dislike and distrust.

[3] Well, Rippon was martyred at any rate--it is now universally-accepted that the "Moishe bar Avraham of Crakow" imprisoned in Inverness for trying to claim parts of the Gordon estate was, in fact, Gordon himself, and possibly the same as "the Scottish Gentleman" described in Bosko's An Oral History of the Jews of Krakow.

[4] To be frank, any attempt at claiming direct historical continuity between the first and second BRA is complete nonsense, and Kesnit was in this regard little more than a fabulist.

[5] Gilmour died of complications from having his gallbladder removed. Just putting that out there.

[6] As a martyr to Catholicism's cause in England, Fawkes is certainly not in Hell, and most likely out of Purgatory.

[7] Once again, the BRA ignore the actual facts to fit their ideology. There had been multiple designated representatives of the unlanded in the Commons for decades by this point, acting as a valuable check on legislation from the Lords.

[8] Technically not a fact-check, as Mason had no way to know this, but the glorious legions of Protestantism were twatted by the British Army in Glasgow and Liverpool, and their leaders justly hung drawn and quartered at Tyburn. Vivat Carolus VI rex.
 


Today, many wonder why a consistently liberal state like Massachusetts has produced such conservative politicians on the national level. Only the recent election of the libertarian progressive Mike Connolly has shifted the national perception of the Massachusetts Democrats. Prior to his 2020 Senate victory over Republican Seth Moulton, most Massachusetts Democrats were portrayed as backward and heavily Catholic reactionaries. While this brand of Democrat championed the image of President Kennedy, they didn't accept many of his policies.

Until recently, historical accounts have neglected to describe the scale of segregation in the North, even though it was widely known at the time. In June 1963, months before the assassination of President Kennedy, the NAACP demanded an acknowledgment of segregation in Boston schools. Despite there being over 13 schools with a black population of 90% or more, the council remained deadlocked on the issue. All of this was due to one member of the Boston school committee - Chairwoman Louise Day Hicks.

Ever since she ran on being "the only mother on the ballot" in 1961, Hicks was Massachusetts' most controversial politician. Hicks claimed that accusations of segregation in Boston were merely an attempt to distract from more serious issues facing African-Americans. In response to critics, she pointed to heavily Chinese schools in Chinatown, heavily Italian-American schools in the North End, and heavily Irish-American schools in South Boston.

Despite support for Hicks, Republican Governor John Volpe signed the Racial Imbalance Act, which would withhold state funds for any school district with a racial imbalance. The Act was upheld despite a series of legal challenges.

With an open field in the Boston mayoral election, Hicks naturally stepped into the race. The frontrunner was the staunch liberal Kevin White, who had strong support with blacks and Italians for his tenants' rights advocacy. While the typically neutral Boston Globe went out of their way to endorse White, Hicks narrowly won, running on the slogan "You know where I stand."

1967 Boston Mayoral Election
Louise Day Hicks (D) - 50.4%
Kevin White (D) - 49.6%

1968 remains enshrined as America's chaotic year, and Boston was at the center of the heat. The United States Supreme Court rejected a final appeal of the Racial Imbalance Act, furthering the divide between Boston and the rest of America. Like several other major cities, Boston fell into rioting after the assassination of Martin Luther King. The already angered black population was further upset by Hicks' decision to shut down a previously scheduled James Brown concert. While disturbances had been limited to the Roxbury section of Boston, they quickly spread throughout the city.

Massachusetts' malaise continued with the death of yet another Kennedy brother. With a young woman in his car, Senator Kennedy drowned off of Chappaquidick Island. The young Massachusetts Senator was seen as the last hope for the Kennedy family and the only hope for Democrats to take on President Nixon in 1972.

Nixon had been terrified of a Kennedy candidacy and privately felt a sign of relief. The animosity between the poor Quaker and the kids of an Irish Catholic elite was over. Republicans quickly turned their attention to the special election for Kennedy's seat, hoping for an all-GOP delegation for the first time since JFK's election in 1952.

The Democratic nominee was Kennedy's Ambassador to India and prominent Vietnam critic Ken Galbraith, known as a staunch liberal. Despite a period of mourning for Senator Kennedy, Galbraith narrowly trailed his Republican opponent Marty Linsky...until he was pulled over with a prostitute in his car.

1969 Massachusetts Senate Special Election
Ken Galbraith (D) - 54.55%
Marty Linsky (R) - 44.59%

Recognizing that many considered her an embarrassment to the City of Boston, Louise Day Hicks chose to retire after one term as Mayor. Instead, she embarked on a long-shot bid for Governor of Massachusetts, facing off against Republican incumbent Francis Sargent. Running on a similar platform to her 1967 campaign, Hicks found herself winning over "conservative in heart" voters across the state. While she was unsuccessful, the level of statewide support for her campaign shocked observers.

1970 Massachusetts Gubernatorial Election
Francis Sargent / Donald Dwight (R) - 52.97%
Louise Day Hicks / Michael Dukakis (D) - 46.50%

While the state adamantly rejected his subsequent presidential efforts, George McGovern had won the Massachusetts primary with over 50% of the vote. Much like in 1968, McGovern was seen as the stand-in candidate for the Kennedys and enjoyed the support of Senator Galbraith.

After the collapse of Edmund Muskie’s campaign and the attempted assassination of George Wallace, the establishment favorite Hubert Humphrey became McGovern’s sole opponent. While the South Dakota Senator prevailed, it was a contentious battle. On top of that, McGovern’s anti-war stance alienated Southern Wallaceites, white ethnics, and organized labor.

As a result, McGovern struggled to find a running mate, with Walter Mondale, Ralph Nader, Frank Church, and several others declining to join the ticket. While Missouri’s Thomas Eagleton was eventually nominated, he was forced to reveal that he had been hospitalized for bouts of depression two weeks into the campaign. While McGovern claimed he was behind Eagleton "1000%," he later asked him to leave the ticket. Forcing Eagleton to withdraw hurt McGovern more than the electroshock therapy scandal, and the South Dakota Senator was now forced to repeat his vice presidential search.

The McGovern attempted to reach Ambassador to France and Kennedy brother-in-law Sargent Shriver but were once again unable to get in contact with him. Truly desperate, the campaign was forced to name a man loathed by all sides - one Jimmy Carter of Georgia.

After staunchly criticizing McGovern during the 1972 Democratic Convention, Governor Carter asked Senator Scoop Jackson (at 4 am!) if he could get himself on the ticket with McGovern. While Jackson refused the first time, he was truly angry the second time Carter called him. As a result, he agreed to get McGovern on the ticket out of pure spite, anticipating a humiliating defeat in November.

While some optimists felt Carter could win back Southerners upset with Nixon's choice of Senator Edward Brooke as his running mate, the obvious animosity between McGovern and Carter was felt in the general election. The two rarely appeared together and refused to raise their arms at a pre-election rally. Furthermore, the realization that electing Carter as Vice President would only return arch-segregationalist Lieutenant Governor Lester Maddox to the governorship of Georgia made a lot of liberals uncomfortable. To add insult to injury, it was revealed that Sargent Shriver had, in fact, received McGovern's message and was willing to accept the VP spot.

The disastrous campaign produced a 50 state landslide for President Nixon, with McGovern winning the District of Columbia. Brooke's presence on the Republican ticket even produced a Republican victory in anti-war Massachusetts, with Republican Margaret Heckler easily defeating Democrat John Droney in the race for Brooke's Senate seat.

