I've now finished the metropole for 1967. I don't expect the DOM-TOM results to be any easier to get a hold of this time, and frankly it's quite depressing how they're just shunted to the side in all the sources except geoelections, so I'm going to put this out now.
As you can plainly tell, this was the most anti-Gaullist legislature elected during de Gaulle's actual presidency, with the left and the centre just about holding a majority of the Assembly between them. The introduction of direct presidential elections had begun to cast a shadow over the party landscape, with both the centre and the left being consumed by the question of how to consolidate their support and form broader alliances. Some wanted a coalition between the centrists and the centre-left (Gaston Defferre, the SFIO mayor of Marseille, was a leading figure in this camp, as was the Radical press baron Jean-Jacques Servan-Schreiber), and some wanted the PCF and SFIO to patch up their differences and present a credible alternative to capitalism and the Fifth Republic itself (this was the main raison d'être of the PSU, and drew support from both the quickly radicalising former Prime Minister Pierre Mendès-France and SFIO dissident Alain Savary - both PSU members in 1967, though Savary would later return to the SFIO). François Mitterrand, whose position was likely somewhere in between the two poles, managed to take a significant first step by uniting the non-Communist left under the banner of the Federation of the Democratic and Socialist Left, which made runoff pacts with the PCF and PSU.
The centre, too, was reforming, with the old MRP and most of the anti-Gaullist moderates forming a new coalition under the name "Progress and Modern Democracy", whose main policy goal was European integration. This set them apart from the Gaullists, who were thoroughly Eurosceptic (in the old sense, i.e. actually being sceptical of European institutions as opposed to actively wanting to end all cooperation), and would eventually lead them to join forces with the Independent Republicans and the non-FGDS Radicals to form the Union for French Democracy in the 1970s - even as the left was finally uniting. But that's all some ways off in 1967.
The Japanese general election of 1947 is the one that brought the Socialists to power for the first time, just two years after the ban on all socialist organising was lifted by the American occupation government. The JSP were able to win a narrow plurality of seats despite coming second in the popular vote, because they were generally better at managing their candidacies to benefit from the SNTV electoral system than the bourgeois parties were. But it wasn't enough to govern alone - the JSP had to form a coalition with the more liberal-minded bourgeoisie of the Democratic Party (note: this is not the same Democratic Party that merged with the Liberals to form the LDP, I know it's confusing) and the National Cooperative Party. This coalition lasted about eighteen months in government, led first by the JSP's leader Katayama Tetsu and then by the Democrat Ashida Hitoshi. It succeeded in making quite a few social reforms, helped by the broadly sympathetic New Deal Democrats who ran the occupation authorities, but eventually fell owing to internal Democratic opposition to its plan to nationalise the coal industry. The Liberals returned to power under Yoshida Shigeru, who would govern Japan until 1954 and lay most of the groundwork for the post-war economic consensus that dominated Japan until the 1990s.
In 1984, the NSW Labor government was re-elected to its fourth term, although on a reduced majority - there was no third "Wranslide", and most of the ancestrally-Liberal seats on the North Shore returned to the fold. Wran himself would resign in 1986, by which point the wheels were well and truly coming off, and in 1988 the Coalition returned to government.
The 1988 election followed two important changes: firstly, the parliamentary term was extended from three to four years, and secondly, to keep up with population growth and suburbanisation without having to make overly-disruptive changes to Sydney's electoral geography, the Assembly was expanded from 99 to 109 members.
Neville Wran retired in 1986, at just about the right time to protect his own reputation as the Labor government was consumed by corruption scandals. The new Premier, Barrie Unsworth, was nowhere near as charismatic, and when he was parachuted into the Assembly for the nominal safe seat of Rockdale, he only scraped through with a 54-vote margin. The simultaneous by-election to replace Wran as MLA for Bass Hill was won outright by the Liberals.
That set a pattern for the next two years, as Liberal leader Nick Greiner began to rebuild his party's fortunes by promising to fight the three evils of corruption, crime and excessive government spending. Labor were especially troubled outside Sydney, where the party was seen as paying too much attention to issues like gun control and conservation rather than addressing economic issues. But when the 1988 election came, it would herald bad news for Labor even within the state capital, as the Liberals regained all their old seats and began to make headway in the Labor strongholds in working-class Western Sydney (somewhat foreshadowing the 1996 federal election).
One of the first things Greiner did in government was revoke the seat increase, and order a redistribution for 99 seats to take effect at the next election. As a result, this is the only election held on these boundaries.
For comparison, I have been able to find the full set of boundaries for 1991, although the map of rural NSW I found is useless, so there's been a fair amount of conjecture in the bush seats.
