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lol i just realized milwaukee is in “michigan” ittl
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Biaggi’s Other Opium Den
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Michigan is a very weird state. When the United States was finished divvying up land to create the states of the former Northwest Territory, they realized they had left a pretty major portion of it stateless, and, with president Van Buren hoping to create a new state, the Democrats slapped the name “Michigan” on it (as it bordered the Michigan river) and created a state that looked like something out of a book on gerrymandering. Pro-slavery politicians, holding the balance of power in Van Buren’s Democratic Party, saw the admission of Michigan as an attack, as they were already beginning to feel outnumbered by anti-slavery states, and Michigan was a free territory. As such, a portion of Southern Illinois known as “Little Egypt” was split off, creating the state of “Chickasaw”. In Chickasaw, slavery had been legal, largely to operate salt springs in the state, and it being split from Illinois created the only slave state that would be created north of the Missouri Compromise-mandated 36°30 parallel. While this passed with less anger than expected, anti-Slavery politicians mocked Van Buren, and often called Michigan "the irrelevant state" for decades after. This would, however, become increasingly ironic, as not only would Michigan's biggest city, Chicago, experience a massive boom, but the cities of Milwaukee and Gary would as well. As the state continued its path in the union, it would gain a very strange reputation. Originally a Republican bastion, the state would change throughout the decades, largely due to the state being a hub for immigrants and diasporas.
The first true immigrant groups to hit the United States were German and Irish ones, both of which found homes in Michigan. As such, Michigan would be a "battleground" between the Republicans and Know-Nothings, as the original Anglo population, which saw the German and Irish immigrants as invading white Anglo-Saxon culture, began to furiously attack both groups. Soon however, the more important conflict of the Civil War would break out, and as such, the Republican Party began to dominate the state. When reconstruction ended, Michigan boomed, and it did so for the Republicans, as the state backed President Grant by massive margins during his election and re-election campaigns. Notably, however, both groups began to break from the Republicans. The Michigan branch of the Republican Party had always been a bit more left-wing than the rest, largely thanks to the ideals of the "Forty-Eighters", German rebels who often aligned themselves with socialistic and radical liberal ideals. They often saw Reconstruction as class war, not a religious one as many other northerners did, largely owing to the state's population's roots in German irreligiosity and Irish Catholicism, abandoning other Republicans' noted breed of liberation based Protestantism. However, this led to an increasing alienation with the Republican Party at-large. The Knights of Labor, a mostly Catholic group that set the stage for the Progressive-Labor Party being "the Catholic Party" in many states, became incredibly popular in Michigan, igniting a "political revolution" in the state in the 1880s between Republicans and various left-wing parties. Although the state was already too urban to accept the People's Party, they backed "Fusion" candidates, who, when national fusion was forced off the table, became the earliest versions of the Labor Party. Soon, however, the dominant forces of Michigan politics came into conflict, as the 1890s brought with it attempts from Irish and WASP-settlers of Michigan to ban German language schools through the increasingly xenophobic Knights of Labor. Of course, these attempts would end up failing, as most of these schools were Catholic, and as such much of the Irish population went against the bans as well. However, attempts to do so from a Republican-Fusion coalition was used as Democrats won the state for the first time since Van Buren in 1892.
Shortly after the "Language Wars" that were soon papered over by the "Labor Coalition", the state saw an influx of two new diasporas. The Poles (the German's natural enemy) and African-Americans (the Irishman's natural enemy) both saw unfortunate conditions in the Southern United States and in Poland and moved in droves to the cities of Chicago, Gary, Milwaukee, and others. What resulted was the policy of de facto segregation. Although Michigan never had segregation in the same way that the South did, its neighborhoods and particularly its schools (largely due to language schools) remained heavily divided based on race, something that would come to a head during the 1960s and 1970s. However, the state would still remain a hotbed of left-wing politic throughout the era, until the 1916 and 1919 elections. As a reward for President Woodrow Wilson refusing to join the First Great War on the side of the hated British and against the Germans, the German and Irish populations of the state reversed trends, and threw their support behind Democrats for the first time. However, Wilson's general incompetence and the support for machine politics allowed the state to return to its Labor roots, but with an interesting split. While many Irish and a growing number of Germans fleeing the horrors of French and British plans to Germany were still very working-class, there was a growing cracking of the higher classes for both groups, a cracking that led to increased Republican and Democratic support. When the Commonwealth Coalition came along, Michigan backed it heavily, but not as heavily as many expected. Although Al Smith saw a massive wave of support, his assassination and replacement with Huey Long calmed the enthusiasm for the coalition. This was not helped by the invasion of Germany under President Long, especially as many newly-arrived Germans had expressed hatred for the British and French. Long's replacement with Irish Catholic Robert E. Quinn helped stem the bleeding, but Germans began invading the Labor Party en masse. While one group left to join the Republicans, another formed the Sozialdemokratische Partei, obviously modeled off of the one back home. The SDP remained a powerhouse, and still does, particularly in German suburbs of Milwaukee.
However, it was clear that the old Irish-German dominated state was once again crumbling. The end of the Commonwealth Coalition and the "Free 1950s" led to desegregation, and massive populations of Hispanic immigrants from Santo Domingo, the Cubas, and Porto Rico led to a growing Hispanic population. As such, politics was shifted. Union leaders such as Walter Reuther and Jimmy Hoffa Sr. originally maintained Labor behind this coalition, and when Labor aligned with the Progressive Party they did even more so. Catholic politic to appeal to working-class Hispanic and Irish voters (along with a growing number of Italians) and populism that appealed to Black and less religious German communities allowed them to maintain power. That was until the rise of the Rainbow Coalition. Fred Hampton, the leader of the Black Panthers of Chicago united with leaders of poor white and hispanic groups, forming the Chicago-based political party known as the Rainbow Coalition. The RC began to shake the state, as did growing "busing" plans, that caused conflict between Irish, Italian, Polish, Hispanic, and Black groups (as most Germans were and are still holed up in language schools). This conflict led to a collapse of political order in the state, as parties sprouted up and died throughout an era of political chaos. By the end, only three truly claimed chances at political power. The Republicans, the party of the non-German suburbs (Germans retained their left-wing, albeit more upper-class bent despite growing suburbanization due to the placement of German language schools in urban areas) and more moderate white voters, the Rainbow Coalition, the party of Blacks, Latinos, and increasingly Asians, and the Progressive-Labor Party. The PLP however, has remained dominant. Despite a challenge to its power in the 1970s, the massive amount of unionization in an incredibly urban state has allowed them to stay strong. Michigan is, as noted by many of its leaders, the party's home, and thanks to the still-kicking Sozialdemokratische Partei, they've largely been in power since.
Some state however, that Michigan is beginning to turn another cheek. Increased suburbanization and tourism-based politics in specific counties have voters considering the Republicans more and more. Michigan has fallen behind Acadia and Baja Arizona in terms of unionization, and the growing amount of Rainbow Coalition supporters from the younger generation threatens the party. However, they still hold major power, and look to do so for decades to come.
Parties:
Government:
Progressive-Labor - In a state as unionized and urbanized as Michigan, you would expect the PLP to be dominant, and that is in fact mostly true. However, unlike many other PLPs, the Michigan branch has much less Hispanic support, and instead wins much of its support from "ethnic whites". Still, they do have a large Hispanic branch, and the fact that they are basically a political machine helps them. Still, there is a constant fear of returning to the 1970s levels of political chaos, but most of these fears have remained unfounded, as even economically deprived areas, particularly in the southeast of the state, are still voting for the PLP in droves.
Sozialdemokratische Partei - The PLP with a slightly different name, there really isn't much difference between them and the normal PLP, but they are mostly kept around to win over German voters, who the PLP fears will turn to the Republicans if they don't have a machine bowing to their interests. Mostly the SDP has kept language schools alive and well, maintaining German as the second biggest language in the state, and keeping the PLP at least somewhat connected to the needs of suburbia.
Opposition:
Rainbow Coalition - A radically progressive party, the Rainbow Coalition has "mellowed out" since its early days of bomb-throwing radicalism. Although they are still hesitant to accept the PLP machine, they can more properly be described as "Democratic Socialists", rather than a collection of radicals. Their coalition is generally based in Chicago, Gary, and Milwaukee, with a few college towns helping the party out as well. However, even in those cities, they are regulated to second place, but maintain intense power within their communities.
Republicans - Republicans dominate the suburbs, winning a stranger coalition than normal as, unlike in their home territory of the northeast, they win a surprising amount of Catholic voters. However, this doesn't seem to effect them, as they maintain their social moderacy with a bigger twinge of economic conservatism.
Leesburg Movement - The American Ba'athists. Lyndon LaRouche, their dearly departed leader, wrote the theory, but Janice Hart did the praxis. They reject any sense of reality and yet have a legitimate hold on the western portion of the state. As the Rainbow Coalition has become increasingly moderate you'd expect the Leesburg Movement too as well, but they have rejected this and maintain their levels of insanity. The result is Western Michigan often being described as "cult-like", and there's even calls from leaders of the movement to split off and form their own state.
Democratic - Somewhere in the middle of the politics of Michigan, the Democrats have never really been relevant and have never really been irrelevant. Support among some Irish Catholics and Italians who dislike the PLP for being too left-wing exists, as does some support from more moderate folks in Western Michigan, but it is sparse.
Populist - The Social Creditors once had a hold on the extreme anti-Semitic conspiracy theory wing of the state, but their voters have rejected them for harder drugs. Now they simply sit on the side of the road and attempt to promote their economic ideology.
Nationaldemokraten - The NDP provides even more insanity to the state. As many Germans immigrated following the "Great Famine" of the early 1920s that set the stage for Nazi rule, more than a few Michigan German-Americans were more than apologetic about the Nazi regime. As such, they created the NDP, which has won seats in Michigan suburbs for decades now. Described by Jimmy Hoffa Jr. as "an unfortunate blight", they were forced out of office in the 1950s by PLP government, and even though that was later ruled unconstitutional, the NDP began a policy of abstaining in the legislature no matter what. Currently they are more of a paramilitary group than anything, but they retained a seat after 2019, and are still largely at odds with everyone in Michigan politics.