1972 Presidential Election in Massachusetts
Richard Nixon / Edward Brooke (R) - 50.18%
George McGovern / Jimmy Carter (D) - 49.25%

While things looked dim for the Democratic Party, the revelations of the Watergate scandal put an end to the Nixonian "Era of Good Feelings." The 1974 midterms were a landslide for Congressional Democrats, though they were unable to capture the Massachusetts governorship. Louise Day Hicks was now the frontrunner, but the Republicans tactfully primaried the unpopular Governor Sargent in favor of real estate executive Carroll Sheehan.

Due to the ruling in Morgan v. Hennigan, Boston schools were legally ordered to desegregate through redistricting and busing. In response, at least 40 anti-busing riots occurred between September 1974 and September 1976. While Sheehan used the images of Boston burning to attack Hicks' supporters, he was only able to win by a narrow margin in November. This has been attributed to Hicks, William Bulger, and Raymond Flynn urging rioters to let black students into South Boston High. Despite 25 injuries and the destruction of 6 police cars, many felt Hicks' intervention deescalated tensions.

1974 Massachusetts Gubernatorial Election
Carroll Sheehan / Donald Dwight (R) - 49.9%
Louise Day Hicks / Thomas P. O'Neill III (D) - 49.3%

Violence broke out again after the assassination of President Edward Brooke and Governor Ronald Reagan on September 5, 1975. The assassin, Squeaky Fromme, was a member of the Manson family cult that had previously murdered actress Sharon Tate. As part of their investigations, the 1978 House Select Committee on Assassinations concluded it was "unlikely" the Manson murders were part of a larger conspiracy.

While Brooke and Reagan were the frontrunners for the Republican nomination in 1976, the assassination of the first black president was a deeply traumatic event. Just seven years after the murder of Martin Luther King, riots once again broke out across the nation. Boston, which was already hit by racial unrest, was now at a level of unprecedented violence.

As the nation sought to pick a new president, Boston turned to an unlikely figure. While even Louise Day Hicks referred to him as bigoted, the former segregationist governor of Alabama George Wallace began rising in the polls as a champion of the anti-busing issue. While Wallace himself seemed shocked by his support in Yankee land, his largely restored health allowed him to devote periodic time to campaign appearances in South Boston.

While Wallace was the most openly anti-busing candidate, he had to contend with Senator Scoop Jackson, whose other policies were much more in line with mainstream liberalism. Additionally, the field contained Kennedy brother-in-law Sargent Shriver, the mainstream liberal Mo Udall, and the left-wing populist Fred Harris (who secured an upset in the Iowa caucus).

Wallace strategist Richard Viguerie used his pioneering strategy of direct mail advertising to promote pro-Wallace literature across South Boston in an attempt to drive up turnout. Despite Viguerie's lack of experience with Massachusetts politics (such as when he claimed Harris was endorsed by socialist activist Michael Harrington instead of Rep. Michael J. Harrington), his tactics worked in bringing home a strong showing for the governor.

While anti-busing was obviously the highlight of his campaign, Wallace used more coded language by speaking out against "big government," "exotic liberals" and "ultra-elitists." Despite this, Wallace's rallies were filled with posters saying "busing is not the answer."

Despite only winning 8% in 1972 and polls showing him with only 10% of the vote, Wallace secured an outright victory with 22% of the primary electorate. Sargent Shriver, who hoped to emerge from Massachusetts as the liberal favorite, now struggled to continue his campaign.

1976 Democratic Presidential Primary in Massachusetts
George Wallace (D-AL) - 22.3%
Sargent Shriver (D-MD) - 17.2%
Scoop Jackson (D-WA) - 16.7%
Morris Udall (D-AZ) - 14.8%
Fred Harris (D-OK) - 13.9%
Birch Bayh (D-IN) - 5.5%
In 1975, the idea of a Wallace supporter was personified by the pro-Wallace anthem "Sweet Home Alabama." Now, the prototype of a Wallaceite was an Irish-American Catholic from the Southie projects. While the South locked in his corner, Wallace could focus his efforts on the white ethnic vote in the Midwest.

While mainstream liberals could have easily stopped Wallace if they united their efforts behind a single candidate, there were several obstacles in their way. Liberal stalwart Hubert Humphrey refused to officially jump into the race while leaving the door open to eventually putting his name forward. Even if Humphrey refused to run, the party establishment was clearly uncomfortable with Fred Harris, whose platform included public ownership of industries and abolishing the CIA. As the most moderate liberal, Scoop Jackson may have consolidated support around him, but he left his name off of the primary ballots in several states. Udall struggled with black voters due to the white supremacist aspects of the Mormon faith, while the last-minute entry of Frank Church failed to get off of the ground.

Despite being associated with the stand in the schoolhouse door and The Soiling of Old Glory, George Wallace was now the Democratic nominee for president.

1976 Democratic Presidential Primary
George Wallace (D-AL) - 39.2%
Fred Harris (D-OK) - 18.1%
Scoop Jackson (D-WA) - 10.5%
Mo Udall (D-AZ) - 8.5%
Frank Church (D-ID) - 6.2%
Sargent Shriver (D-MD) - 5.3%
Despite his unpopularity with much of the country, Wallace's devoted supporters kept him viable as a presidential candidate. His opponent, Senator James Buckley, was just the opposite. While a well-off Catholic from New England, he alienated the Eastern seaboard with his staunch conservatism. At the same time, his background alienated Southerners who backed their native son for the presidency. Ironically, Buckley did pick up the support of Delaware Senator Joe Biden, who loathed Wallace for his former segregationalist views.

Those seeking another path...a "Third Force"...organized in an attempt to stop the right-wing candidates from both parties. Organized by Oregon Governor Tom McCall and former Minnesota Senator Eugene McCarthy, the "Third Force" convention requested that consumer advocate Ralph Nader run for their nomination. While reluctant to run, Nader agreed to actively campaign if supporters could get his name on the ballot in all 50 states.

While they were unable to fully achieve their goal, Nader immediately surged in the polls. As Buckley and Wallace neared their floor, some even speculated if Nader could become the first independent president. While these projections were inaccurate, the Third Force was certainly popular in New England.

1976 U.S. Presidential Election in Massachusetts
George Wallace / Dan Walker (D) - 41.9%
James Buckley / Jim Rhodes (R) - 31.8%
Ralph Nader / Tom McCall (I) - 25.3%
Massachusets was the strongest state for the Nader / McCall ticket, which secured a more modest 16% of the vote nationwide. While Wallace's victory was disappointing for a Democratic candidate, Buckley's numbers were the lowest of any Republican (with the exception of Barry Goldwater's 23% in 1964). Massachusetts remained the lone New England state to vote for Wallace, with the Midwest and South also going for him. Washington DC's electoral votes were cast for an unpledged slate led by pastor and House delegate Walter Fauntroy.

While Wallace had a Democratic Congress, a divide emerged between the two. The president had won the primary based off of his staunch opposition to the Equal Rights Amendment and abortion rights, which put him in conflict with figures such as Republican Senator Margaret Heckler.

Defeating Heckler was going to be an uphill battle, as Heckler distanced herself from Nixon during Watergate without alienating Republicans. Her opponent, Rep. Paul Tsongas, won a bitter primary that featured pro-busing advocate Kathleen Sullivan Alioto and right-wing activist Howard Phillips. Despite Tsongas being to the left of Heckler (and earning a perfect score from Americans for Democratic Action), Heckler was able to present her opponent as a reactionary.

1978 U.S. Senate Election in Massachusetts
Margaret Heckler (R) - 53.3%
Paul Tsongas (D) - 48.7%
This contrasted with the gubernatorial race, where the Democrats ran an actual reactionary. Businessman Edward J. King prevailed over several popular liberals with prominent support from Massachusetts' business community, who saw that Sheehan had little chance of winning re-election.

