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Kaddeus' Chronicles

As for 2020, while I believe Bernie would've performed the 2nd best (3rd most electable of that field was Klob, for the record), he wouldn't be the best candidate to flip Georgia, especially with those crucial suburbanites in Greater Atlanta. While you can make the case for a worse J6 giving him more breathing room (if you wanted to be fun with it, wafer-thin 218-217 R majority in the House?), you'd have to wait for the 2022 midterms for any sort of weirdness to fully manifest. Georgia might be gone, but maybe Barnes could be competitive...? Again, needs some handwavium

while i understand the impulse to suggest that Sanders' perceived political radicalism may prevent him from gaining in the Suburbs in the way a more moderate candidate like Biden could, i will note that it's unlikely that it would have been enough of a dent in the Democratic appeal as a Party in 2020 to stop Sanders from winning Georgia on the back of the increasingly anti-Trump Georgian Suburbanites. contrary to popular belief and the typical dynamics demonstrated both outside of the United States and of course within most of post-War American political history, modern American Suburbs, especially intensely diversifying ones like Atlanta, have been more supportive of progressivism as a political movement than anywhere outside of Urban Centers, not less. not to mention, as is always the case with Bernie Sanders as a candidate specifically, he absolutely would have performed 5-7% better among Independents and traditional non-voters than literally any other Democratic candidate (except for ironically Micheal Bloomberg), which likely would have been enough to carry Georgia even if, say, 20-30 thousands politically moderate but still anti-Trump White Suburbanites in Greater Atlanta decided to sit things out.


In 2016, Bernie can take the Senate to a tie thanks to a boost for Kander and McGinty being dragged across the finishing line - but the House is still going to be Republican. 2018 likely sees further losses even if Bernie can pass EOs, and keep in mind this is a world where the Republicans manage to contain the crazy and probably throw up neo-Scott Walker or some other hack. Also, while the bottom doesn't completely fall out for the Democrats in the rurals and WWC regions, their inroads into the suburbs might be halted or even reversed. It'd be a whole lot of misery until alt-COVID hits and then Sanders either scrapes something together to face 4 more years of gridlock. Without COVID, he likely goes down to a loss

this is all absolutely true, Republican super lock on the House would have prevented most progress outside of Sanders' demonstrated willingness to use executive authority to make change as President. although i would imagine the Republicans still would choose Trump and that would present it's own electoral counterbalances to Sanders' poor performance in the Suburbs in 2016. also, don't forget Russ Feingold, who absolutely would have won his race had Sanders been the nominee and carry Wisconsin.


Sanders in 2024 would be running as a "third time's the charm" candidate - and who's to say he wouldn't be vindicated? After 8~ years of Trump (depending on whether or not an early health scare gets to him), Bernie gets to go up against some successor of Trumpism - I suspect DeSantis would flail, and that any of the President's direct family wouldn't carry the same star power. You'd see some tortured attempt to bridge the country clubbers and the Trumpists. Also, throw in a No Labels run from Someone?

Nonetheless, Sanders would get in with healthy majorities in Congress, managing to hold together to Biden coalition while riding a wave of disaffection against the Republicans to victory

Sanders' primary appeal in a timeline where Trump won reelection, beyond just a general sentiment of "Third Times The Charm", would be the fact that his entire critique of the Democratic Party from both an ideological and very importantly to the modern base of the Democratic Party, electoral perspective would have been proven correct not once, but twice, to much consequence. not to mention the type of socially and structurally destabilizing affects that could be unleashed by a Second Trump Administration, which would like drive political realignment and polarization even further. had Trump won again in 2020, the 2022 Midterms would likely reflect the substantial damages his reelection would have done to the Republican Party's coalition and traditional electoral machine. hell, we saw how bad it was ITTL without the man even being President.