_______
I have Arrowhead written up in a doc but I just started writing this and couldn't stop, enjoy.
The first true immigrant groups to hit the United States were German and Irish ones, both of which found homes in Michigan. As such, Michigan would be a "battleground" between the Republicans and Know-Nothings, as the original Anglo population, which saw the German and Irish immigrants as invading white Anglo-Saxon culture, began to furiously attack both groups. Soon however, the more important conflict of the Civil War would break out, and as such, the Republican Party began to dominate the state. When reconstruction ended, Michigan boomed, and it did so for the Republicans, as the state backed President Grant by massive margins during his election and re-election campaigns. Notably, however, both groups began to break from the Republicans. The Michigan branch of the Republican Party had always been a bit more left-wing than the rest, largely thanks to the ideals of the "Forty-Eighters", German rebels who often aligned themselves with socialistic and radical liberal ideals. They often saw Reconstruction as class war, not a religious one as many other northerners did, largely owing to the state's population's roots in German irreligiosity and Irish Catholicism, abandoning other Republicans' noted breed of liberation based Protestantism. However, this led to an increasing alienation with the Republican Party at-large. The Knights of Labor, a mostly Catholic group that set the stage for the Progressive-Labor Party being "the Catholic Party" in many states, became incredibly popular in Michigan, igniting a "political revolution" in the state in the 1880s between Republicans and various left-wing parties. Although the state was already too urban to accept the People's Party, they backed "Fusion" candidates, who, when national fusion was forced off the table, became the earliest versions of the Labor Party. Soon, however, the dominant forces of Michigan politics came into conflict, as the 1890s brought with it attempts from Irish and WASP-settlers of Michigan to ban German language schools through the increasingly xenophobic Knights of Labor. Of course, these attempts would end up failing, as most of these schools were Catholic, and as such much of the Irish population went against the bans as well. However, attempts to do so from a Republican-Fusion coalition was used as Democrats won the state for the first time since Van Buren in 1892.
Shortly after the "Language Wars" that were soon papered over by the "Labor Coalition", the state saw an influx of two new diasporas. The Poles (the German's natural enemy) and African-Americans (the Irishman's natural enemy) both saw unfortunate conditions in the Southern United States and in Poland and moved in droves to the cities of Chicago, Gary, Milwaukee, and others. What resulted was the policy of de facto segregation. Although Michigan never had segregation in the same way that the South did, its neighborhoods and particularly its schools (largely due to language schools) remained heavily divided based on race, something that would come to a head during the 1960s and 1970s. However, the state would still remain a hotbed of left-wing politic throughout the era, until the 1916 and 1919 elections. As a reward for President Woodrow Wilson refusing to join the First Great War on the side of the hated British and against the Germans, the German and Irish populations of the state reversed trends, and threw their support behind Democrats for the first time. However, Wilson's general incompetence and the support for machine politics allowed the state to return to its Labor roots, but with an interesting split. While many Irish and a growing number of Germans fleeing the horrors of French and British plans to Germany were still very working-class, there was a growing cracking of the higher classes for both groups, a cracking that led to increased Republican and Democratic support. When the Commonwealth Coalition came along, Michigan backed it heavily, but not as heavily as many expected. Although Al Smith saw a massive wave of support, his assassination and replacement with Huey Long calmed the enthusiasm for the coalition. This was not helped by the invasion of Germany under President Long, especially as many newly-arrived Germans had expressed hatred for the British and French. Long's replacement with Irish Catholic Robert E. Quinn helped stem the bleeding, but Germans began invading the Labor Party en masse. While one group left to join the Republicans, another formed the Sozialdemokratische Partei, obviously modeled off of the one back home. The SDP remained a powerhouse, and still does, particularly in German suburbs of Milwaukee.
However, it was clear that the old Irish-German dominated state was once again crumbling. The end of the Commonwealth Coalition and the "Free 1950s" led to desegregation, and massive populations of Hispanic immigrants from Santo Domingo, the Cubas, and Porto Rico led to a growing Hispanic population. As such, politics was shifted. Union leaders such as Walter Reuther and Jimmy Hoffa Sr. originally maintained Labor behind this coalition, and when Labor aligned with the Progressive Party they did even more so. Catholic politic to appeal to working-class Hispanic and Irish voters (along with a growing number of Italians) and populism that appealed to Black and less religious German communities allowed them to maintain power. That was until the rise of the Rainbow Coalition. Fred Hampton, the leader of the Black Panthers of Chicago united with leaders of poor white and hispanic groups, forming the Chicago-based political party known as the Rainbow Coalition. The RC began to shake the state, as did growing "busing" plans, that caused conflict between Irish, Italian, Polish, Hispanic, and Black groups (as most Germans were and are still holed up in language schools). This conflict led to a collapse of political order in the state, as parties sprouted up and died throughout an era of political chaos. By the end, only three truly claimed chances at political power. The Republicans, the party of the non-German suburbs (Germans retained their left-wing, albeit more upper-class bent despite growing suburbanization due to the placement of German language schools in urban areas) and more moderate white voters, the Rainbow Coalition, the party of Blacks, Latinos, and increasingly Asians, and the Progressive-Labor Party. The PLP however, has remained dominant. Despite a challenge to its power in the 1970s, the massive amount of unionization in an incredibly urban state has allowed them to stay strong. Michigan is, as noted by many of its leaders, the party's home, and thanks to the still-kicking Sozialdemokratische Partei, they've largely been in power since.
Some state however, that Michigan is beginning to turn another cheek. Increased suburbanization and tourism-based politics in specific counties have voters considering the Republicans more and more. Michigan has fallen behind Acadia and Baja Arizona in terms of unionization, and the growing amount of Rainbow Coalition supporters from the younger generation threatens the party. However, they still hold major power, and look to do so for decades to come.
Parties:
Government:
Progressive-Labor - In a state as unionized and urbanized as Michigan, you would expect the PLP to be dominant, and that is in fact mostly true. However, unlike many other PLPs, the Michigan branch has much less Hispanic support, and instead wins much of its support from "ethnic whites". Still, they do have a large Hispanic branch, and the fact that they are basically a political machine helps them. Still, there is a constant fear of returning to the 1970s levels of political chaos, but most of these fears have remained unfounded, as even economically deprived areas, particularly in the southeast of the state, are still voting for the PLP in droves.
Sozialdemokratische Partei - The PLP with a slightly different name, there really isn't much difference between them and the normal PLP, but they are mostly kept around to win over German voters, who the PLP fears will turn to the Republicans if they don't have a machine bowing to their interests. Mostly the SDP has kept language schools alive and well, maintaining German as the second biggest language in the state, and keeping the PLP at least somewhat connected to the needs of suburbia.
Opposition:
Rainbow Coalition - A radically progressive party, the Rainbow Coalition has "mellowed out" since its early days of bomb-throwing radicalism. Although they are still hesitant to accept the PLP machine, they can more properly be described as "Democratic Socialists", rather than a collection of radicals. Their coalition is generally based in Chicago, Gary, and Milwaukee, with a few college towns helping the party out as well. However, even in those cities, they are regulated to second place, but maintain intense power within their communities.
Republicans - Republicans dominate the suburbs, winning a stranger coalition than normal as, unlike in their home territory of the northeast, they win a surprising amount of Catholic voters. However, this doesn't seem to effect them, as they maintain their social moderacy with a bigger twinge of economic conservatism.
Leesburg Movement - The American Ba'athists. Lyndon LaRouche, their dearly departed leader, wrote the theory, but Janice Hart did the praxis. They reject any sense of reality and yet have a legitimate hold on the western portion of the state. As the Rainbow Coalition has become increasingly moderate you'd expect the Leesburg Movement too as well, but they have rejected this and maintain their levels of insanity. The result is Western Michigan often being described as "cult-like", and there's even calls from leaders of the movement to split off and form their own state.
Democratic - Somewhere in the middle of the politics of Michigan, the Democrats have never really been relevant and have never really been irrelevant. Support among some Irish Catholics and Italians who dislike the PLP for being too left-wing exists, as does some support from more moderate folks in Western Michigan, but it is sparse.
Populist - The Social Creditors once had a hold on the extreme anti-Semitic conspiracy theory wing of the state, but their voters have rejected them for harder drugs. Now they simply sit on the side of the road and attempt to promote their economic ideology.
Nationaldemokraten - The NDP provides even more insanity to the state. As many Germans immigrated following the "Great Famine" of the early 1920s that set the stage for Nazi rule, more than a few Michigan German-Americans were more than apologetic about the Nazi regime. As such, they created the NDP, which has won seats in Michigan suburbs for decades now. Described by Jimmy Hoffa Jr. as "an unfortunate blight", they were forced out of office in the 1950s by PLP government, and even though that was later ruled unconstitutional, the NDP began a policy of abstaining in the legislature no matter what. Currently they are more of a paramilitary group than anything, but they retained a seat after 2019, and are still largely at odds with everyone in Michigan politics.
I have Arrowhead written up in a doc but I just started writing this and couldn't stop, enjoy.
