• Hi Guest!

    The costs of running this forum are covered by Sea Lion Press. If you'd like to help support the company and the forum, visit patreon.com/sealionpress

The Ninth HoS List Challenge

The Ninth HoS List Challenge: The Return

  • Comeback Tour: Ted Heath Live!--Wolfram

    Votes: 4 17.4%
  • Our Man Peck--Time Enough

    Votes: 6 26.1%
  • The Return of the King--Japhy

    Votes: 10 43.5%
  • Whensoever My Anxious Heart--Tsar of New Zealand

    Votes: 9 39.1%
  • The Congress of Discord--Mumby

    Votes: 9 39.1%
  • The Other Other Brother--Walpurgisnacht

    Votes: 8 34.8%
  • Woy's Wollercoaster--bd_roberts

    Votes: 4 17.4%
  • GORDON'S ALIVE!--TheHatMan98

    Votes: 9 39.1%

  • Total voters
    23
  • Poll closed .

Walpurgisnacht

It was in the Year of Maximum Danger
Location
Banned from the forum
Pronouns
He/Him
Welcome one and all to the rebooted Ninth HoS List Challenge!

@Venocara apparently felt that I should take over the challenge of reviving these challenges, so here we are. The rules are simple; I give a prompt, and you have until 3:00pm on the 24th to post a list related to the prompt. As for what constitutes a list? If you'd personally post it in Lists of Heads of Government and Heads of State rather than another thread, I think that's a good enough criterion. Writeups are preferred, please don't post a blank list. Once the deadline hits, we will open up a multiple choice poll, and whoever receives the most votes after a week gets the entirely immaterial prize.

Appropriately enough, the theme for this month is "The Return". A comeback, whether for a leader or a party or even a nation? Or perhaps the regression to an old state of affairs, or the return of an old rivalry? That is up to you, the contestants to decide.

Good luck!
 
Last edited:
I just posted something half-baked along those lines on the Other Place, let me dig it up:


Comeback Tour: Ted Heath Live!
1976-1980: James Callaghan (Labour)
'78 (coalition with Liberal) def. Margaret Thatcher (Conservative), David Steel (Liberal)
1980-1981: Roy Jenkins (Labour)
1981-1986: Edward Heath (Conservative)
'81 def. Roy Jenkins (Labour), Pat Wall (Workers')
'83 def. Michael Foot (Labour)
1986-1989: Michael Foot (Labour)
'86 def. Edward Heath (Conservative), Neil Hamilton (National Unionist)
1989-1990: Gerald Howarth (Conservative)
'89 (minority with support from SNP and UUP) def. Michael Foot (Labour)
1990-1990: Chris Patten (Conservative)
1990-: Bryan Gould (Labour)
'90 def. Chris Patten (Conservative), Kenneth Clarke (New Liberal Alliance), Neil Hamilton (National Unionist)