Sanders' 2024 Administration would almost be entirely defined by, like you said, his attempt to balance both a broad coalition and the very real desire for real social and economic reform that exists within most of the major demographics in America, especially the ones that drive the Democratic Party. if he was given healthy majorities, it's very likely that the "moderates" (who are dying as a faction currently, to say nothing of what would happen to them should they have lost to Trump a second time) would be far more willing to cooperate with Sanders on even some of his more "radical" reforms for the simple sake of keeping the American State and broader society functioning and that sweet sweet fundraising money coming in from voters who are actually satisfied instead of terrified for once.


And of course, the elephant in the room: Sanders' age. I'd expect him to be a one-termer, but not sure if he would govern as such. Having him pass or suffer a scare just before the 2026 midterms would be a very handwavey way to stem the bleeding. Nonetheless, his VP would be pivotal here as well

Sanders would absolutely be a one-term President should he have been elected in ATL 2024, there was already musings within Sanders' orbit (including from the man himself) that he would have only served one term had he been elected in 2020, which makes even more sense in light of the rumors that Sanders is considering retiring from the Senate at the end of this term.
 
Europe:

A President Trump means a much more isolationist approach to the trans-Atlantic alliance. With Europe more alone as Russia ramps up its aggression, Germany might elect the more realist Greens and Baerbock as Chancellor - just in time to face off against Putin as he goes for broke against Ukraine. Whilst the European forces are not nearly as effective as the joint effort OTL, Zelensky still manages to salvage the western half of Ukraine. Melenchon might make it to the second round in France? Orban definitely wins re-election.
It really depends on how actively Trump gets involved in the current phase of the Russo-Ukrainian War to begin with (and whether he tries to pressure NATO to accept hypothetical troop reductions in 2021 or not). I do not think Russia could have taken Kyiv in three days.

I'd assume Trump would rely on behind-the-doors intermediaries akin to Rudy Giuliani, Roman Abramovich, etc. to pressure Putin and Zelensky to an accomodation, and while he'd be really vindictive towards Zelensky I can't imagine he'd accept backing down on Ukraine so easily, especially after Afghanistan. The territorial extent of Ukraine in Trump's accomodation also probably depends on how much territory Russia takes by then — it should be also kept in mind that Russia didn't annex DPR and LPR until September 2022 or so.
 
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Morbid thought - if the PRC invades Taiwan/stages a soft coup, could they install Ma Ying-jyeou as a quisling? He'd certainly fit the bill - elder statesman who's gone a bit cuckoo in his sympathy for them.
 
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Growing Pains?
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The Prime Minister's allies have met with defeat after defeat. As Poilievre crosses the midway point of his first term in office, the Hill swirls with one question - will it also be his last?
NEWS | BY ABBAS RANA | November 3rd, 2027


It was the best of times, it was the worst of times.

Pierre Poilievre still stands unchallenged in Ottawa. Winning the biggest Conservative majority since Diefenbaker tends to win that kind of awe-inspiring loyalty, the type that gets Minister Dancho through the day when Her Worship of Toronto takes her down at an intergovernmental conference just the other day. Or the type that gets Shuv to insist our relations with the United States are perfectly fine, even as David Eby rattles sabers with President Stefanik over softwood lumber renegotiations.

But the year has not been a good one. Two years into his tenure, Poilievre finds that he may be more like the old Conservative heroes of old than he imagined. Both Diefenbaker and Mulroney swept to thumping majorities - in the latter's case, even rebuking a Trudeau along the way. Yet, by this point in the tenure, they had both sunk into the morasses. The anti-Conservative tide, the type so often exemplified by Ontarians' fickle alternation, has already begun to rise. Last year, Doug Ford's thumping majority receded to barely below the majority mark and Ken Sim was thrown out of office after four tumultuous years trying to hold together a Liberal-Conservative coalition that was growing increasingly untenable. Even as the economy improves, Canadians still have not lost their populist ferment unleashed during the Convoy.