Like Wallace, King was staunchly pro-life and advocated for the death penalty and mandatory sentences for drug dealers. While several Democrats (such as St. Rep. Barney Frank) endorsed the embattled Governor Sheehan, it was not enough to stop King's ascendency.

1978 Massachusetts Gubernatorial Election
Edward J. King / Thomas O'Neill III (D) - 54.8%
Carroll Sheehan / Donald Dwight (R) - 45.2%
Despite low approval ratings amongst liberals and Democrats, Wallace defeated primary challenges from Senator Joe Biden and Senator George McGovern. His sights turned to his general election opponent, former Governor and Secretary of the Treasury John Connally of Texas.


Unfortunately, Connally's reputation as a corrupt protege of LBJ and Nixon was inescapable. Moderates distrusted him due to his conservative stances while conservatives still saw him as a Democrat. Despite the poor economy, Wallace narrowly prevailed in the general election.

1980 Presidential Election in Massachusetts
George Wallace / Dan Walker (D) - 55.1%
John Connally / Robert Baumann (R) - 37.5%
Eugene McCarthy / William Clay Ford (T) - 6.4%
After over a dozen years in the Senate, John Kenneth Galbraith was getting tired of his job. Since his election in Nixon's first term, Galbraith saw the country shift to the right under a president from his own party. At the age of 74, Galbraith preferred to return to writing and occasional appearances on the lecture circuit.

The state of "Kennedy Democrats" had shifted with the country. Lousie Day Hicks may have retired from politics due to declining health, but several of the state's Democrats had policies in her image. While several Democrats opted not to run due to the strong candidacy of former Attorney General Elliot Richardson, Congressman Ed Markey emerged as the frontrunner by challenging the conservative consensus.

At 38, Markey had already severed in the U.S. House for six years and had earned a reputation as a staunch liberal, frequently collaborating with Senator Galbraith. Joining the field was the even younger James Shannon of Lawrence and William Bulger of South Boston.

The latter candidate, once seen as a minor threat, quickly rose in the polls. Born to an amputee and a first-generation Irish immigrant, Bulger worked his way out of the Southie projects into Boston College High School. While he was unpopular with the media and busing advocates, Bulger emerged as a powerbroker in Massachusetts politics.

In 1978, Bulger worked his way up to the presidency of the Massachusetts State Senate and was the host of the St. Patrick's Day breakfast, a charity roast of politicians. This earned him quite the acid tongue, with Bulger famously referring to Markey as someone with "bad hair and worse jokes."

Bulger's working-class background was too much for some Democrats, and many had questions about his brother, mob boss James "Whitey" Bulger. Despite this, the statewide profile that a competitive primary offered gave him a chance to overcome stereotypes about his image.

In one of the few positive results for Democrats in the 1982 midterms, Bulger held onto Galbraith's seat. Despite being outspent by the well-respected Richardson, high turnout in Boston and a slick campaign gave him a narrow victory.

1982 U.S. Senate Democratic Primary in Massachusetts
William Bulger (D) - 41.6%
Edward Markey (D) - 30.5%
James Shannon (D) - 27.7%

1982 U.S. Senate Election in Massachusetts
William Bulger (D) - 49.7%
Elliot Richardson (R) - 49.3%
The Senate upset in 1982 was more bad news for Senator Margaret Heckler. While she had won re-election in 1978, her next contest was in a presidential year. With the staunch Catholic and former New York Governor Hugh Carey at the top of the ticket, Democrats would be turning out en masse for their candidate.

While Carey was far more liberal than Wallace, he retained the president's push for molarity in politics. These issues were brought to Massachusetts when Senator Heckler's husband John filed for divorce, claiming physical and mental cruelty along with constructive desertion and abandonment. Senator Heckler filed her own complaint later that year, beginning a lengthy divorce trial that filled headlines in Washington and Massachusetts alike.

Sensing the opportunity, Governor King announced his candidacy, using his personal popularity to clear out the primary field. Unlike in 1978, however, King was to the right of Heckler on economic and social issues. As a result, King focused his campaign on the differences in personality between the candidates.

Despite strong undertones of sexism in his campaign and Governor Carey's loss to Senator Percy, King prevailed in a landslide against the incumbent. Heckler would later be named Ambassador to Ireland by President Percy and was confirmed despite objections from Senator Jesse Helms.

1984 U.S. Senate Election in Massachusetts
Edward J. King (D) - 56.4%
Margaret Heckler (R) - 43.6%

---

Bulger emerged as one of the most talented parliamentarians in the U.S. Senate, as he had in Massachusetts state politics. Many claimed that the most dangerous place to be in Washington was between Bulger and a TV camera, but his theatrics brought attention to statewide and national issues. In his time in the Senate, Bulger developed a close friendship with Senator Pat Moynihan, which provided him with a staunch ally upon Moyinhan's election to the presidency in 1988. Without Bulger's campaigning, it is likely that Massachusetts would have flipped to Republican candidate Frank Zappa in the contentious 1992 contest.

Upon the retirement of Senator Alan Cranston from his leadership roles, Bulger was named Senate Majority Whip in 1991, serving under Majority Leader Dan Inouye. During the tightening Democratic majorities in the late 1990s, Bulger ensured that Democrats remained a consistent bloc in Congress. His reputation as Inoyue's "hatchet man" was not without criticism, as Senator Joe Biden accused him of "mafia-style tactics" to prevent Biden's defection to the Republicans.

Bulger may have got the last laugh, as Biden lost re-election by a considerable margin in the 2002 midterms. With Inoyue's retirement, Bulger was the narrow favorite to become Senate Majority Leader for the 108th Congress. Unfortunately, his downfall soon followed.

While Bulger avoided talking about the crimes of brother Whitey (and even used him as an example of how far he had come), the notorious leader of the Winter Hill Gang was added to the Ten Most Wanted Fugitives list in 1999. After revelations of Whitey's ties to several government officials emerged, all eyes turned to the incoming Senate Majority Leader. Soon, it was revealed that William had communicated with his brother over the phone in 1995 and refused to notify authorities.

Despite claiming to have no relationship with his brother, William admitted that he felt Whitey giving himself up wasn't in his best interest. When the story broke, William proclaimed that he still loved his brother and believed the accusations against him were rumors. Questions were raised due to Whitey's status as an FBI informant, with many even thinking Whitey's past as MKUltra test subject motivated William's support for the abolishment of the CIA.

While William was granted immunity from prosecution for obstruction of justice, even holding his senate seat was untenable. In 2003, Massachusetts' last giant finally bowed out from politics.

---

At the time of Bulger's resignation, Massachusetts' other U.S. Senator was Mark Roosevelt. Being the great-grandson of Teddy Roosevelt, Mark spent most of his childhood reading any biography of the 26th President of the United States. After the retirement of Senator King in 1996, Roosevelt secured the nomination in a low-turnout primary on a moderate platform. While Roosevelt was in favor of the death penalty, he held pro-choice views on abortion rights, establishing a contrast with his predecessor.

1996 U.S. Senate Election in Massachusetts
Mark Roosevelt (D) - 51.1%
Mitt Romney (R) - 47.9%

After defeating his well-funded Republican opponent Mitt Romney in 1996, Roosevelt remained a comfortable incumbent into the 2010s, when he unexpectedly lost re-election to businessman Seth Moulton, a Republican. As previously mentioned, Moulton lost re-election to his challenger Mike Connolly in 2020.