Callaghan calls an early election in '78; Thatcher wins more votes, but Callaghan more seats and the support of the Liberals. The next three years are chaotic, to put it mildly; Callaghan only holds onto power because of the circular firing squad on the right between 'wets', 'drys' who support Thatcher, and 'drys' who believe Thatcher to have bottled the campaign through being 'a woman in a man's job'. Heath attempts a comeback; he wins the leadership, but few are truly enthusiastic about his leadership.
In 1980, Callaghan resigns, whipping PLP members to vote for Jenkins as 'the only man who can keep the Liberals onside'. Jenkins wins, but at the cost of many Bennites' support for a Labour government; though Benn himself is too committed to the Labour movement to split, Dave Nellist leads a "Workers' Party" splinter from the left. Heath is now in the driver's seat once again.
But Heath's government is shaky, in part due to party instability, but there are also matters of policy afoot; a tense transport workers' strike over the winter of 1981-2, continuing struggles in Northern Ireland, intervention in Cyprus, and deep disagreements over European affairs. Ironically, the awareness of his advancing years prompts a circular firing squad that effectively prevents him from handing over power cleanly. 1983 sees Labour's fortunes recover, in large part because of Michael Foot, who manages to bring the Workers' Party and its supporters back into the fold without alienating 'continuity Jenkinsites' too much. Foot maintains his leadership despite failing to attain a majority, in large part because nobody believes they could win the next election.
And then he does. The National Unionists split over a million things; devolution, Europe, taxation, and migration are the most obvious, but by no means the only, issues. Moreover, the Connally administration's trade wars with Japan and manipulation of the dollar create serious problems in the British economy, problems not fully addressed by the inauguration of President Hart. Michael Foot himself barely expected to hold steady at 269 seats; never did he expect to gain sixty seats and a majority.
But then he faced the same issues as Heath. Within his party, deep divisions on policy mediated themselves through the fact that the aging Foot needed a successor, and Foot's ability to step aside was even more constrained by the notion that to step aside as Callaghan did, in the middle of a crisis, would put the party in an impossible position. Outside it, disputes over how to handle Britain's industrial transformation, Northern Irish affairs, Europe, and relations with the new Demichev-Ligachyov-Kryuchkov troika in the Soviet Union were genuinely difficult, and inflation was stuck at or above five percent.
Gerald Howarth entered the Prime Ministership with such promise in 1989. A friend of Hamilton's, Howarth and his media allies created the image of a 'bright young thing' willing to move beyond the stagnation of the Heath years, tear up liberal pieties, and bring Britain into the twenty-first century. It was, thus, not surprising when documents leaked to the Guardian showed that the government had plans to surveil and entrap activists (including from the SNP, allied with the government over porkbarrel spending and some limited devolution), privatize massive swathes of the British economy, and unilaterally take Britain out of the European Community. This would have been bad enough, but the leak and the government's paralysis over how to address the leak led to the largest market crash since the War. Prime Minister Howarth resigned, Chris Patten was elected as a safe pair of hands, and the government fell apart as another 'bright young thing' with some rather different notions found himself unexpectedly thrust into office...
 
Last edited:
1935-1937: Stanley Baldwin (Conservative leading National Government)
1935 (Majority) def: Herbert Morrison (Social Democratic), George Lansbury (Labour), Herbert Samuel (Liberal), Harry Pollitt (CPGB)
1937-1940: Neville Chamberlin (Conservative leading National Government)
1940-1945: Winston Churchill (Conservative leading War Government)
1945-1953: Harold Macmillan (Social Democratic)

1945 (Majority) def: Winston Churchill (Conservative & National), Stafford Cripps (Popular Front-Labour, Ind. Labour, Commonwealth & CPGB)
1949 (Majority) def: Anthony Eden (National), Tom Wintringham (Labour)

1953-1955: Evan Durbin (Social Democratic)
1953 (Minority) def: Anthony Eden (National), Nye Bevan (Labour)
1955-1961: Peter Thorneycroft (National)
1955 (Majority) def: Evan Durbin (Social Democratic), Nye Bevan (Labour)
1960 (Minority) def: Ronald Cartland (Social Democratic), Ernest Millington (Labour)

1961-1967: Ronald Cartland (Social Democratic)
1961 (Majority) def: Peter Thorneycroft (National), Ernest Millington (Labour)
1965 (Majority) def: Reginald Maudling (National), Barbara Castle (Labour), Peter Griffiths (Union)

1967-1973: Anthony Crosland (Social Democratic)
1968 (Majority) def: Reginald Maudling (National), Barbara Castle (Labour), Peter Griffiths (Union)
1973-1980: Jim Slater (National)
1973 (Majority) def: Anthony Crosland (Social Democratic), Illtyd Harrington (Labour)
1978 (Majority) def: Roy Jenkins (Social Democratic), Illtyd Harrington (Labour)

1980-1982: Airey Neave (National)
1982-1986: Anthony Benn (Social Democratic)

1982 (Majority) def: Airey Neave (National), Jimmy Reid (Labour), Tony Whittaker (PEOPLE)
1986 (Minority) def: Tom King (National), Jimmy Reid (Labour), James Goldsmith (PEOPLE), Andrew Hunter (Union)

1986-1988: Colin Phipps (Social Democratic With National Confidence & Supply)
1988-: John Peck (Labour)
1988 (Majority) def: Nicholas Eden (National), James Goldsmith (PEOPLE), Jim Sillars-John Marek (RISE), Vince Cable replacing Colin Phipps (Social Democratic)

Our Man Peck:

They said Labour was never going to get close to the levers of power, MacDonald had so successfully shattered the power of the Labour Party that many of the moderates would flee like rats from a ship and join the Harold Macmillan machine known as the Social Democratic Party.