Last edited:
Walpurgisnacht
It was in the Year of Maximum Danger
- Location
- Banned from the forum
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i wish i could call her mommy
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Multistate Universe College Football Playoff + New Years 8 Bowls
College Football Playoff
(Instituted 2020, Best 6 Teams as ranked by College Football Selection Committee)
Cotton Bowl:
Southwestern Conference Champion vs. Invite/SEC/PCC Runner Up
#8 Hiram Scott College (12-0) vs. #17 Southwestern University (9-2)*
Dixie Bowl:
Southern Conference Champion vs. Southeastern Conference Champion
#7 Yazoo State University (10-2) vs. #9 Cherokee Tech* (10-1)
Orange Bowl:
Atlantic Coast Conference Champion vs. Appalachian Conference Champion
#12 East Cuba University (10-2) vs. #14 West Virginia University (11-1)
Rose Bowl:
Pacific Conference Champion vs. Great 8 College Champion
#10 University of Oregon* (10-2) vs. #11 Superior University* (10-1)
(Instituted 2020, Best 6 Teams as ranked by College Football Selection Committee)
1. Furman University
(Southern Conference, 12-0)
2. University of Texas
(Southwestern Conference, 12-0)
3. Miami State University
(Great 8, 11-1)
4. University of Shawnee
(Appalachian Conference, 12-0)
5. University of Shasta
(Pacific Coast Conference, 11-1)
6. University of Sequoyah
(Southwestern Conference, 11-1)
Nearly-Made-Its:
7. Yazoo State University
(Southeastern Conference, 10-2)
8. Hiram Scott College
(Mountain States Conference, 12-0)
New Year’s 4 Bowls:
(Southern Conference, 12-0)
2. University of Texas
(Southwestern Conference, 12-0)
3. Miami State University
(Great 8, 11-1)
4. University of Shawnee
(Appalachian Conference, 12-0)
5. University of Shasta
(Pacific Coast Conference, 11-1)
6. University of Sequoyah
(Southwestern Conference, 11-1)
Nearly-Made-Its:
7. Yazoo State University
(Southeastern Conference, 10-2)
8. Hiram Scott College
(Mountain States Conference, 12-0)
New Year’s 4 Bowls:
(Once the dominant way to choose the National Champion, they now exist mostly as a way to fight regionalism in the sport. Conferences designated a bowl opportunity are listed, however, with the advent of the playoff over the selection system in 2020, there are many second place finishers getting playoff opportunities, also one “Group of 4” team is now guaranteed a NY8 spot)
Cotton Bowl:
Southwestern Conference Champion vs. Invite/SEC/PCC Runner Up
#8 Hiram Scott College (12-0) vs. #17 Southwestern University (9-2)*
Dixie Bowl:
Southern Conference Champion vs. Southeastern Conference Champion
#7 Yazoo State University (10-2) vs. #9 Cherokee Tech* (10-1)
Orange Bowl:
Atlantic Coast Conference Champion vs. Appalachian Conference Champion
#12 East Cuba University (10-2) vs. #14 West Virginia University (11-1)
Rose Bowl:
Pacific Conference Champion vs. Great 8 College Champion
#10 University of Oregon* (10-2) vs. #11 Superior University* (10-1)
- Pronouns
- he/they is fine
Arrowhead, a state created out of the “Arrowhead” region of Minnesota, is a state reminiscent of many in the upper midwest. Dominated by the Progressive-Labor Party, Arrowhead is known for its long history of backing union politics, and the largest reason why is the large amounts of iron mining in the state. The mining has helped bring a large number of “white ethnics” to the state, such as Italians and Slavs. Along with Acadia and Michigan it remains one of the most unionized states in the nation, and as such is very left wing on almost all issues, but it is one with a shifting economy. Similarly to Superior, tourism has come up as a major economic industry in the state, and it brings with it a very different political movement to the state. More “liberal” voters, moving to the state due to the impressive tourism economy, see the process of iron mining as environmentally destructive, and as such largely support the Young Greens, the growing opposition to the Arrowhead Progressive-Labor Party.
While supporters of the Young Greens hope to establish themselves as the new dominant party in Arrowhead as the economy begins to shift more and more to tourism, they should look to the past opposition party of the state. Arrowhead, a state extremely close to the Canadian border, saw one of the first Social Credit parties in United States history, with the formation of the Independent Populists (later renamed the Populists) as the Social Credit ideology “bled” across the border during the Great Depression. However, the Populists of Arrowhead were much less reactionary than other such parties. The Populists largely abandoned anti-immigration and protestant Christian fundamentalism rhetoric that the Canadian “Socreds' ' promoted due to Arrowhead’s large immigrant population and generally more left wing feeling in the state than in, say, Alberta. While Arrowhead was expectedly backing the Commonwealth Coalition for a time, the “Opposition Revolution'' of 1937, in which the Commonwealth Coalition took a beating downballot nationally, brought the Populist Party into power quite easily. Arrowhead became a laboratory for Social Credit ideals to be tested, and the state still retains many of the effects. The State Bank of Arrowhead was created, so-called “prosperity certificates'' were given to the public, which, when rejected by many merchants, led to the creation of “Arrowhead stores'', or, stores created by the Arrowhead government in order to accept said certificates (which Social Credit economics C.H. Douglas saw it as a way to equalize purchasing power), and a dramatic decrease in property taxes. However, the government also saw a large amount of debt, and was seen by Douglas as “a start” but not enough to fulfill his ideology. The Populist government was voted out in 1953, but prosperity credits, Arrowhead stores, and the State Bank of Arrowhead still largely exist in the state.
After the loss of the Populists, the Progressive-Labor Party remained in power for a substantial period of time, however, opposition, largely led by the Populists and minor parties, have been able to form coalitions. Populists and the extremely small Republicans (who no longer hold any seats in the state) would frequently forge coalitions, with their most recent being formed in the 1990s. Their final coalition, the government of 1994-1996 was the most influential, as it brought the state property tax to its lowest, and as such encouraged a massive amount of businesses, led by so-called “Yuppies” to flood to the state, as its tourism industry and low taxes encouraged them. While Republicans and Populists expected such a group would support them, they ended up being the thing that killed both parties, as said voters looked for more liberal options, and found the increasingly liberal Young Greens. The PLP returned to power in 1996 as the state saw a massive red wave drop over them, and have remained in office since, but with varying amounts of success. Ironically, a Progressive-Labor-Populist alliance has been formed in opposition to the rising Young Greens and other such parties, and has helped maintain much of the state’s “social credit influence” as Arrowhead stores are at risk of being bought up or privatized by the Yuppie invasion.
Arrowhead is a beautiful state on the Great lakes, with the Lake Isle national park helping the state's reputation as well. Underneath that beauty comes a political conflict between new and old interests, creating controversy. Even older is the protection ideology has afforded them, as Arrowhead’s prosperity certificates and Arrowhead stores remain an interesting part of state lore. Time will tell if Arrowhead abandons its past as the future marches on, but as of right now it remains a strong and beautiful place.
Parties:
Government:
Progressive-Labor - Governing alone this time, the PLP of Arrowhead maintains its strong base of Iron Range support, sweeping heavy mining towns. However, the Progressive-Labor Party is surprisingly socially liberal, particularly as they attempt to appeal to the very Yuppies their voters hate. As such, Arrowhead remains a progressive haven in the northwest, and has even seen population gains from groups seeking refuge from the more conservative regions it surrounds.
Opposition:
Young Greens - The party of the yuppies, the Young Greens exist mostly in towns built by tourism, taking the angle of many other state Republican parties. Despite their extremely socially liberal views moving Arrowhead to the left, they are generally more economically conservative (in an Arrowhead context). Their voters see Arrowhead stores and prosperity certificates as wastes of government money and prevent them from making an even bigger impact in the state economy. As such, they are largely opposed by the other major parties in the state, but remain extremely strong.
Populist - Still kicking! Although the national Populist Party sees Arrowhead as an inspiration, the state party is largely only given a chance to govern through a coalition with their former arch-rivals in the Progressive-Labor Party. However, their base, as riled up as ever, still backs them with intense popularist sentiment. With the PLP becoming increasingly left wing on social issues, the Populists have begun to eat up many of their former more socially conservative voters, creating a party that is less in line with the Social Credit ideology, and more in line with the so-called “Christian Democratic” wing of the party. As such, some of the more “ugly” views once abandoned by the states’ Populists, such as anti-Semitism and Christian exceptionalism have been increasingly welcomed into the party. Still, they remain committed to the Social Credit economic ideology as it manifests itself in the state, and the Christian Democratic wing hasn’t taken over just yet.
Native American Unity - One of many parties advocating for Native American rights in the United States, the Arrowhead NAU mostly gets its support from the small Native American communities in the Cook and Carlton counties. Although there are some small non-Ojibwe populations represented within the party, the Ojibwe Indian tribe generally dominates the party, and as such it’s often denoted as the “Ojibwe Party”. Similar to the Young Greens, they are generally to the left of the state on social issues, but due to the Ojibwe’s interests in casinos and resorts, they are often to the right of the state on economic issues, particularly when it comes to so-called Arrowhead stores on and near their lands, which they say are disproportionately promoting alcohol usage and reliance on the government.
Republican - Although all but dead, the Republicans are the only thing resembling a “conservative” party in Arrowhead, as they have a heavy socially conservative angle. However, they fail to hold any seats in the generally left wing state, and exist as little more than a joke in the state, which is ironic, as the state they left, Minnesota, has been dominated by the Republican Stassen dynasty for decades.
While supporters of the Young Greens hope to establish themselves as the new dominant party in Arrowhead as the economy begins to shift more and more to tourism, they should look to the past opposition party of the state. Arrowhead, a state extremely close to the Canadian border, saw one of the first Social Credit parties in United States history, with the formation of the Independent Populists (later renamed the Populists) as the Social Credit ideology “bled” across the border during the Great Depression. However, the Populists of Arrowhead were much less reactionary than other such parties. The Populists largely abandoned anti-immigration and protestant Christian fundamentalism rhetoric that the Canadian “Socreds' ' promoted due to Arrowhead’s large immigrant population and generally more left wing feeling in the state than in, say, Alberta. While Arrowhead was expectedly backing the Commonwealth Coalition for a time, the “Opposition Revolution'' of 1937, in which the Commonwealth Coalition took a beating downballot nationally, brought the Populist Party into power quite easily. Arrowhead became a laboratory for Social Credit ideals to be tested, and the state still retains many of the effects. The State Bank of Arrowhead was created, so-called “prosperity certificates'' were given to the public, which, when rejected by many merchants, led to the creation of “Arrowhead stores'', or, stores created by the Arrowhead government in order to accept said certificates (which Social Credit economics C.H. Douglas saw it as a way to equalize purchasing power), and a dramatic decrease in property taxes. However, the government also saw a large amount of debt, and was seen by Douglas as “a start” but not enough to fulfill his ideology. The Populist government was voted out in 1953, but prosperity credits, Arrowhead stores, and the State Bank of Arrowhead still largely exist in the state.