---

Going into the 1998 Massachusetts gubernatorial election, all eyes were on Joseph P. Kennedy II. After a decade in Congress, the second child of Robert F. Kennedy put his name forward for statewide office. By all expectations, Kennedy should have been a shoo-in. No Kennedy had ever lost an election in Massachusetts and the incumbent administration of Democratic John Silber was widely popular.

His opponent, businessman and attorney Jack E. Robinson III, was seen as a weak recruit for the Republican Party. While a black Republican in the mold of Edward Brooke, Robinson had a number of scandals involving his personal life, which he sought to get ahead of by issuing the "Robinson Report." In it, he countered an ex-girlfriend's restraining order by claiming she was the real abuser and admitted to possessing an illegal martial arts implement as a graduate student.

That being said, Kennedy's campaign quickly became caught up in personal issues of his own. As he began his gubernatorial campaign, his ex-wife Shelia went on a nationwide book tour detailing how she urged the Catholic Church to deny Kennedy an annulment to their marriage. At the same time, Joseph's brother Michael faced accusations of a sexual affair with a babysitter since she was 14 years old. The publicity from Michael's trial did little to help his brother's campaign, with Joe's approval ratings falling to -38%.

Of Robert Kennedy's 11 children, Joe II remains the only one to have ran for statewide office and lost.

1998 Massachusetts Gubernatorial Election
Jack E. Robinson III (R) - 55.4%
Joseph P. Kennedy II (D) - 44.5%

While Robinson's victory was due to unusual circumstances, the eccentric businessman was not without strengths as a candidate. While national Republicans were shifting to the right in an attempt to win white ethnics, Robinson ran as a self-described "Progressive Republican" inspired by Teddy Roosevelt. Despite his progressive social stances, Robinson maintained his support for tax cuts and opposition to national health care.

Despite a chaotic approach to governance, Robinson won reelection in a landslide against neoliberal economist Robert Reich. When it was announced that William Bulger was resigning from the U.S. Senate, Robinson emerged as the frontrunner to succeed him. Rather than appointing a placeholder candidate to serve until a special election, Robinson appointed himself as Bulger's successor. While this lost Robinson some support, Democrats struggled to recruit candidates. In the end, Stephen F. Lynch, an unsuccessful candidate for lieutenant governor, emerged as the nominee.

While polls showed Robinson leading by as much as 20%, he couldn't escape the scandal that took down the national Republican Party. After it was revealed that President Paterno had covered up Vice President Hastert's sexual abuse of minors, support for the national party collapsed. The swift impeachment of Paterno elevated Speaker John Murtha to the presidency, who prepared a "bipartisan cabinet" with Claudine Schneider (R-RI) as Vice President.

Robinson may have prevailed if it weren't for an unfortunately timed interview. While on the phone with a reporter, Robinson crashed his vehicle. Robinson continued driving, and while critics claimed he attempted to leave the scene of an accident, Robinson claimed he was just clearing the way for traffic. Nevertheless, the entire incident playing out in a live radio interview did not help the embattled senator.

Despite arrests for assault and battery of Iranian students and smoking marijuana along with a history of tax delinquency, Lynch's ties to Bulger allowed him to take over the Majority Whip's former political machine. Citing his South Boston roots, Lynch proudly compared himself to Jed Clampett from The Beverly Hillbillies. Many cite Lynch's unconventional populism as a preview of Buddy Roemer's election as president in 2004.

While Lynch has held conservative positions on the issues of LGBT rights and hate crimes legislation, the progressive libertarian faction has been unable to defeat him in a Democratic primary. Even Lynch's public butting of heads with President Robert F. Kennedy Jr. over climate change legislation and reform of the FBI hasn't been enough to kick him out of office.

2003 Massachusetts Senate Special Election
Stephen F. Lynch (D) - 54.3%
Jack E. Robinson III (R) - 45.8%



1967 - 1985: Edward Brooke (Republican)
1966 def. Endicott Peabody (Democratic)
1972 def. John Droney (Democratic)
1978 def. Paul Tsongas (Democratic)

1985 - 1997: Edward J. King (Democratic)
1984 def. Edward Brooke (Republican)
1990 def. Avi Nelson (Republican)

1997 - 2015: Mark Roosevelt (Democratic)
1996 def. Mitt Romney (Republican)
2002 def. Mitt Romney (Republican)
2008 def. Jeff Beatty (Republican)

2015 - 2021: Seth Moulton (Republican)
2014 def. Mark Roosevelt (Democratic)
2021 - 0000: Mike Connolly (Democratic)
2020 def. Seth Moulton (Republican)

1962 - 1969: Ted Kennedy (Democratic)
1962 def. George C. Lodge (Republican)
1964 def. Howard J. Whitmore, Jr. (Republican)

1969 - 1969: Marty Linsky (Republican)
1969 - 1983: John Kenneth Galbraith (Democratic)
1969 def. Marty Linsky (Republican)
1970 def. Josiah Spaulding (Republican)
1976 def. Michael Robertson (Republican)

1983 - 2003: William Bulger (Democratic)
1982 def. Elliot Richardson (Republican)
1988 def. Joe Malone (Republican)
1994 def. John Lakian (Republican)
2000 def. Jim Rappaport (Republican)

2003 - 2003: Jack E. Robinson (Republican)
2003 - 0000: Stephen Lynch (Democratic)
2003 def. Jack E. Robinson (Republican)
2006 def. Daniel Grabauskas (Republican)
2012 def. Patrick Guerriero (Republican)
2018 def. Richard Tisei (Republican)


1969 - 1975: Francis Sargent (Republican)
1970 def. Louise Day Hicks (Democratic)
1975 - 1979: Carroll Sheehan (Republican)
1974 def. Louise Day Hicks (Democratic)
1979 - 1984: Edward J. King (Democratic)
1978 def. Carroll Sheehan (Republican)
1982 def. John W. Sears (Republican)

1984 - 1987: Thomas P. O'Neill III (Democratic)
1987 - 1991: Andrew Card (Republican)
1986 def. John Kerry (Democratic)
1991 - 1999: John Silber (Democratic)
1990 def. Andrew Card (Republican)
1994 def. Paul Cellucci (Republican)

1999 - 2003: Jack E. Robinson (Republican)
1998 def. Joseph P. Kennedy II (Democratic)
2002 def. Robert Reich (Democratic)

2003 - 2007: Jo Ann Sprague (Republican)
2007 - 2011: Bill Delahunt (Democratic)
2006 def. Jo Ann Sprague (Republican)
2011 - 2015: Thomas Menino (Democratic)
2010 def. Ralph Martin (Republican)
2015 - 0000: Rick Sullivan (Democratic)
2014 def. Gloria Cordes Larson (Republican)
2018 def. Andrew Lelling (Republican)
 
Last edited:
1967 - 1985: Edward Brooke (Republican)
1966 def. Endicott Peabody (Democratic)
1972 def. John Droney (Democratic)
1978 def. Paul Tsongas (Democratic)

1985 - 1997: Edward J. King (Democratic)
1984 def. Edward Brooke (Republican)
1990 def. Avi Nelson (Republican)

1997 - 2015: Mark Roosevelt (Democratic)
1996 def. Mitt Romney (Republican)
2002 def. Mitt Romney (Republican)
2008 def. Jeff Beatty (Republican)

2015 - 2021: Seth Moulton (Republican)
2014 def. Mark Roosevelt (Democratic)
2021 - 0000: Mike Connolly (Democratic)
2020 def. Seth Moulton (Republican)

1962 - 1969: Ted Kennedy (Democratic)
1962 def. George C. Lodge (Republican)
1964 def. Howard J. Whitmore, Jr. (Republican)