Greiner's first term in office saw a big slate of neoliberal and NPM reforms, as he'd promised during the campaign, as well as the institution of a standing Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) to investigate any current or future corruption claims and recommend legal action where necessary - basically a "corruption ombudsman". Some of these changes (like the ICAC) were popular, others (like the massive cuts to the state school system) much less so. The opposition, however, struggled to mount a response, or indeed find a capable and willing leader, most of their senior figures having either retired or lost their seats in 1988. In the end, the leadership fell into the lap of former Environment Minister Bob Carr, who absolutely did not want the job but agreed out of a sense of duty. He would go on to lead the party for almost twenty years and become the Premier with the longest continuous period of service in the state's history.
As mentioned, one of the many, many things Greiner did was bring the size of the Legislative Assembly back down to 99 seats, which he and his supporters saw as undoing the pro-Labor gerrymander of 1988. In any event, the redistribution brought massive changes to inner Sydney in particular, where several safe Labor seats were abolished. Hoping this would benefit the Coalition, and noting an uptick in polling numbers, Greiner had the Assembly dissolved a year ahead of schedule in May 1991. This wasn't his only institutional reform - on the ballot alongside the legislative elections was a referendum question on whether to reform the Legislative Council to be elected in halves rather than thirds, shortening the terms of individual councillors from twelve to eight years. The rules on how to mark ballot papers were also tightened considerably, with the result that over nine percent of all votes cast in the election were marked informal and discarded - there was a particularly high rate of informals in Labor-held marginal seats, which likely changed the outcome of the election in The Entrance (yes, there's a town in NSW called "The Entrance"). After the election, Labor would petition the result there and successfully force a by-election, which they won on a substantially lower informal vote.
Despite this, and despite being led by a deeply reluctant man, Labor had a fairly good election. They didn't return to power, but they won back a lot of the seats they lost in 1988, and were able to force a hung parliament. The balance of power was held by four independents, most of whom were right-of-centre and backed Greiner for a second term in power. Among their terms for supporting the Coalition was a fixed-term law, which was approved overwhelmingly alongside the 1995 election and ensured that the 1991 schedule is the one still in use.
A byproduct of my Brazilian stuff - I discovered that the Portuguese Wikipedia has a list of senators for the last term of the General Assembly of the Brazilian Empire.
Now, the Imperial Senate was kind of a microcosm of the Brazilian Empire itself, in that it represented kind of an odd mix of "traditional" European limited monarchy and Enlightenment-era liberal idealism. On the face of it, its function was similar to the British House of Lords - it was supposed to be a chamber of sober reflection where the nation's most respectable men could gather and put the lid on the more radical instincts of the lower house. Whereas the Chamber of Deputies was elected directly (starting in 1881) with quite a low wage threshold for suffrage, the Senate followed an unusual mixed election-appointment system, where the richest property holders in each province chose a shortlist of candidates, from which the Emperor chose a senator to be invested for a life term. As such, the Senate was not a hereditary chamber (except insofar as adult members of the Imperial House held seats in it by right - in 1889, the sole beneficiary of this was the Princess Imperial, who was also the only female senator), but being named to it functioned sort of like a British life peerage, except that there was a limit on the number of senators from each province - they were supposed to be equal to half the number of deputies elected there, rounded down. This meant the Senate of the 1886-89 legislature had 60 seats, with Minas Gerais making up the largest number (ten) and several of the outlying provinces having only one seat. Notably, southern Brazil was substantially less represented than it would be later on, as its industrial growth wouldn't quite take hold until the 20th century.
Unlike most of the republics that followed it (the military dictatorship is the exception to this), the Empire was mostly a strict two-party system. You had the Conservative Party (Partido Conservador), which represented the wealthy landowners, staunchly supporting the monarchy, the traditional social hierarchy, the supremacy of Catholicism, and, of course, the institution of slavery. While the Conservatives mostly supported parliamentary government, they also tended to favour centralised rule from Rio de Janeiro. On the other hand, there was the Liberal Party (Partido Liberal), whose supporters were largely smallholders and urban people, and who wanted to institute reforms to turn Brazil into a proper parliamentary democracy, including the election of senators and restrictions on imperial authority. Traditionally, the main dividing line between the parties had been the question of decentralisation, which the Liberals tended to favour while the Conservatives opposed it, but after the political earthquake that was the Paraguayan War, the Liberals started to drift leftward, and starting in 1878, the Liberal government instituted a slew of reforms including direct elections to the Chamber of Deputies, public education, clampdowns on election fraud and the gradual abolition of slavery.
That Liberal government lost power in 1885, but this didn't necessarily stop the pace of reform - in 1888, while the Emperor was travelling in Europe, the Princess Imperial and her sympathisers in the Conservative government pushed through a law that immediately emancipated all slaves in Brazil. By this point, the institution was close to a natural death anyway - Brazilian slavery was incredibly nasty, with enslaved people tending to die faster than they could be replaced, and the end of the Atlantic slave trade meant that it was never going to sustain itself. Still, the traditional elites out in the provinces took this as an attack, and when it became known that the Liberals might form another government the following year, Conservative Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca staged a coup d'état to prevent this. Now, he probably didn't actually intend for it to go further than restoring the Conservatives to power, but junior officers (a constant of Brazilian army politics is that the junior officers always tend to fuck things up for their superiors) who had spent the past few years getting high on republicanism and positivism decided they were probably not going to get another chance to realise their ambitions, and so they pressured Fonseca into declaring the end of the monarchy and the birth of a Brazilian republic. That republic would end up totally dominated by a) the army and b) provincial landowners, who each made sure that democracy didn't stray too far from their ideas of good government.