After the loss of the Populists, the Progressive-Labor Party remained in power for a substantial period of time, however, opposition, largely led by the Populists and minor parties, have been able to form coalitions. Populists and the extremely small Republicans (who no longer hold any seats in the state) would frequently forge coalitions, with their most recent being formed in the 1990s. Their final coalition, the government of 1994-1996 was the most influential, as it brought the state property tax to its lowest, and as such encouraged a massive amount of businesses, led by so-called “Yuppies” to flood to the state, as its tourism industry and low taxes encouraged them. While Republicans and Populists expected such a group would support them, they ended up being the thing that killed both parties, as said voters looked for more liberal options, and found the increasingly liberal Young Greens. The PLP returned to power in 1996 as the state saw a massive red wave drop over them, and have remained in office since, but with varying amounts of success. Ironically, a Progressive-Labor-Populist alliance has been formed in opposition to the rising Young Greens and other such parties, and has helped maintain much of the state’s “social credit influence” as Arrowhead stores are at risk of being bought up or privatized by the Yuppie invasion.
Arrowhead is a beautiful state on the Great lakes, with the Lake Isle national park helping the state's reputation as well. Underneath that beauty comes a political conflict between new and old interests, creating controversy. Even older is the protection ideology has afforded them, as Arrowhead’s prosperity certificates and Arrowhead stores remain an interesting part of state lore. Time will tell if Arrowhead abandons its past as the future marches on, but as of right now it remains a strong and beautiful place.
Parties:
Government:
Progressive-Labor - Governing alone this time, the PLP of Arrowhead maintains its strong base of Iron Range support, sweeping heavy mining towns. However, the Progressive-Labor Party is surprisingly socially liberal, particularly as they attempt to appeal to the very Yuppies their voters hate. As such, Arrowhead remains a progressive haven in the northwest, and has even seen population gains from groups seeking refuge from the more conservative regions it surrounds.
Opposition:
Young Greens - The party of the yuppies, the Young Greens exist mostly in towns built by tourism, taking the angle of many other state Republican parties. Despite their extremely socially liberal views moving Arrowhead to the left, they are generally more economically conservative (in an Arrowhead context). Their voters see Arrowhead stores and prosperity certificates as wastes of government money and prevent them from making an even bigger impact in the state economy. As such, they are largely opposed by the other major parties in the state, but remain extremely strong.
Populist - Still kicking! Although the national Populist Party sees Arrowhead as an inspiration, the state party is largely only given a chance to govern through a coalition with their former arch-rivals in the Progressive-Labor Party. However, their base, as riled up as ever, still backs them with intense popularist sentiment. With the PLP becoming increasingly left wing on social issues, the Populists have begun to eat up many of their former more socially conservative voters, creating a party that is less in line with the Social Credit ideology, and more in line with the so-called “Christian Democratic” wing of the party. As such, some of the more “ugly” views once abandoned by the states’ Populists, such as anti-Semitism and Christian exceptionalism have been increasingly welcomed into the party. Still, they remain committed to the Social Credit economic ideology as it manifests itself in the state, and the Christian Democratic wing hasn’t taken over just yet.
Native American Unity - One of many parties advocating for Native American rights in the United States, the Arrowhead NAU mostly gets its support from the small Native American communities in the Cook and Carlton counties. Although there are some small non-Ojibwe populations represented within the party, the Ojibwe Indian tribe generally dominates the party, and as such it’s often denoted as the “Ojibwe Party”. Similar to the Young Greens, they are generally to the left of the state on social issues, but due to the Ojibwe’s interests in casinos and resorts, they are often to the right of the state on economic issues, particularly when it comes to so-called Arrowhead stores on and near their lands, which they say are disproportionately promoting alcohol usage and reliance on the government.
Republican - Although all but dead, the Republicans are the only thing resembling a “conservative” party in Arrowhead, as they have a heavy socially conservative angle. However, they fail to hold any seats in the generally left wing state, and exist as little more than a joke in the state, which is ironic, as the state they left, Minnesota, has been dominated by the Republican Stassen dynasty for decades.
Walpurgisnacht
It was in the Year of Maximum Danger
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Damn, a state that could be described as Fine, Actually! It's great to finish a The Many States entry without crippling dread and fe--
oh g_d oh fuck
oh g_d oh fuck
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New Deal Programs and Anti-Communism for All!
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While the United States is most well known for its many, well, states, it also has amassed a large amount of territories. Lodge, also largely known as the "Island of Pines", has had a stranger history than most. Sold by Spain to Belgium during Belgium's attempts at building an empire, it was exploited for its large amounts of pine trees, and lumber, along with marble, became a profitable industry for Belgium. However, by the 1890s, the colony had become more trouble than it was worth, and with Belgium seeing a new shiny object in the Congo, they sold the island to the United States after the United States, under President Levi Morton, went to war with Spain, and obtained territory in Cuba. Originally, the island, named after Secretary of State Henry Lodge, was put in the Cuban Territory, and then in the East Cuban territory, after West Cuba was split off to become a state. However, the territory would also be split from East Cuba, and has not gained statehood since, remaining one of the United States' many territories. Since then, Lodge territory has had a controversial history. Tales of long-lasting exploitation and imperialistic sentiment were common, and much of the population (which itself was often only there for penal reasons) would flee the territory, and so-called "Lodgers" make up a large population of Havana and other major cities in the Caribbean states.
Like most territories, Lodge had only very minor elections (although their territorial elections were some of the first to utilize D'Hondt in the United States), and all of its governors were appointed. However, during the 1960s, American policy towards territories shifted (largely due to the Hawaiian Revolutions), and elections began to be held in Lodge. While the introduction of elections was widely-praised, issues began to emerge, largely over languages spoken in the territory. Spanish, French, and English were all spoken at high rates across the territory, however, Secretary for Territorial Affairs Hunter S. Thompson largely ignored said differences, and due to the ballots and most of the campaign being entirely in English, and as such, the governing coalition became dominated by English-speakers, particularly from the southern portion of the island, which was populated by Dominican (as in Dominica), and Jamaican immigrants to the territory, and as such, the 1967 elections were won by the so-called "Lumber Coalition", led by Republicans, originally the dominant party in much of the Caribbean, which was led by white lumber executives in the major cities of Nueva Gerona and Santa Fe and Dominican/Indigenous lumber workers largely voting out of interest. French and Spanish speaking parties were largely shut down by heavy linguistic differences in the state, although the (surprisingly right-wing) Partido de los Trabajadores de la Madera, or Lumber Workers Party was allowed to participate in the coalition. Meanwhile, miners in the state's northern quarries became infatuated with the Labor and Communist parties, who both sent bi and trilingual delegates to the territory in the hopes of expanding their political power into the Caribbean. Miners, who largely spoke French, were shut out of elections, and politics became entrenched based on language and region. Republican propaganda accused the left wing of the state of wanting to shut down the lumber industry, and force everyone into mining. As such, the Republicans and their scattered allies maintained political power for a decade, largely due to a higher population in lumber-based areas and the cities they dominated.
However, in 1978, Republicans began to collapse. A so-called "citizens movement" within the southern lumber-based Republican wing began to have strained relations with the northern urban and suburban wing. As such, when original state Republican leader Louis "Skip" Bafalis (himself a white transplant banker from New Hampshire who only moved to Lodge after being stationed there in the Second Great War) retired, a battle ensued. Jamaican-American Ronald Blackwood, himself not a logger (instead working for a small electronics company in south Lodge before becoming politically active), but a Republican who many felt represented loggers interests, was backed by Jamaican and Dominican leaders in the state against William F. Poe, the mayor of Santa Fe and another transplant who ironically had been chosen by "Reform Republicans" led by nonwhite interests when running for mayor to challenge Santa Fe's long systems of oppression. However, Poe utilized every inch of the Republican machine in 1978, even shutting out delegates from attending the leadership convention and placing restrictive limits on how many delegates could be sent from the southern portion of the state. Blackwood and his supporters, outraged at what had occured, formed the "Citizen's Republican Committee", or CRC, which split off completely from the Republicans. The result was a political revolution. The Citizen's Republicans, after dropping "Committee" from their name, swept the 1979 elections, bringing with them a large number of nonwhite members of the territorial assembly, something that had been rare under the Republican rule. However, margins in the Santa Fe-Nueva Gerona metro area and vote splitting led to a hellish Citizen's Republicans-Labor-Partido de los Trabajadores de la Madera coalition being formed. The coalition was unstable and collapsed, but the Citizen's Republicans were able to gain a much more stable plurality two years later, which was propped up by their Spanish and new French "feeder parties", the Partido de los Trabajadores de la Madera and the Parti de la Liberté, which were used to split the Labor and Communist parties in their home territory.
The Citizen's Republicans, largely under Blackwood's rule, had an extremely successful period of rule, as the original Republican Party, still led by Poe, even changed their name to the Reform Party. However, in 1983, Blackwood revealed his Modernization Plan, in which he called for Lodge to "jump into the 21st century". Blackwood abandoned much of the policies of his party, beginning to promote high subsidies and tax breaks for tech corporations, while cutting the income and property taxes massively in order to "encourage business" to enter the state. While this was originally quite popular, as the "Blackwood Boom" began as companies saw the island as perfect for tax breaks, it began to hurt many of the citizens within the state. First of all, marble mining, an already barely-profitable business even with it being propped up by subsidies and the island's monopolization of it (as white leaders feared a "miners revolt"), was seen as a waste by Blackwood, and the mines were "cut free" of government intervention, and as expected, they completely collapsed. Thousands of people lost their jobs, and small mining towns became heavily depopulated. This led first to the destruction of the states' Labor Party, but also the flooding of people to major cities and lumber corporations, who then utilized the new workforce to lower wages, fight unions, and generally exploit. As such, income inequality exploded in the territory, and thousands of people either became unemployed or fled the island.
By 1994, Blackwood was extremely unpopular, but the fact that his opposition was destroyed and his machine was still kicking, allowed for him to maintain power. A coalition with the Reform Party kept him in office, but fate eventually got to him, and Blackwood, once known as the "man of the people", who now boasted a 23% approval rating, was killed during a speech. The resulting political chaos led to the collapse of the Citizen's Republicans, but Labor and the Reform Party were both too split and had lost too much political territory to take their place. The Communists had a base, but one that had little space to grow outside of that, and the Spanish and French parties (or basically just the Trabajadores de la Madera and Parti de la Liberté) were obviously very limited, especially the Parti de la Liberté, as they were so unpopular among the remaining French-speaking miners that many of their leaders and campaigners simply "went missing". The question of who could fill such a massive political void needed an answer, and one was given to them by a new face, Independent Seward County-Mayor Juan Cobb[1]. Cobb, a man of mixed descent, had risen to form the "Independent Alliance" in Seward County, a major mining county, and, on a platform of opposing the Blackwood reforms, became extremely popular within Seward, largely by promoting an ideology of "Community Development".