1969 - 1969: Marty Linsky (Republican)
1969 - 1983: John Kenneth Galbraith (Democratic)
1969 def. Marty Linsky (Republican)
1970 def. Josiah Spaulding (Republican)
1976 def. Michael Robertson (Republican)

1983 - 2003: William Bulger (Democratic)
1982 def. Elliot Richardson (Republican)
1988 def. Joe Malone (Republican)
1994 def. John Lakian (Republican)
2000 def. Jim Rappaport (Republican)

2003 - 2003: Jack E. Robinson (Republican)
2003 - 0000: Stephen Lynch (Democratic)
2003 def. Jack E. Robinson (Republican)
2006 def. Daniel Grabauskas (Republican)
2012 def. Patrick Guerriero (Republican)
2018 def. Richard Tisei (Republican)


1969 - 1975: Francis Sargent (Republican)
1970 def. Louise Day Hicks (Democratic)
1975 - 1979: Carroll Sheehan (Republican)
1974 def. Louise Day Hicks (Democratic)
1979 - 1984: Edward J. King (Democratic)
1978 def. Carroll Sheehan (Republican)
1982 def. John W. Sears (Republican)

1984 - 1987: Thomas P. O'Neill III (Democratic)
1987 - 1991: Andrew Card (Republican)
1986 def. John Kerry (Democratic)
1991 - 1999: John Silber (Democratic)
1990 def. Andrew Card (Republican)
1994 def. Paul Cellucci (Republican)

1999 - 2004: Jack E. Robinson (Republican)
1998 def. Joseph P. Kennedy II (Democratic)
2002 def. Robert Reich (Democratic)

2004 - 2007: Jo Ann Sprague (Republican)
2007 - 2011: Bill Delahunt (Democratic)
2006 def. Jo Ann Sprague (Republican)
2011 - 2015: Thomas Menino (Democratic)
2010 def. Ralph Martin (Republican)
2015 - 0000: Rick Sullivan (Democratic)
2014 def. Gloria Cordes Larson (Republican)
2018 def. Andrew Lelling (Republican)

Really enjoyable read all in all. Really like the idea of Sen. John Kenneth Galbraith; must say that Republican Seth Moulton is a very curious concept.
 
Oh boy, can’t wait for a chaotic HoI 4 mod and a well written @Mumby to include him.

Joking aside, I should probably do a list where Victor Grayson doesn’t win Colne Valley in 1910, is let back into the Labour Party in time and proceeds to win another election in the 1910s and becomes a bug bear for the Labour Right in the 1920s etc.

fuck you /s

1908-1910: H.H. Asquith (Liberal majority)
1910-1911: All-Party Technical Government [1]
1910; Arthur Balfour (Conservative), H.H. Asquith (Liberal), John Redmond / William O'Brien (Irish Nationalists), Arthur Henderson (Labour)
1911 Tariff Reform referendum;
YES 53%
1911-1913: H.H. Asquith (Liberal) [2]
1911 (Majority) def. Arthur Balfour (Conservative), John Redmond / William O'Brien (Irish Nationalists), George Barnes (Labour), Walter Long (Unionist)
1913-1915: David Lloyd George (Liberal / Emergency Government) [3]
1915-1915: Sir Edward Carson & Winston Churchill (Unionist & Liberal / Unity Government) [4]
1915-1916: Sir Edward Carson (Unionist) [5]
1915 (Unity Government with National Liberals) def. William O'Brien (All-For-Ireland), Christopher Addison (Liberal-Labour)
1916-1916: Winston Churchill (National Liberal / Unity Government) [6]
1916-1918: Christopher Addison, Tom Mann, Robert Blatchford, Jim Larkin & Mary Macarthur (Peoples' Coalition) [7]
1918-0000: Victor Grayson (Socialist League) [8]
1918 (Peoples' Coalition with National Democrats, Liberal-Labour and Womens' Labour) def. Edmund Broughton Barnard (National), Edwin Scrymgeour (Prohibition)

[1] The Technical Government was in reality a series of constitutional conferences taking place after the 1910 general election that eventually hammered out a compromise. The Conservatives had emerged the largest party, but the only government able to form a voting majority in the Commons was a Liberal minority backed by the Irish nationalists and Labour. While the Tories could argue that their position as the largest party meant no popular mandate had been granted for the passage of the Peoples' Budget, they couldn't form a government. The Technical Government existed to essentially hash out an agreement that would prevent further deadlock between the Commons and the Lords, with the Irish Nationalists and Labour Party wielding outsized power. Amongst the compromises was an extraction from the Liberals and Conservative support for Irish Home Rule, in return for which the Irish nationalists would back the Peoples' Budget and also a referendum on tariff reform. There was uproar from the diehard Unionists but in May of 1910 King Edward VII would die and the new King George V threatened to install a swathe of Liberal Lords to force the issue, and the Lords backed down.

[2] A bitter split in the Conservative coalition allowed the Liberals to get a majority at the ensuing election, which also saw major Labour gains. Nevertheless, the promise to grant Ireland Home Rule immediately saw Asquith's restored ministry embroiled in strife as violence in Ulster broke out in 1912 and spread to other strongly Unionist areas of Ireland and the mainland. In 1913, the government called the bluff of army officers threatening to put down their arms if sent to restore order in Ulster. The officers did not blink and in short order, violence on a scale unseen in a generation was spiralling out of control. Asquith was caught out and a firmer hand was required.

[3] With food prices rising from the imposition of Tariff Reform, Lloyd George's Emergency Government found itself outflanked from the left from the beginning as a wave of syndicalist strikes wracked efforts to stem the 'Covenanter' violence and the loss of control of the military. Despite the fact the government enjoyed a majority, enlarged with the defections of Unionists and a chunk of the Tories (and a small group of Labour MPs) to Sir Edward Carson's Provisional Government, Lloyd George found his hands tied by the limitations of the ancient constitution and liberal democracy. The passage of the Emergency Defence of the Realm Act gave the government sweeping new powers to restrict civil liberties virtually on a whim. As Lloyd George ran amuck, the Labour Party emerged as the most significant opposition, including Independent Labour MPs who had the backing of an extra-parliamentary force behind them. After an assassination attempt on their vocal spokespeople, many of the Labour contingent abandoned parliamentary democracy such as it was and went underground. With the Syndicalists apparently emerging as the more potent threat, Lloyd George found himself stabbed in the back and a deal with the devil was forged.

[4] It was a talented lawyer who managed to knit together the mutually annihilating and contradictory legislation of the Covenanter Provisional Government and the Lloyd George Emergency Government. But manage it they did, because the furious ape of Socialism was about, threatening to throttle British democracy where it stood. Sir Edward Carson insisted upon a leading position but in the bizarre parliament with it's by-elections which had happened since the outbreak of violence in 1913, a Unity Government was formed instead with the promise of elections to restore sense, the Constitution and a proper united front against socialism. But with the Lloyd George era restrictions being rolled back, the scale of corruption during his ministry began to make itself clear, and it didn't help that one of those socialist spokespeople who had narrowly escaped death was about, his broadsides plastered to every backalley, making everyone very aware of the malfeasance at work.

[5] The result was a sham, with the Unity Government purging the ranks of Parliament of unhelpful MPs. A contingent of Irish nationalists emerged as the Opposition, backing a conciliatory scheme of self-government that was miles away from the Government's agenda. Christopher Addison led a small group of social reformists who couldn't quite be tarred with the brush of outright syndicalism. Carson found that the government he had been elected to lead had rapidly outgrown it's mandate to simply protect Ulster from 'Rome Rule' and was instead tasked with purging the country of the Red Terror. Increasingly uncomfortable with the ranks of salivating anti-socialists who had been swept in on his coattails, he fought a losing battle with the Syndicalists who had reached out and made common cause with the Irish nationalists who had been radicalised by the fighting. Meanwhile, there's some kind of war going on in Europe? I don't know, it's not really important.