Perhaps the Prime Minister's greatest saving grace is his opposition. Liberal leader Mark Carney has impressed in Question Period, but the Grits still struggle to attain 30% in most polls. Indeed, most of the country's energy has been refocused on the municipal and provincial battlegrounds as the culture war rages on. None was more emblematic of this than the Albertan showdown. Former Calgary Mayor Naheed Nenshi was struck down by a bullet in the heat of the election campaign, egged on by the likes of Take Back Alberta and David Parker. What ensued was far more ominous - in a one-on-one showdown with the United Conservative Party, Kenney's supposedly indestructible lovechild, the centre and left beat back the right. While calls have grown for an outright merger or at least some form of electoral co-operation, neither Carney nor Singh have been receptive to these calls.

In the minds of idealistic Hill staffers, Ontario represents the worst-case scenario, and Alberta the best. With New Brunswick already run by a Liberal-Green confidence and supply agreement (NOT a coalition, as every MLA in earshot will tell you), some form of approach among the Liberals and the New Democrats seems to be the only way to resolve the current impasse. Yet, grudges and bad blood still run deep from the failure of the CASA during Trudeau's term. According to sources close to Prime Minister, the country's lingering resentment of the Agreement remains his main impediment towards a political comeback. The NDP's relationship with Singh is yet more complex - whilst he led them to their best showing out West since 1988, sentiment is that he has had too many kicks at the can.

As both parties seeking to oust Poilievre contemplate their next moves, the Prime Minister has refused to back down on his pugilistic crusade. Polls still show that the youth are willing to give him more of a chance than other generations. While last week's Abacus MRP projected the Conservatives in minority territory for the first time since the election, questions still swirl over whether the NDP and the Liberals would truly be able to co-operate.

But this is of no matter to the Prime Minister. "I'll leave the polling to Jenni," he says with a smile. Yet, beneath that grin is an iron determination to reshape the country in the image of his Common Sense Revolution. Even if the opposition can, by some miracle, hammer out an agreement, the left still whispers that, much like the legacy of Mike Harris, his imprint on the country will be irreversible.



Prime Ministers of Canada
2015-2025: Justin Trudeau (Liberal)

2021 (minority)...

2024 British Columbia general election (majority): David Eby (New Democratic) def. John Rustad (Conservative), Kevin Falcon (United), Sonia Furstenau (Green)
2024 Saskatchewan general election (majority): Scott Moe (Saskatchewan) def. Carla Beck (New Democratic)
2024 New Brunswick general election (minority, Liberal-Green "Christmas Agreement"): Blaine Higgs (Progressive Conservative) def. Susan Holt (Liberal), David Coon (Green)
2025 Nova Scotia general election (majority): Tim Houston (Progressive Conservative) def. Claudia Chender (New Democratic), Zach Churchill (Liberal)

2025-2033: Pierre Poilievre (Conservative)
2025 (majority): Justin Trudeau (Liberal), Jagmeet Singh (New Democratic), Yves-Francois Blanchet (Bloc Quebecois), Elizabeth May (Green)

2025 Newfoundland & Labrador general election (majority): Andrew Furey (Liberal) def. Tony Wakeham (Progressive Conservative), Jim Dinn (New Democratic)
2026 Ontario general election (minority): Doug Ford (Progressive Conservative) def. Marit Stiles (New Democratic), Bonnie Crombie (Liberal)
2026 Quebec general election (minority): Paul St. Pierre-Plamondon (Parti Quebecois) def. Francois Philippe-Champagne (Liberal), Genevieve Guilbault (Coalition Avenir Quebec), Éric Duhaime (Conservative), Gabriel Nadeau-Dubois (Quebec Solidaire)
2027 Prince Edward Island general election (majority): Dennis King (Progressive Conservative) def. Karla Bernard (Green), Hal Perry (Liberal)
2027 Alberta general election (majority): Rakhi Pancholi (New Democratic) [interim] def. Danielle Smith (United Conservative)
2027 Manitoba general election (majority): Wab Kinew (New Democratic) def. Obby Khan (Progressive Conservative), Cindy Lamoureux (Liberal)
2028 Ontario general election (minority): Marit Stiles (New Democratic) def. Stephen Lecce (Progressive Conservative), Bonnie Crombie (Liberal)
 
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