With the pieces needed to be picked up after modernization, Cobb's strange mix of libertarian, left wing, and right wing ideals became quite popular within the territory. Cobb proposed a territory of "self-governing" territories, or basically communes, with a mix of direct and workplace democracy, while a bigger, overarching government would protect said territories from "outside intervention", which was extremely popular. Meanwhile, Cobb was also very right wing socially, proposing government bans to "vices", such as alcohol (which ravaged small communities after economic collapse), gambling, pornography, homosexuality, and abortion. This, along with Cobb's populist campaign, allowed for the Independent Alliance to sweep the territory. In office, Cobb stated that he would "not allow Lodge to become Havana", and saw widespread reforms. Major companies left the territory, taking jobs with them, but in response, Cobb created "Citizens Committee Jobs" out of factories and workplaces abandoned by large companies. While many on the left saw this as a successful political victory, the police force of the territory began to "terrorize" the public, leading to large shutdowns of public areas seen as promoting "vice". Across the political spectrum Cobb received both scorn and praise, but to the population of Lodge, he has remained a popular figure, establishing a machine that rarely loses.
Today in Lodge, Juan Cobb and his Independent Alliance have remained a powerful force, with opposition largely existing only within Citizens Republican strongholds in the South and some suburban areas. The Labor Party is dead, a rarity in most Caribbean states and territories, but the Communist Party, campaigning in decimated mining areas, is stronger in Lodge than anywhere else. A growing big-tent "Statehood Party", which feels that Cobb, in attempts to win support among independence activists, has taken the "middle line" between statehood and territorial autonomy, and are most strong in the west of the territory. However, no group has been able to truly challenge Cobb's power, and a "united front" has consistently failed. That was until 2019, where the Independent Alliance finally failed to procure a majority, leading to an extremely unsteady coalition with the Communists, who share Cobb's social and much of his economic views. The coalition has left Cobb unpopular among many of his constituents, and there is rumors of him retiring and potentially joining the International General Assembly, which many say Cobb has been aiming for for decades.
Parties:
Government:
Independent Alliance - The party of Juan Cobb, the Independent Alliance is a weird fusion of politics that rarely make sense to outside observers. Praised by some for economic left-libertarianism and yet praised by others for their draconian social policies, one thing is for sure, the IA helps make Lodge "stand out" among other Caribbean entities, as it lacks the libertarian gambling culture of West Cuba or the more centralized ways of life in Dominica, East Cuba, and Santo Domingo. Instead, the IA has created a nation-within-a-nation, and Cobb is often treated as a president, both by citizens and outside companies. However, the growing coalition and friendliness with the Communist Party has made him even more controversial, and Cobb has now taken a PR beating from conservatives nationally who once praised his social policies. Many expect him to step down, but Cobb remains in office, at least for the time being.
Communist Party - In power in a territory for the first time since the 1950s and in Lodge for the first time ever, the Communists of Lodge are very different from the national party. Strict social conservatism and a base largely in old, depleted mining communities has given them a strange form of politic that places them among some of the most radical Communist parties internationally on economic issues, but close to even the Christian Values Party on social issues.
Opposition:
Citizens Republican - Once thought dead, the party's resurgence has occured as newer, younger populations begin to get fed up with the IA, and as such they maintain their support among Jamaican, Afro-Lodger, and Dominican populations, and as such they seem on the cusp of power, with suburban and logger communities backing them heavily.
Statehood - There is no true uniting factor within the Statehood Party other than vague calls for statehood and frustration with the Independent Alliance. Fortunately for them this appears to be extremely popular at the moment, and they have begun to control much of the west of the territory. Calls for statehood are still consistently made, but Cobb's position as a lightning rod for controversy have made them harder. As such, they rejected a coalition with the IA, and now seem ready to lead the opposition.
Reform - The old Republicans, the Reform Party only exists in extremely cranky old white locations, and are therefore not very relevant. However, they maintain some seats, largely in Santa Fe, and if a coalition between the Citizens Republican and Statehood parties needs more backing, they can easily provide.
Labor - Once powerful, they are extremely insignificant, falling behind the Communists and doing almost nothing. They won no seats in 2019, and do not expect to win any in the future.
[1] Made-up person.
Like most territories, Lodge had only very minor elections (although their territorial elections were some of the first to utilize D'Hondt in the United States), and all of its governors were appointed. However, during the 1960s, American policy towards territories shifted (largely due to the Hawaiian Revolutions), and elections began to be held in Lodge. While the introduction of elections was widely-praised, issues began to emerge, largely over languages spoken in the territory. Spanish, French, and English were all spoken at high rates across the territory, however, Secretary for Territorial Affairs Hunter S. Thompson largely ignored said differences, and due to the ballots and most of the campaign being entirely in English, and as such, the governing coalition became dominated by English-speakers, particularly from the southern portion of the island, which was populated by Dominican (as in Dominica), and Jamaican immigrants to the territory, and as such, the 1967 elections were won by the so-called "Lumber Coalition", led by Republicans, originally the dominant party in much of the Caribbean, which was led by white lumber executives in the major cities of Nueva Gerona and Santa Fe and Dominican/Indigenous lumber workers largely voting out of interest. French and Spanish speaking parties were largely shut down by heavy linguistic differences in the state, although the (surprisingly right-wing) Partido de los Trabajadores de la Madera, or Lumber Workers Party was allowed to participate in the coalition. Meanwhile, miners in the state's northern quarries became infatuated with the Labor and Communist parties, who both sent bi and trilingual delegates to the territory in the hopes of expanding their political power into the Caribbean. Miners, who largely spoke French, were shut out of elections, and politics became entrenched based on language and region. Republican propaganda accused the left wing of the state of wanting to shut down the lumber industry, and force everyone into mining. As such, the Republicans and their scattered allies maintained political power for a decade, largely due to a higher population in lumber-based areas and the cities they dominated.
However, in 1978, Republicans began to collapse. A so-called "citizens movement" within the southern lumber-based Republican wing began to have strained relations with the northern urban and suburban wing. As such, when original state Republican leader Louis "Skip" Bafalis (himself a white transplant banker from New Hampshire who only moved to Lodge after being stationed there in the Second Great War) retired, a battle ensued. Jamaican-American Ronald Blackwood, himself not a logger (instead working for a small electronics company in south Lodge before becoming politically active), but a Republican who many felt represented loggers interests, was backed by Jamaican and Dominican leaders in the state against William F. Poe, the mayor of Santa Fe and another transplant who ironically had been chosen by "Reform Republicans" led by nonwhite interests when running for mayor to challenge Santa Fe's long systems of oppression. However, Poe utilized every inch of the Republican machine in 1978, even shutting out delegates from attending the leadership convention and placing restrictive limits on how many delegates could be sent from the southern portion of the state. Blackwood and his supporters, outraged at what had occured, formed the "Citizen's Republican Committee", or CRC, which split off completely from the Republicans. The result was a political revolution. The Citizen's Republicans, after dropping "Committee" from their name, swept the 1979 elections, bringing with them a large number of nonwhite members of the territorial assembly, something that had been rare under the Republican rule. However, margins in the Santa Fe-Nueva Gerona metro area and vote splitting led to a hellish Citizen's Republicans-Labor-Partido de los Trabajadores de la Madera coalition being formed. The coalition was unstable and collapsed, but the Citizen's Republicans were able to gain a much more stable plurality two years later, which was propped up by their Spanish and new French "feeder parties", the Partido de los Trabajadores de la Madera and the Parti de la Liberté, which were used to split the Labor and Communist parties in their home territory.
The Citizen's Republicans, largely under Blackwood's rule, had an extremely successful period of rule, as the original Republican Party, still led by Poe, even changed their name to the Reform Party. However, in 1983, Blackwood revealed his Modernization Plan, in which he called for Lodge to "jump into the 21st century". Blackwood abandoned much of the policies of his party, beginning to promote high subsidies and tax breaks for tech corporations, while cutting the income and property taxes massively in order to "encourage business" to enter the state. While this was originally quite popular, as the "Blackwood Boom" began as companies saw the island as perfect for tax breaks, it began to hurt many of the citizens within the state. First of all, marble mining, an already barely-profitable business even with it being propped up by subsidies and the island's monopolization of it (as white leaders feared a "miners revolt"), was seen as a waste by Blackwood, and the mines were "cut free" of government intervention, and as expected, they completely collapsed. Thousands of people lost their jobs, and small mining towns became heavily depopulated. This led first to the destruction of the states' Labor Party, but also the flooding of people to major cities and lumber corporations, who then utilized the new workforce to lower wages, fight unions, and generally exploit. As such, income inequality exploded in the territory, and thousands of people either became unemployed or fled the island.
By 1994, Blackwood was extremely unpopular, but the fact that his opposition was destroyed and his machine was still kicking, allowed for him to maintain power. A coalition with the Reform Party kept him in office, but fate eventually got to him, and Blackwood, once known as the "man of the people", who now boasted a 23% approval rating, was killed during a speech. The resulting political chaos led to the collapse of the Citizen's Republicans, but Labor and the Reform Party were both too split and had lost too much political territory to take their place. The Communists had a base, but one that had little space to grow outside of that, and the Spanish and French parties (or basically just the Trabajadores de la Madera and Parti de la Liberté) were obviously very limited, especially the Parti de la Liberté, as they were so unpopular among the remaining French-speaking miners that many of their leaders and campaigners simply "went missing". The question of who could fill such a massive political void needed an answer, and one was given to them by a new face, Independent Seward County-Mayor Juan Cobb[1]. Cobb, a man of mixed descent, had risen to form the "Independent Alliance" in Seward County, a major mining county, and, on a platform of opposing the Blackwood reforms, became extremely popular within Seward, largely by promoting an ideology of "Community Development".