[6] As Germany emerged triumphant on the Continent, Carson's government began to collapse. Germany was eager to help out, hoping to pick up the pieces of a crumbling empire, supporting the flight of George V to Canada at the same time as sending arms and advisors to Ireland. Carson himself grew weary of the Orangemen howling in his ear and resigned after the island fell to the revolutionaries. Churchill finally had the premiership all to himself, but he was little more than the caretaker left to tidy up before the new government formed.

[7] The Peoples' Coalition was the hasty arrangement that entered the ruins of Westminster and hashed out an accord. Universal suffrage, socialism, a peace with the Empire-Beyond-The-Sea against the Neuordeneuropa, independence for Ireland. These were the terms, and while easy to write down, they were not so easy to implement. A year later, elections would be held that would herald a new age for Britain...

[8] The man that dodged Lloyd George's bullet, whose words strung up Maundy Gregory, the former MP who mucked in at the barricades... Make no mention of his bar bill though. Grayson has managed to emerge a war hero, somehow. And he's not going to waste that opportunity.
 
1976-1980: James Callaghan (Labour)
1978 (Majority) def: Edward Du Cann (Conservative), David Steel (Liberal), William Wolfe (SNP)
1980-1982: John Silken (Labour)
1982-1989: Peter Walker (Conservative)
1982 (Majority) def: John Silken (Labour), David Steel (Liberal)
1986 (Majority) def: Roy Hattersley replacing Denzil Davies (Labour), David Penhaligon (Liberal), Douglas Henderson (SNP)

1989: David Howell (Conservative Caretaker)
1989-1991: John Gummer (Conservative)
1991-: Jack Straw (Labour)
1991 (Majority) def: John Gummer (Conservative), David Penhaligon-Liz Crosbie (Alliance 90’), John Horam (Reform), Margaret Ewing (SNP)

A reboot of the For A Friend idea, so the POD is much earlier circa 1973 during the Barber Bust in which Slater and Walker manage to weather it better and decide to use it as a opportunity to expand the business and invest elsewhere. Amongst this includes a buyout of Keyser Ulman which means Walker’s old business colleague, Edward Du Cann is able to leave the business with a big bag of cash and his reputation intact.

Edward Du Cann becomes the Tory Right Candidate after Keith Jospeh crashes off a cliff and wins the 1975 leadership election. This turns out to be a poor move on the Conservative’s party, as Du Cann isn’t as media savvy and more awkward than OTL Thatcher was. With Du Cann not being as good and polls showing Labour having a slim but consistent lead, Callaghan feels more comfortable calling a snap election. Edward Du Cann fails at being a convincing Prime Minister and his organisational failings transfer to his leadership of the Conservatives. Labour gains a number of seats from the SNP and a few Conservative’s and find themselves with a slim majority of 12 which keeps Callaghan going for awhile longer.

Du Cann tries to stick around for awhile longer but the knives are out and he’s ousted in Mid 1979. The ensuing leadership election is chaos as the Conservative’s can’t decide there route forwards, which is where Peter Walker steps in. Despite not being a firm ideologue, his business acumen and media savviness during his time as Shadow Sectary for Trade and Industry alongside him being a moderate in the Wet versus Dry debate means he manages to gain the support of an eclectic group of individuals who manage to use him to push aside the overt Left and Right Candidates.

Walker’s rise in political success is coincides with James Callaghan’s retirement for what many hope is a younger and more vibrant leader. Whilst not as young and vibrant Peter Walker, the Soft Left Candidate John Silken is able to raise to the top of the leadership contest like an awkward cream. John Silken’s cache with the party Left lasts all but ten minutes as he proceeds to work with party’s right to deal with the recession that hits in 1980 as the Callaghan Anti-inflation measures hit a brick wall when the oil crisis shorts-out the global economy and industry starts to collapse.

Silken works with Chancellor Peter Shore to use Keynesian economics to get Britain out of recession but attempts to take out another IMF loan lead to another crisis in confidence for the government which Silken just manages to survive by the skin of his teeth as the vote of no confidence is deflated by the SDLP voting with Labour. But Silken is forced to take the IMF’s suggestions and 1981 leads to cuts to industry and business that leads to Peter Shore resigning (this alongside Silken not letting Shore pursue Anti-EEC solutions to improves Britain's economy).

Silken replacing Shore with Eric Varley a Gaitskellite Eurosceptic doesn’t improve matters much and Tony Benn competes with John Silken in the 1981 Labour leadership contest calling out Silken’s broken record and silencing of the ‘Bennite Left’. Benn loses by 45% which causes the establishment to worry over the future of the Labour Party and fear that Benn will get in next time. Silken prays for an improved economic situation as his majority slips to one by early 1982. Walker having portrayed himself as the next Prime Minister is able push for another no confidence vote which due to a raise in Nationalistic rhetoric in Northern Ireland during the brief Hunger Strike and the upcoming Assembly elections see’s a few of the SDLP MPs abstaining instead of support the Labour Government which gives the Conservative’s a slim majority to collapse the government.

Peter Walker easily defeats Silken and manages to achieve a fifty seat majority. Whilst Walker is a Keneysianite he still supports dealing with inflation and advancing Britain away from One State Socialism to towards a Buoyant European Social Market situation. The economic free zones in British cities are established alongside funding for inner city rejuvenation schemes but inflation and the slow trickle of supply side economics becomes the norm as Walker joked he was a “D’isreali in Cabinet of Gladstones”

Additionally asset stripping of the old Nationalised companies occurs, as they are scaled down to fit within a changed world. Walker’s connections to Jim Slater and by extension the Claremont Club allow for folks like Slater and James Goldsmith to make billons of the backs of the Walker’s Government policies.

This alongside a successful dealing with a series of Miners Disputes in Mid 80s alongside a stable and productive would allow Walker to easily gain another Majority even without Labour experiencing a crisis when the Labour Leader Denzil Davies (chosen during the final days of Silken’s leadership as a Right Compromise Candidate) resigned abruptly during the election after a drinking session leaving Roy Hattersley to pick up the pieces. Meanwhile the Liberals get out of doldrum that had occurred under Steel by pivoting towards an environmental message that hits home during the period of Chernobyl which spooks those worried by Walker’s increased Nuclear Energy scheme and the SNP make gains of the back of Labour infighting and the charisma of Douglas Henderson.

The next three years of Walker tenure was about expanding further the state he had created, establishing a Scottish assembly, reforming local government and increasing Britain’s New Energy schemes would be the main parts of it. But Walker was appeasing a coalition and so questions of Section 28, further integration into the EEC and “liberating the banks” would all be answered with mild dilutions to content and form.

Walker had plans to stand down after 8 years and let in a successor to call a snap election, which with the Conservative’s relatively stable in the polls, seemed likely to usher in another Tory Majority. Walker’s plans would be interrupted by events. Northern Ireland had still be a boiling point particularly after Walker had put Ian Gow in the role of Northern Irish Secretary to appease the Right. After the arrests of Martin McGuinness & Gerry Adams and the Gibraltar Killings, one of the survivors Mairéad Farrell decided to take action against Gow and would plan an operation against him.