Well, I found a constituency map for the Chamber of Deputies. Still no actual results in sight though, and based on the Senate composition, I strongly suspect this would've been out of date by 1889, so we can't place them next to each other with any certainty. Still.
The Chamber was a far more straightforward body than the Senate - seats were apportioned to the provinces by population and elected for a maximum of five years by the eligible voters of the province. Two big caveats here, of course. Firstly, the body of eligible voters was quite small - not only did you have to be a male citizen over 25 to vote, you had to have a taxable income of over a hundred milréis (thousand réis). Secondly, until the Lei Saraiva of 1881 (part of the Liberal reform package mentioned in the last post), suffrage was indirect. Voters elected an electoral assembly, which in turn chose deputies and senatorial shortlists (in subdivided provinces these may have been separate assemblies). To serve as an elector you had to have an income of 200 milréis, and to serve as a deputy you had to make 400.
This sounds like a lot, but in fact, the real was very, very inflated, so by 1872 there were about a million eligible voters in the country, or about ten percent of the population. Which was obviously a problem the Liberals made sure to correct when they passed the Lei Saraiva - the property qualifications weren't actually moved AFAICT, but they did introduce a provision requiring voters to be able to write the names of their chosen candidates in their own hand and sign their name and the date of election. This was a bit of a problem in a country with no functioning education system and an adult literacy rate of, generously, maybe 20%. So the enlightened liberal reforms actually shrunk the electorate from around a million in 1872 to some 145,000 in 1881 - of course, those 145,000 did vote directly for all elective offices.
Nor did the positivist, elitist Republicans think to challenge it. Of course, open ballots and a restricted franchise was very useful for the sort of social control the Old Republic depended on, and so the Old Republic only tightened the franchise as the decades went on. It took Getúlio Vargas to introduce universal manhood suffrage, and it took until the 1988 Constitution before the literacy requirement was officially lifted.
In 1949, the Peronists rewrote the Argentine Constitution. Prior to then, the Chamber of Deputies had been elected (in halves, as ever) by limited voting, with voters given two-thirds as many votes as the province had seats to be filled. This meant Perón's supporters could handily win two thirds of the seats, but apparently (?) this wasn't enough, because they called a constitutional convention alongside the 1948 legislative elections, which, being two-thirds Peronist, immediately set about ratfucking their opponents.
On the face of it, the new constitution was more democratic than its predecessor - women could vote, for one, and the Senate would now be directly elected for the first time. But for the Chamber, the rules were significantly changed. Instead of being elected by province, deputies would now be elected in single-member constituencies, which were drawn by the national government and designed to suppress opposition voters. In the Federal District and Córdoba, both UCR strongholds, this resulted in what became known as circunscripciones chorizo (not translating that), long, narrow constituencies that paired a small UCR-voting suburb with a larger Peronist one. There was a minor voice provided for the opposition, in that two seats in each of the five largest provinces (Buenos Aires, Federal District, Córdoba, Santa Fe and Entre Ríos) were reserved for the best-performing losers in the constituencies. Although it is worth noting that these didn't take proportionality into account at all, so two of them (one in the Federal District and one in Córdoba) actually went to the Peronist candidates in constituencies won by the UCR.
Another thing that's worth noting is that the Peronists, at least on the face of it, tried to make sure that women were actually able to use their newly-won right to vote and be elected. Spurred on by Eva Perón, the President's young, energetic and popular wife, they created the Partido Peronista Femenino (Women's Peronist Party), which functioned as a women's section of the main Peronist Party and was given twenty-six seats in the elections. All of their candidates were elected, which probably (I don't have data for this) gave Argentina one of the largest cohorts of women parliamentarians in the world. Of course, it's debatable how feminist it truly was to fence women off into their own little section of politics, and obviously none of the elected candidates outside the PPF were women.
At the same time as this, Perón was re-elected to the presidency with 63% of the vote, which was another new element in the 1949 Constitution. The bid to have Eva Perón nominated to the vice-presidency failed, owing to her own poor health, and she died eight months after the election. This happened to coincide with a recession, and the result was a period of repression that ended up alienating both the left, the right, the Church and the Army. Finally, in September 1955, the Army rose up and overthrew Perón, banned the Peronist Party and forbade the press from mentioning Perón's name (they were required to call him the "Deposed Tyrant"). They also famously stole Eva Perón's remains and had them buried in Italy under a fake name, cancelling the mausoleum Perón had planned to build for her.