With the pieces needed to be picked up after modernization, Cobb's strange mix of libertarian, left wing, and right wing ideals became quite popular within the territory. Cobb proposed a territory of "self-governing" territories, or basically communes, with a mix of direct and workplace democracy, while a bigger, overarching government would protect said territories from "outside intervention", which was extremely popular. Meanwhile, Cobb was also very right wing socially, proposing government bans to "vices", such as alcohol (which ravaged small communities after economic collapse), gambling, pornography, homosexuality, and abortion. This, along with Cobb's populist campaign, allowed for the Independent Alliance to sweep the territory. In office, Cobb stated that he would "not allow Lodge to become Havana", and saw widespread reforms. Major companies left the territory, taking jobs with them, but in response, Cobb created "Citizens Committee Jobs" out of factories and workplaces abandoned by large companies. While many on the left saw this as a successful political victory, the police force of the territory began to "terrorize" the public, leading to large shutdowns of public areas seen as promoting "vice". Across the political spectrum Cobb received both scorn and praise, but to the population of Lodge, he has remained a popular figure, establishing a machine that rarely loses.
Today in Lodge, Juan Cobb and his Independent Alliance have remained a powerful force, with opposition largely existing only within Citizens Republican strongholds in the South and some suburban areas. The Labor Party is dead, a rarity in most Caribbean states and territories, but the Communist Party, campaigning in decimated mining areas, is stronger in Lodge than anywhere else. A growing big-tent "Statehood Party", which feels that Cobb, in attempts to win support among independence activists, has taken the "middle line" between statehood and territorial autonomy, and are most strong in the west of the territory. However, no group has been able to truly challenge Cobb's power, and a "united front" has consistently failed. That was until 2019, where the Independent Alliance finally failed to procure a majority, leading to an extremely unsteady coalition with the Communists, who share Cobb's social and much of his economic views. The coalition has left Cobb unpopular among many of his constituents, and there is rumors of him retiring and potentially joining the International General Assembly, which many say Cobb has been aiming for for decades.
Parties:
Government:
Independent Alliance - The party of Juan Cobb, the Independent Alliance is a weird fusion of politics that rarely make sense to outside observers. Praised by some for economic left-libertarianism and yet praised by others for their draconian social policies, one thing is for sure, the IA helps make Lodge "stand out" among other Caribbean entities, as it lacks the libertarian gambling culture of West Cuba or the more centralized ways of life in Dominica, East Cuba, and Santo Domingo. Instead, the IA has created a nation-within-a-nation, and Cobb is often treated as a president, both by citizens and outside companies. However, the growing coalition and friendliness with the Communist Party has made him even more controversial, and Cobb has now taken a PR beating from conservatives nationally who once praised his social policies. Many expect him to step down, but Cobb remains in office, at least for the time being.
Communist Party - In power in a territory for the first time since the 1950s and in Lodge for the first time ever, the Communists of Lodge are very different from the national party. Strict social conservatism and a base largely in old, depleted mining communities has given them a strange form of politic that places them among some of the most radical Communist parties internationally on economic issues, but close to even the Christian Values Party on social issues.
Opposition:
Citizens Republican - Once thought dead, the party's resurgence has occured as newer, younger populations begin to get fed up with the IA, and as such they maintain their support among Jamaican, Afro-Lodger, and Dominican populations, and as such they seem on the cusp of power, with suburban and logger communities backing them heavily.
Statehood - There is no true uniting factor within the Statehood Party other than vague calls for statehood and frustration with the Independent Alliance. Fortunately for them this appears to be extremely popular at the moment, and they have begun to control much of the west of the territory. Calls for statehood are still consistently made, but Cobb's position as a lightning rod for controversy have made them harder. As such, they rejected a coalition with the IA, and now seem ready to lead the opposition.
Reform - The old Republicans, the Reform Party only exists in extremely cranky old white locations, and are therefore not very relevant. However, they maintain some seats, largely in Santa Fe, and if a coalition between the Citizens Republican and Statehood parties needs more backing, they can easily provide.
Labor - Once powerful, they are extremely insignificant, falling behind the Communists and doing almost nothing. They won no seats in 2019, and do not expect to win any in the future.
[1] Made-up person.
Walpurgisnacht
It was in the Year of Maximum Danger
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I cannot even begin to comprehend the vastness of the galaxy brain that made up this entry. Beautiful work, especially the stuff about Belgium.
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i was bored in class
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In the book of Exodus, it is famously said by God themself, "Go, return into Egypt: for all the men are dead which sought thy life". As Americans, particularly northerners enter "Little Egypt", they may feel the same. Of course, there is no state named Little Egypt (yet), but the state more professionally known as Chickasaw is more well known as "Little Egypt" to both insiders and outsiders is definitely one with an interesting history. Carved out of Illinois during the Van Buren administration in an attempt to keep Van Buren strong within the Democratic party, Chickasaw was given the name of a tribe that had inspired many other southern states' names, and that had very scarcely lived in the area. It existed as a transplant state, maintaining slavery for salt instead of cotton or tobacco, and being the only northern state to vote against Lincoln in 1860. However, it also didn't join the confederacy, as the state was quickly "controlled" by federal troops surrounding it, and salt-based slavery was much less profitable than cotton or tobacco. After the war, the state became a well known swing state, as they had both a strong Democratic constituency of Southern-thinking whites, but also a substantial black population (although one that would be outpaced by other midwestern states by the mid-1900s) and a "military Republican" population, largely due to the fact that president Lincoln saw the state as a major strategic area during the Civil War.
Of course, greater political conflicts would follow Chickasaw's minor part in the Civil War. During the 1890s, the area, which had voted Democratic throughout the 1880s due to "white terror" being inflicted upon black Republicans, the state was delivered to Levi Morton in large part due to a pseudo-"Southern Strategy" aimed at winning some white conservatives and adding them to the Republican coalition. While there was a small People's Party movement, the lack of real conflict over silver or gold in the state led to little enthusiasm for the People's Party movement. Along with this, the state's border with the growing city of St. Louis led to a rise of a "metro" area, and as such a small Irish, Italian, and German population grew, although not one larger than that of many other states in the midwest. As such, the state was dominated by its white WASP population and by their Democrats. However, a lack of isolationist sentiment led to the state abandoning Wilson in 1916, and it returned to its competitive roots.
The biggest conflict in this era for Chickasaw was that of the Great Migration of African-Americans. Chickasaw's decently-sized black population, somewhat liberal laws on race, large farming population, and close proximity to a major city made it a hub for black settlers. The white population of the state, which had "southern" values, largely looked down upon the growing black population, and as such, the state's Democratic Party attempted to pass similar laws to those within the Jim Crow laws of the south. However, a Republican-Labor coalition, elected in 1920 and backed largely by immigrant workers, blacks, and traditional Republican voters continuously shot down segregationist proposals, and instead, state Democrats, who were one of the last state Democratic parties to utilize paramilitary politics, began what is often known as "the War of Little Egypt". The Kul Klux Klan, Golden Knights, and other such organizations attacked black and immigrant voters, and often physically threatened politicians. The response was the formation of self-defense groups, who formed the "United Alliance" against white terror. Conflict came to a head in the streets of Bellville, a town that, due to its heavy "Forty-Eighter" German population, backed the Republican-Labor alliance, and largely supported civil rights or didn't care about conflicts between blacks and whites. Republican politician Edward Petri, the leader of the alliance and a rising star in the Republican Party, gave a speech at an event before it was interrupted by "white terror" groups. In response, the United Alliance fought back, but in the scuffle, Petri was killed. As a result, conflicts between groups erupted in the city, and most notably, the death of Petri led to a breakdown in the Republican-Labor alliance, as conservative Republicans, splitting off to form their own party (the Conservative Party), broke down the alliance that Petri had held together, largely through his past history as an Attorney General and sheriff, which allowed him to blackmail many people into staying in the coalition.
Historians debate whether or not Petri's death was part of a coup by white terror groups, as his murder caused the breakdown of a coalition largely due to him taking secrets to his grave. The result, however, was a Democratic-Conservative coalition, and an electoral victory in 1921 as civil rights for black citizens were worn down by the government. 1921 was the "bloody election", as various groups committed acts of terror on black voters, and the United Alliance failed to truly protect them. Democrats regained steady control of the state throughout the Commonwealth Coalition, but attempts were consistently made to desegregate the state, largely responded to by terror. When federal desegregation occurred from the 1950s-1960s, Chickasaw was in consistent conflict with the U.S. government, even more so than some southern states. However, the state would eventually become desegregated, causing competitive elections to occur. Unlike many other states where the Republicans saw a massive increase in support and then a collapse as the Black Citizens Movement ate up black votes that were previously very Republican. However, in Chickasaw, the Republicans maintained black support, largely through the promotion of black leadership, and as such, have remained very strong. Meanwhile, the state has seen a new exodus enter the state, as a large Arab population has entered the state, largely due to increased conflict in the Middle East. The Arab vote has become highly contested in the state, but largely joined the Democrats, as Arabs have joined the petit bourgeoise, and have begun to inherit some old racist views.
All and all, Chickasaw is a strangely "normal" state within the fractured party system of the United States, with a strong two party system. Republicans win black, German, and allied voters, while Democrats win over much of the other whites and Arabs. However, the state does have a large amount of minor parties, with the Labor Party (being one of the many to not adopt "Progressive" in their name), state-only Conservative Party, and, due to the large agricultural population, a tiny "Grange" Party that wins over much of the northern part of the state. The Grange is politically very similar to the People's Party, but, generally includes a more right wing economic philosophy. As expected, the state has been through major periods of split governance, and as such, governing coalitions have been a fact of life since desegregation. Democrats largely control the northern and western parts of the state, where black populations are scarce, and as Arab populations have grown larger within the St. Louis metro. They often compete with the Grange, who have ironically become coalition partners with them and the subordinate Conservatives. Recently, Republicans, who have maintained control over Belleville, have had a streak of winning elections, and continued to do so in 2020, forging a strange coalition between the Republicans and Grange.
Parties:
Government:
Republicans - Elections in Chickasaw have recently been quite good for the Republicans, who, largely due to heavy African-American participation, are more liberal than other Republican parties nationally. Despite the state's "southern" bend, the Republicans generally adhere to the northeastern "Rockefeller" philosophy, and as such, Chickasaw has begun to become increasingly liberal, ironic, as many of the states it surrounds, such as Ozark, Kentucky, and Illinois have become increasingly conservative in recent years.