At the end of the July 1989, an assassination attempt would occur against Ian Gow in Westminster, what the PIRA didn’t know was that Walker had been in discussions with Gow about the Ireland Situation and would be within the blast range when the car bomb detonated. Gow and several others would be killed and Walker would be horribly injured in the process.

The Conservative lurched in horror, Walker’s
Plans had gone up in an instance. The ensuing leadership election after a month of a temporary Premiership under Denis Howell the Conservative’s would decide who to lead them into the future. Walker had wanted his political and ideological ally (to a point) Michael Heseltine to become Prime Minister the Right had used the month to find a perfect compromise candidate for themselves.

John Gummer was to many, a ‘Right Walkerite’ a fairly useless term that indicated that Gummer was more supply side and monetarist than Walker was and that was it. Gummer was a popular environmental minister and had a good tenure as Agriculture Secretary which put him in good steed with the Grassroots. Gummer would beat the chaotic Heseltine on the second ballot much to the chagrin of the actual Walker who was now conscious in a hospital bed, watching his legacy be chipped away.

Before we are to continue with Gummer’s slide into despair, attention should be given back to Labour.

Following the embarrassment of 1986, there was an assumption that the Prince Over the Water, Neil Kinnock would become leader. But Kinnock decided to aim for the Deputy leadership and the Home Secretary position instead. In the haze of leadership election, Ken Coates would capture the mood of the Party’s Left and Grassroots to propel himself forward. A former Trotskyist who had managed to gain his Nottingham South Seat by the skin of his teeth, Coates had managed to engrain himself with the Party’s Left as more democratic and conciliatory leader than the demagogic Benn, as his Labour Action Group took more control of Labour’s Left. His leadership bid was based upon ideas of Muncipal Socialism, The Lucas Plan and Democratic accountability.

The Labour Right and Soft Left panicked as they saw Ken appeal to the CLPs and Trade Unions better than expected. The original choice of John Prescott would hit the brick wall of Prescott’s past catching up with him, as he dealt with accusations of sexual misconduct and bullish behaviour like punching a Coates Supporter leading to panic as Coates gained in internal polling and won Trade Union and CLP support. The choice of Jack Straw was pushed by Bryan Gould, the Shadow Secretary for Trade and Industry as a unity candidate. A member of the ‘Modernising Left’, Straw had held only small scale Cabinet roles in the Callaghan and Silken cabinets and had made a name for himself as a leading Tribunite in the meantime as Davies span out of control.

Questions about lack of experience were quickly driven to the side, as Gould and Robin Cook managed to forge a successful whisper campaign which would help tip Straw as the unity candidate. Straw would be pushed into the role and despite his awkward moments would manage to clinch a slim lead by presenting himself as statesman compared to the Old Leftie Coates. In the end Straw would win by 52%, a narrow victory achieved on the third ballot and numerous recounts.

Straw would become controversial quite quickly, with a strategy that combined tough on crime, socially conservative tinged home policies with Left Wing Populist economics it seemed Straw was being the leader Shore would have been. This combined with heavy reliance on media and advertising meant that Straw would alienate a number of individuals within the party and beyond.

But Straw wouldn’t be on the same pegging as the popular Peter Walker and John Gummer initially, the polls fairly tied even between Labour and Conservative as 1990 began. But then a series of events would change that.

Since the early 80s discussions of a third party in British Politics other than the Liberals had been discussed but would become damp squibs. Roy Jenkins would join the Liberals and George Brown’s attempted Social Democrat split would consist of his brother and Neville Sandelson which seemed to put an end to the conception of Third Party splits. But a force within Labour was still rearing for a split towards the Centre ground, and they believed that Straw wasn’t going to do it fast enough and to beholden the Left after the nearness of his victory and the Liberals shift leftward under Penhaligon and the Alliance 90’ (formed after David Icke and Derek Wall helped lead to the implosion of the Greens in 1989) meant that there was fertile ground for the taking.

David Owen and Peter Mandelson had become firm friends after working together in the BBC following Owen’s departure from Labour. Discussions with some Labour MPs would begin a ball going for a Centrist split from within Labour. Funding would come from the Sainsbury’s family’s and from Walker’s Former Business colleague Jim Slater who feared that Gummer would let other business muscle in on his monopolies and Straw would see him arrested. Finally after extensive vetting, it was decided that John Horam would be the most media friendly leader over more divisive personalities like Mike Thomas or Robert Kilroy-Silk. The launch of the Reform party in April 1990 initially hurt the Labour Party as a number of Straw’s former supporters left for the party.

But then not longer after, Gummer would introduce the poll tax to the nation. The community charge had been rammed into Walker’s Local Government Reform’s in 1988 but the change was slow to be implemented. When it hit the nation in May 1990, the mood was one of anger and discontent. Poll Tax protests and riots would hit a number of cities, the tax combined with the declining job opportunities in Mining Towns and a more Militant NUM would lead to a Miners Strike across Britain.

Not anticipating the general backlash to the plans, Gummer finds himself flailing and asking the Home Secretary Michael Howard for support. Howard’s reaction was a harsh police crackdown which didn’t go well and lead to the death of a protestor further causing Gummer to plummet.

Gummer managed to see of a vote of no confidence as 1990 closed and hoped to rely on a good economy and reduced unemployment. Then Hill Samuel collapsed and a tidal wave of bad debt, dodgy renting companies and forecloses rocked the country as Jim Slater’s little fiefdom imploded and he fled to Mexico to escape prosecution.

A combination of a recession and a wave of corruption under the watch of Peter Walker had lead to collapse in the Conservative vote. It seemed that Jack Straw was going to gain a substantial majority. What hadn’t been anticipated was the effect that corruption would have had on Labour, as the election neared it became apparent that a number of Trade Unions who had a stake in the finances and Labour MPs themselves had taken part in the corruption spree using it to help enrich themselves and there Union members. This combined with Ken Coates and the Labour Action Group making dramatic reappearances in the news caused Labour votes to split off towards the Alliance, Reform and SNP.

As the foregone Summer Election of 1991 occurred everyone knew that the Conservative’s would lose, but no one anticipated how much Labour would win. Vote splitting, tight races and gains from third parties lead to a chaotic election with the wooden performances from Gummer and Straw managed to allow people to look towards the more charismatic third party candidates.

As the polls closed it was apparent that Labour had won, but with a majority of 8. Whilst mildly embarrassing this was the mandate that Straw could use to usher in his new vision.

It’s now 1993, Straw is incredibly unpopular, whilst the recession has been dealt with it has come along with austerity cuts and book balancing that caused Straw’s Chancellor Bryan Gould to resign. Harsh Anti-Crime measures have increased the arrest and incarceration rates and the lack of movement on issues like Section 28 and equal rights has caused some to question there future with the Straw Government. With the Labour Action Group making hay as the rebellious backbenchers and the Conservative’s new leader Chris Patten managing to Right the ship towards more ‘compassionate conservatism’ it seems that the next election could be even more of a fight for Straw.

Meanwhile in Nottingham East, an MP is resigning as issues from his past and problems with Northern Ireland under Straw effect him personally. With the CLP being press-ganged to choice a Strawite candidate the annoyance amongst the Constituency’s Left inspired by the antics of ‘Lol’ Duffy and the Wallsley CLP of that year decide to find there own candidate. This comes in the shape of Poll Tax protestor and LGSM Activist Mark Ashton who seems to be the person that could cause the Straw Cabinet to panic...
 
Last edited:
This background has all sorts of little butterflies that I could spend ages talking about from continuing Callaghan Government leading to Benn’s Hard Left cred being considerably diluted, Douglas Henderson not getting the dodgy medical advice that caused him to resign from frontline politics and Arthur Scargill being voted out of the General Secretary position in 1983 leading to a later and more devastating Miners Strike in the Early 90s (devastating as the Miners are united during a period of national crisis anyway and the problems around policing numbers that emerged during the crisis still occur but worse).