Grange - Chickasaw's own People's Party clone! The Grange is little more than a common coalition partner, being willing to work with both Democrats and Republicans to get their base the support they need. However, they are much more conservative than the People's Party, taking a surprisingly economically libertarian stance and some social conservatism. They remain a consistent power in the north of the state, and as such are governing for another term.
Opposition:
Democratic - Traditionally institutionally powerful in Chickasaw, the Democratic Party wins the votes of white and Arab conservatives. Despite their long history of electoral victories in the state, many of which were provided with ballot-stuffing, fraud, and voter suppression, the modern Democratic machine has weathered away, and while some county-leaders are extremely powerful, it is clearly not enough to always guarantee the party major victories.
Labor - A rarity in the nation, the Labor party wins its votes in the St. Louis suburbs, largely due to the population of people working in St. Louis who live in state bounds. They were once immensely powerful, but are instead now mostly out of government due to the Republican-Democratic duploy, and have little power outside their pockets of power.
Conservative - Basically just the Democratic Party's puppet, the Conservatives attempt to corral votes from disaffected Republicans, Grangers, and even Democrats (who are often opposed to the increasingly Arab Democratic leadership), but they are rarely kept afloat, often failing to meet the baseline needed to enter the legislature. However, in 2020, increasingly disaffected conservative Democrats kept the party in the legislature, and there is even fears from Democrats that they may break away from their mother party.
Of course, greater political conflicts would follow Chickasaw's minor part in the Civil War. During the 1890s, the area, which had voted Democratic throughout the 1880s due to "white terror" being inflicted upon black Republicans, the state was delivered to Levi Morton in large part due to a pseudo-"Southern Strategy" aimed at winning some white conservatives and adding them to the Republican coalition. While there was a small People's Party movement, the lack of real conflict over silver or gold in the state led to little enthusiasm for the People's Party movement. Along with this, the state's border with the growing city of St. Louis led to a rise of a "metro" area, and as such a small Irish, Italian, and German population grew, although not one larger than that of many other states in the midwest. As such, the state was dominated by its white WASP population and by their Democrats. However, a lack of isolationist sentiment led to the state abandoning Wilson in 1916, and it returned to its competitive roots.
The biggest conflict in this era for Chickasaw was that of the Great Migration of African-Americans. Chickasaw's decently-sized black population, somewhat liberal laws on race, large farming population, and close proximity to a major city made it a hub for black settlers. The white population of the state, which had "southern" values, largely looked down upon the growing black population, and as such, the state's Democratic Party attempted to pass similar laws to those within the Jim Crow laws of the south. However, a Republican-Labor coalition, elected in 1920 and backed largely by immigrant workers, blacks, and traditional Republican voters continuously shot down segregationist proposals, and instead, state Democrats, who were one of the last state Democratic parties to utilize paramilitary politics, began what is often known as "the War of Little Egypt". The Kul Klux Klan, Golden Knights, and other such organizations attacked black and immigrant voters, and often physically threatened politicians. The response was the formation of self-defense groups, who formed the "United Alliance" against white terror. Conflict came to a head in the streets of Bellville, a town that, due to its heavy "Forty-Eighter" German population, backed the Republican-Labor alliance, and largely supported civil rights or didn't care about conflicts between blacks and whites. Republican politician Edward Petri, the leader of the alliance and a rising star in the Republican Party, gave a speech at an event before it was interrupted by "white terror" groups. In response, the United Alliance fought back, but in the scuffle, Petri was killed. As a result, conflicts between groups erupted in the city, and most notably, the death of Petri led to a breakdown in the Republican-Labor alliance, as conservative Republicans, splitting off to form their own party (the Conservative Party), broke down the alliance that Petri had held together, largely through his past history as an Attorney General and sheriff, which allowed him to blackmail many people into staying in the coalition.
Historians debate whether or not Petri's death was part of a coup by white terror groups, as his murder caused the breakdown of a coalition largely due to him taking secrets to his grave. The result, however, was a Democratic-Conservative coalition, and an electoral victory in 1921 as civil rights for black citizens were worn down by the government. 1921 was the "bloody election", as various groups committed acts of terror on black voters, and the United Alliance failed to truly protect them. Democrats regained steady control of the state throughout the Commonwealth Coalition, but attempts were consistently made to desegregate the state, largely responded to by terror. When federal desegregation occurred from the 1950s-1960s, Chickasaw was in consistent conflict with the U.S. government, even more so than some southern states. However, the state would eventually become desegregated, causing competitive elections to occur. Unlike many other states where the Republicans saw a massive increase in support and then a collapse as the Black Citizens Movement ate up black votes that were previously very Republican. However, in Chickasaw, the Republicans maintained black support, largely through the promotion of black leadership, and as such, have remained very strong. Meanwhile, the state has seen a new exodus enter the state, as a large Arab population has entered the state, largely due to increased conflict in the Middle East. The Arab vote has become highly contested in the state, but largely joined the Democrats, as Arabs have joined the petit bourgeoise, and have begun to inherit some old racist views.
All and all, Chickasaw is a strangely "normal" state within the fractured party system of the United States, with a strong two party system. Republicans win black, German, and allied voters, while Democrats win over much of the other whites and Arabs. However, the state does have a large amount of minor parties, with the Labor Party (being one of the many to not adopt "Progressive" in their name), state-only Conservative Party, and, due to the large agricultural population, a tiny "Grange" Party that wins over much of the northern part of the state. The Grange is politically very similar to the People's Party, but, generally includes a more right wing economic philosophy. As expected, the state has been through major periods of split governance, and as such, governing coalitions have been a fact of life since desegregation. Democrats largely control the northern and western parts of the state, where black populations are scarce, and as Arab populations have grown larger within the St. Louis metro. They often compete with the Grange, who have ironically become coalition partners with them and the subordinate Conservatives. Recently, Republicans, who have maintained control over Belleville, have had a streak of winning elections, and continued to do so in 2020, forging a strange coalition between the Republicans and Grange.
Parties:
Government:
Republicans - Elections in Chickasaw have recently been quite good for the Republicans, who, largely due to heavy African-American participation, are more liberal than other Republican parties nationally. Despite the state's "southern" bend, the Republicans generally adhere to the northeastern "Rockefeller" philosophy, and as such, Chickasaw has begun to become increasingly liberal, ironic, as many of the states it surrounds, such as Ozark, Kentucky, and Illinois have become increasingly conservative in recent years.
Grange - Chickasaw's own People's Party clone! The Grange is little more than a common coalition partner, being willing to work with both Democrats and Republicans to get their base the support they need. However, they are much more conservative than the People's Party, taking a surprisingly economically libertarian stance and some social conservatism. They remain a consistent power in the north of the state, and as such are governing for another term.
Opposition:
Democratic - Traditionally institutionally powerful in Chickasaw, the Democratic Party wins the votes of white and Arab conservatives. Despite their long history of electoral victories in the state, many of which were provided with ballot-stuffing, fraud, and voter suppression, the modern Democratic machine has weathered away, and while some county-leaders are extremely powerful, it is clearly not enough to always guarantee the party major victories.
Labor - A rarity in the nation, the Labor party wins its votes in the St. Louis suburbs, largely due to the population of people working in St. Louis who live in state bounds. They were once immensely powerful, but are instead now mostly out of government due to the Republican-Democratic duploy, and have little power outside their pockets of power.
Conservative - Basically just the Democratic Party's puppet, the Conservatives attempt to corral votes from disaffected Republicans, Grangers, and even Democrats (who are often opposed to the increasingly Arab Democratic leadership), but they are rarely kept afloat, often failing to meet the baseline needed to enter the legislature. However, in 2020, increasingly disaffected conservative Democrats kept the party in the legislature, and there is even fears from Democrats that they may break away from their mother party.
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- Pronouns
- he/they is fine
Chitimacha is the so-called "oasis" of the south. The state is dominated by the powerful city of New Orleans, and after slavery ended and Reconstruction began, Chitimacha was a state much more peaceful than its neighbors. Not only did it have a large black population, one large enough to resist white terror, but its white population, mostly made up of French-American "Cajuns", largely didn't care about race in the same way, and resisted the anti-Catholic Klu Klux Klan. As such, when other states were taken over by white Democratic machines, Chitimacha remained a largely black, largely Republican state. Along with this, the state would see one of the first truly regional parties take over, with the Cajun-based "Parti Cajun" being created in the 1890s. While the state's black population was the state Republican Party's entire base, many national Republicans in the post-Reconstruction era who attempted to win over white southerners under Levi Morton, saw the state as an "embarrassment", as any flaw in Chitimacha was utilized by Democrats throughout the south for racist propaganda. Almost every election in the state from the late 1890s to the early 1910s would result in a general election between the Republican nominee, an Independent Republican, and the Parti Cajun based on who won the nomination. Finally, the state's black population, growing massively as many black folks traveled to the state in the Great Migration, split off, forming the "Black Republican party", and kicking out the Republican "Old Guard". The Black Republicans took power quite easily, but themselves were split during the Commonwealth Coalition Era, as more impoverished members of the party ended up wanting to forge a biracial alliance with the CC. While Huey Long, who represented a southern state, sympathized with the group, his fears of losing Southern Democratic support led to him rejecting a coalition with the Black Republicans.
The Parti Cajun, on the other hand, faced little resistance from the Commonwealth Coalition, joining the Coalition under leader Jimmy Domengeaux. Domengeaux had worked with Long, who wanted to win over Louisiana's own brand of Cajuns. Domengeaux was not just a Cajun representative, but a French language advocate. Domengeaux promoted Cajun language schools in Louisiana and Chitimacha, working with Long to increase the amount of language schools, became a major figure in working with the French and Canadians during the Second Great War, and is often called the "father of Acadia" as he helped convince Long to "create" the state. Domengeaux was a popular figure in Chitimacha, and worked with the states' black and Chitimacha native population often; hoping to create a coalition together. He was one of the first people to recognize black and Chitimacha Cajun speakers, and is, along with being known as the father of Acadia, the protector of the Chitimacha. Domengeaux, who by the mid-1940s was incredibly powerful in the state, met with leaders of the remaining Chitimacha tribe, who had been cut down to a population of only a few thousand "full blooded" members, and even less speakers of their native language. Domengeaux recognized a fellow language he saw as "under attack", and with a collection of progressive members of the Black Republicans and a few well-whipped Parti Cajun members, helped promote Chitimacha linguistic schools and further expansion of tribal land. Much of the effects of such actions helped the Chitimacha reverse their decline, and they now make up a sizable portion of the state's population with a similar "deal" as the native tribes of Acadia - that is, guaranteed representation through the Chitimacha Native Reservation.
By the 1960s, the state of Chitimacha was moving with the times, and as such an exodus of black people, angry at the Republicans and in Chitimacha the Black Republicans, they formed the Black Citizens Movement, which in Chitimacha was a much more left wing vehicle than in any other state, with the BCM opposing not just the normal Republicans (who were taken over by conservative elements and then killed due to white non-Cajun support for Democrats), but the Black Republicans, who they saw as an increasingly conservative "Old Guard". The BCM would battle it out for a decade with the Black Republicans, losing elections many declared as "rigged" and corrupt, before managing enough seats to lead a BCM-Parti Cajun-Socialist-Chitimacha Party (a party representing the interests of the Chitimacha tribe), one helped by Jimmy Domengeaux's return to power in the state Parti Cajun by overthrowing Black Republican ally Edwin Edwards.
Ever since the election of said coalition, electoral battles have been between the more left-wing BCM and the more moderate Black Republicans, showing a distinct difference between Chitimacha and other states with large black populations dominated by a single city (Cherokee and Hogoheegee come to mind), which is generally competitive elections. However, while both states claim to be on the left wing of American politics, both do hold conservative views, largely due to the makeup of the state. Both parties generally support the drilling of oil in Chitimacha, both parties are socially quite right-wing (representing the heavily religious black population of the state) opposing abortion and expansion of gay rights in the state. However, there are major differences within both parties, as the Black Republicans are more economically right-wing, gaining backing from wealthier black voters, while the BCM is more economically to the left. The result of both parties conservatism has led to a rise in the Young Greens, who are generally opposed to said oil revenues. Meanwhile, both the Chitimacha Party and Parti Cajun have remained dominant in their communities, with the Chitimacha's political alliances allowing casinos to be built on their land and the Parti Cajun often switching alliances between the BCM and Black Republicans based on leadership or need.
Parties:
Government:
Black Republicans - The right wing of Chitimacha, the Black Republicans won the 2018 Legislative Election largely due to their close ties to the oil industry and the expansion of the New Orleans suburbs in recent years. Although originally rejected by the national Republicans for being too liberal, one could argue that the modern Black Republicans are to the right of the national Republicans, as they are right wing on most political issues within the state. Their current popularity comes from oil revenues, and their leadership has only moved to the right as a result.
Parti Cajun - Taken over by more conservative leadership in recent years, the party has returned to being a strong ally of the Black Republicans, creating stability in the state, and as such have been in leadership as of late. They mostly are in office to maintain their power over Cajun communities, and spread the French language.
Democrats - A shocking addition to the coalition, the Democratic Party has become much more moderate, building up a reputation as willing to work with others, and are now a much more mainline conservative party than before. As such, they join the Black Republicans and Parti Cajun in an alliance against the much more left wing BCM.
Opposition:
Black Citizens Alliance - The more left wing of the two major parties, the BCM wins mostly more poor black voters and as such are arguably more right wing on social issues than the Black Republicans. However, they balance this out with a strong, pseudo-Democratic Socialist economic philosophy, allowing them to maintain a connection to the BCMs of other states, and constructing a "big tent".
Chitimacha Party - The party of the Chitimacha tribe is generally known for sweeping the votes of their reservation in western Chitimacha and not much else. This guarantees them representation in the legislature, and as such they are often strong coalition partners. However, they have also begun to move to the right, as a strong native middle class, propped up by a booming casino business, rising oil jobs, and anti-alcohol movements in the Chitimacha reservation has taken over the party, and allowed them to become increasingly conservative, putting them in-line with the rest of the state.
The Parti Cajun, on the other hand, faced little resistance from the Commonwealth Coalition, joining the Coalition under leader Jimmy Domengeaux. Domengeaux had worked with Long, who wanted to win over Louisiana's own brand of Cajuns. Domengeaux was not just a Cajun representative, but a French language advocate. Domengeaux promoted Cajun language schools in Louisiana and Chitimacha, working with Long to increase the amount of language schools, became a major figure in working with the French and Canadians during the Second Great War, and is often called the "father of Acadia" as he helped convince Long to "create" the state. Domengeaux was a popular figure in Chitimacha, and worked with the states' black and Chitimacha native population often; hoping to create a coalition together. He was one of the first people to recognize black and Chitimacha Cajun speakers, and is, along with being known as the father of Acadia, the protector of the Chitimacha. Domengeaux, who by the mid-1940s was incredibly powerful in the state, met with leaders of the remaining Chitimacha tribe, who had been cut down to a population of only a few thousand "full blooded" members, and even less speakers of their native language. Domengeaux recognized a fellow language he saw as "under attack", and with a collection of progressive members of the Black Republicans and a few well-whipped Parti Cajun members, helped promote Chitimacha linguistic schools and further expansion of tribal land. Much of the effects of such actions helped the Chitimacha reverse their decline, and they now make up a sizable portion of the state's population with a similar "deal" as the native tribes of Acadia - that is, guaranteed representation through the Chitimacha Native Reservation.
By the 1960s, the state of Chitimacha was moving with the times, and as such an exodus of black people, angry at the Republicans and in Chitimacha the Black Republicans, they formed the Black Citizens Movement, which in Chitimacha was a much more left wing vehicle than in any other state, with the BCM opposing not just the normal Republicans (who were taken over by conservative elements and then killed due to white non-Cajun support for Democrats), but the Black Republicans, who they saw as an increasingly conservative "Old Guard". The BCM would battle it out for a decade with the Black Republicans, losing elections many declared as "rigged" and corrupt, before managing enough seats to lead a BCM-Parti Cajun-Socialist-Chitimacha Party (a party representing the interests of the Chitimacha tribe), one helped by Jimmy Domengeaux's return to power in the state Parti Cajun by overthrowing Black Republican ally Edwin Edwards.
Ever since the election of said coalition, electoral battles have been between the more left-wing BCM and the more moderate Black Republicans, showing a distinct difference between Chitimacha and other states with large black populations dominated by a single city (Cherokee and Hogoheegee come to mind), which is generally competitive elections. However, while both states claim to be on the left wing of American politics, both do hold conservative views, largely due to the makeup of the state. Both parties generally support the drilling of oil in Chitimacha, both parties are socially quite right-wing (representing the heavily religious black population of the state) opposing abortion and expansion of gay rights in the state. However, there are major differences within both parties, as the Black Republicans are more economically right-wing, gaining backing from wealthier black voters, while the BCM is more economically to the left. The result of both parties conservatism has led to a rise in the Young Greens, who are generally opposed to said oil revenues. Meanwhile, both the Chitimacha Party and Parti Cajun have remained dominant in their communities, with the Chitimacha's political alliances allowing casinos to be built on their land and the Parti Cajun often switching alliances between the BCM and Black Republicans based on leadership or need.
Parties:
Government:
Black Republicans - The right wing of Chitimacha, the Black Republicans won the 2018 Legislative Election largely due to their close ties to the oil industry and the expansion of the New Orleans suburbs in recent years. Although originally rejected by the national Republicans for being too liberal, one could argue that the modern Black Republicans are to the right of the national Republicans, as they are right wing on most political issues within the state. Their current popularity comes from oil revenues, and their leadership has only moved to the right as a result.
Parti Cajun - Taken over by more conservative leadership in recent years, the party has returned to being a strong ally of the Black Republicans, creating stability in the state, and as such have been in leadership as of late. They mostly are in office to maintain their power over Cajun communities, and spread the French language.
Democrats - A shocking addition to the coalition, the Democratic Party has become much more moderate, building up a reputation as willing to work with others, and are now a much more mainline conservative party than before. As such, they join the Black Republicans and Parti Cajun in an alliance against the much more left wing BCM.
Opposition:
Black Citizens Alliance - The more left wing of the two major parties, the BCM wins mostly more poor black voters and as such are arguably more right wing on social issues than the Black Republicans. However, they balance this out with a strong, pseudo-Democratic Socialist economic philosophy, allowing them to maintain a connection to the BCMs of other states, and constructing a "big tent".
Chitimacha Party - The party of the Chitimacha tribe is generally known for sweeping the votes of their reservation in western Chitimacha and not much else. This guarantees them representation in the legislature, and as such they are often strong coalition partners. However, they have also begun to move to the right, as a strong native middle class, propped up by a booming casino business, rising oil jobs, and anti-alcohol movements in the Chitimacha reservation has taken over the party, and allowed them to become increasingly conservative, putting them in-line with the rest of the state.
- Pronouns
- he/they is fine
hey folks! just wanted to say that there will likely not be any Many States posts for a minute. i misplaced my computer and as such am now using a shitty chromebook that doesn’t have paint. as such i will be unable to make the electoral maps you all love so much until i find my computer or a chrome paint substitute. however, when i do inevitably post next, i plan on either posting the state of california (otl central california) or potawatomi (otl western michigan + northeastern indiana) as both have lots to do with silicon
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- Pronouns
- it/its (you'll get used to the third person thing)
that's a shame, i was looking forward to whatever the hell this is in northern alabama
- Pronouns
- he/they is fine
welcome to knight
@gentleman biaggi
I hope you find your computer soon, so you can make more maps.
I'd love to see whichever state Cedar Rapids, IA is in or a better map of all the states, including the non-mainland ones like Alaska and Lodge.
I hope you find your computer soon, so you can make more maps.
I'd love to see whichever state Cedar Rapids, IA is in or a better map of all the states, including the non-mainland ones like Alaska and Lodge.
- Pronouns
- he/they is fine
yeah i was going to get to making a bigger map in paint on my old computer lol. could be useful for national elections
- Status