One of the main things I would point For A Friend does is that the whole belief that it was only the nasty drys that caused the Thatcherite policies is absolute bumpkin. Walker is a good candidate for a Wet who happily goes along with Soft Neoliberalism because in reality he was very much on the fence about the whole thing and seemed only marginally considered by said policies. It’s the difference between Regan doing Neoliberalism and Jerry Brown doing the same thing but softer etc.
 
Once Bern'd Twice Shy

or: "With my first wish I want a woman president and VP and with my second I want Bernie to win the 2016 election"

2009-2017: Barack Obama/Joe Biden (Democrat)
Def 2008: John McCain/Sarah Palin (Republican)
Def 2012: Mitt Romney/Paul Ryan (Republican)
2017-2021: Marco Rubio/Joni Ernst (Republican)
2016 Popular Vote: Bernie Sanders/Tammy Baldwin (Democrat) def Marco Rubio/Jon Ernst (Republican) Donald Trump/Ben Carson (Independent)
2016 Contingent election. Marco Rubio/Joni Ernst (Republican) def Bernie Sanders/Tammy Baldwin (Democrat) Donald Trump/Ben Carson
2021-Present: Kamala Harris/Vacant (Democrat)
2021-Present: Kamala Harris/Kyrsten Sinema (Democrat)

2020: Bernie Sanders/Kamala Harris def: Donald Trump/Nikki Haley (Republican) Mitt Romney/Lisa Murkowski (Moderate)

Starring:
  • Bernie's Heart Attack
  • Another Capitol Insurrection
  • The arrest of Donald Trump
  • AV in the 2022 mid-terms
  • Two round Presidential elections in 2024
  • Harris Vs AOC in 2024 Primaries
  • Sinema as the Moderate candidate in 2024
 
Honestly I'd expect that sort of shenanigans if he had won

Tbf it took two third parties and a heart attack. They didn't want him or anyone like him near the white house though

Id like to see a 2016 bernie presidency tl though. Not come across any in the old country that lasted though
 
Tbf it took two third parties and a heart attack. They didn't want him or anyone like him near the white house though

Id like to see a 2016 bernie presidency tl though. Not come across any in the old country that lasted though

It starts with not controlling congress and is all downhill from there, in all likelihood.
 
High Chieftain of the Youth Corps of America
1927-1929: William D. Boyce †
appointed by Henry Justin Allen (National Progressive); given post as honorarium due to his status as ex-president and originator of the YCA idea
1929-1930: William T. Hornaday
acting leader; not reappointed due to unreliability and potential for “disturbing civil peace between races”

Commander of the Youth Corps of America
1930-1935: Alvin M. Owsley
appointed by Henry Justin Allen (National Progressive); oversaw paramilitary transformation of YCA and its integration into NPP party-state
1935-1941: Theodore Roosevelt, Jr.
appointed by Archibald Roosevelt (National Progressive); first of military veteran figureheads of YCA under A. Roosevelt’s more traditional authoritarian conservatism
1941-1942: Eddie Rickenbacker
appointed by Archibald Roosevelt (National Progressive); resigned shortly after appointment due to frustration at being kept out of battle in Pacific War
1942-1950: Richard E. Byrd †
appointed by Archibald Roosevelt (National Progressive); supposedly killed in action in Mexico, in fact shot down while touring war zones in unarmed plane
1950-1952: L. Ron Hubbard
appointed by Archibald Roosevelt (National Progressive); attempted to build cult of personality within YCA; influence over President major contributor to the Nephew’s Coup
1952-1969: Charles Lindbergh
appointed by Kermit Roosevelt, Jr. (National Progressive); former supporter of A. Roosevelt brought in to smooth transition; returned YCA to its conservationist roots; major ideologue of revived party-state
1969-1978: Sargent Shriver
appointed by Kermit Roosevelt, Jr. (National Progressive); political liberal instrumental in K. Roosevelt’s “New Direction” but unwilling to fully support democratic transition; oversaw creation of Colored Youth Corps and subsequent bleed of YCA membership to organizations affiliated with LDS Church and White Citizens Councils; failed to suppress reformist and revolutionary movements inside the rump YCA; resigned along with most of Cabinet during Potomac Days

1978-1979: vacant
as per Federal sources; office vacated by Shriver’s resignation, YCA shuttered by executive order of President Ham Fish in 1979

1978-1979: Edward Abbey
as per revolutionary sources; Abbey took control of rump YCA as Western Division Youth Corps Commander and board member of the Continental Revolutionary Clearinghouse; resigned from CRC board and YCA leadership after personal conflict with CRC representatives from Republic of Aztlán
1979-1980: vacant
as per revolutionary sources; rump YCA gradually dissolved into other organizations over the course of the transitional period; Turtle Island Memorandum of 1980 supplanted US government including all agencies

1901-1909: Theodore Roosevelt (Republican)
1909-1913: William Howard Taft (Republican)

1913-1919: Theodore Roosevelt (Progressive)

1919-1925: William D. Boyce (Progressive)
1925-1935: Henry Justin Allen (National Progressive)

1935-1952: Archibald Roosevelt (National Progressive)
1952-1977: Kermit Roosevelt, Jr. (National Progressive)

1977-1978: Theodore Roosevelt IV (National Progressive)
1976 (with Robert Taft, Jr.) def. Nelson Bunker Hunt (Independent), Amy Roosevelt (Citizens for Change), Harry F. Byrd, Jr. (Democratic)
1978-1981: Hamilton Fish IV (National Progressive, then Independent)
1981-0000: John Kerry (Independent, “Officers” faction)

1980 "Fax Machine Election" def. Guillermo Buckley Steiner (Independent, “Reconquista” faction), David Rockefeller (Independent, “Rooseveltist” faction)

(in exile after 1979)

Just playing with some old ideas like "Progressive Era Fascism" and "What if Greens! instead of Reds!"

The Roosevelts and their WASP regime goofed: steeping several generations in collective physical labor and love of the wild under Mandatory Scouts-slash-Conservation-Corps results in a sort of anarchist revolution in the 1980s. The YCA junior leadership form the core of the revolutionary movement, while rival private youth groups set up by religious nuts and segregationists serve as its fascist opponents; the anemic government has no youth support whatsoever and most of its military have separate loyalties based on their respective youth-group backgrounds.

Of course, unfortunately, generations of eugenicist propaganda are hard to overcome even for opponents of the regime - let's hope Ed Abbey does some reflection now that he's contrarianed himself out of power in the new continental system.
 
Last edited:
Prime Ministers of the Union of (Soviet Dropped in 1995) Sovereign Republics 1990-Present In the Universe of Our Free And Happy Land

Mikhail Gorbachev 1990-1993 (Communist Party of the Soviet Union)
Yelena Bonner 1993-1995 (Independent, Heading the Coalition for a Constitutional Covenant)
Sergey Kiriyenko 1995-2000 (New Constitutional Democratic Party)
Eduard Limonov 2000-2004* (Right Union)
Boris Nemstov 2004-2010 (New Constitutional Democratic Party)
Mikhail Kasyanov 2010-2017 (People's Freedom Party/New Constitutional Democratic Party Coalition**)
Vladimir Milov 2017-Present (The League of Peoples)



*Impeached and removed from office in the wake of the Mongolia Crisis.
**Subsequently merged into the Free Democratic Alliance
 
Last edited:
Back
Top