Based upon the ideas of Technocracy, Nationalisation and Centralisation, the Social Democratic Party would find itself the dominate power of the Post War period as Fabianism found itself a new cosy home. As the National Party decided to fling any attempt at Edenism over the side with the nomination of Thorneycroft the balance of power was set with the National’s representing the economically dry, Centre Right, whilst the Social Democratic would represent the Keneysian Social Liberals...well supposedly at least, more often than not the Social Democratic Party would be as old fashioned and Conservative as the National’s were.

Into this mix was the remains of the Labour Party, having been broken by Macdonald’s betrayal it would be saved from utter annihilation by the efforts of the Socialist League and the Committee of 41’ seeing the party as Machine needed to keep the hope of Democratic Socialism alive. Whilst a succession of Socialists would come and go and fail to cause the party to budge beyond there 30 seat average, the party would continue to be a thorn in the side of every government both National and Social Democratic.

The first signs of change being in the air for Labour was with Illtyd Harrington. Whilst Labour wouldn’t really gain much in terms of seats, Harrington’s image of the jovial Left Wing ‘Santa’ and cavalcade of celebrity support (thanks to his long time partner Chris Downes and his connections) ould make him more popular than the wobbly aristocratic Jenkins and the slimy con man Jim Slater. Indeed when 1978 came around, Harrington would be one of the many tarnished in Robert Maxwell’s tabloids as Illtyd was crudely outed by the press. Despite that, Harrington would remain a popular leader and leave more popular than the incumbent Prime Minister or Leader of the Opposition as Britain slid into a recession as an outcome to Slater ‘tough love’ approach.

As the Benn years started, Jimmy Reid seemed like a step backwards for the party. A firey orator and just as much as a firebrand Left Winger, Reid felt more suitable in a Trade Union convention than appearing in glitzy television ads. But Reid would soon prove to be an asset as it became apparent that Benn’s vision of Social Democracy consisted of economics drier than the Social Democrats had previously seen. As America wobbled under the Presidency of Westmorland, China collapsed into a another Civil War thanks to the machinations of the Gang of Four and the Soviet Union found itself rebuilding under the charismatic leadership of Masherov it seemed that Britain’s potential was to be the dependable bank of the World.

The increasing power of the banking system would dominate British Government, particularly the Social Democratic Party who had many years ago Nationalised about 50% of Britain’s banks during Macmillan’s heyday. Now these Nationalised banks used the substantial power to force Benn into making tough choices. Reid would attack the greed and cruelty of United British Banks and the foolishness of the government for nationalising the banks in the first place, and as austerity crept in (to help balance the pound on financial markets) Reid’s words would ring true.

1986 would be the beginning of the end of the Social Democratic Party as it lurched into a weak minority and Labour gained an impressive 60 seats. Benn seeing the writing on the wall and loathing the choices he made to appease his party, the banks and Maxwell-Silk clique decided to pack it in. Hope for the remaining Left Wing of the Social Democrats was thrust onto the figure of Jim Sillars, a slightly out of place Scotsman who’s place in the Benn Government has secured Scottish Local Rule. But the forces that be decided to not go with the Left Wing Firebrand Sillars, or the wonky dry Vince Cable but instead decided on the wet and ineffectual Colin Phipps.

A businessman who had struck big in the oil industry, Phipps was tied intrinsically to the powers of big business, technocrats and the Maxwell-Silk clique who would begin to demand the Social Democratic ensure a stable government of some kind. After pondering another election and enquiring with potential coalition partners the National’s new leader would be Phipps brief salvation.

Nicholas Eden was dealing with damaged goods, Slater had hollowed out Britain, Neave had set it aflame and King was a bit boring. The National Party fearing being overtaken by the Union Party or the Goldsmith Machine PEOPLE decided to enter a grand coalition with Phipps as Eden waited for one of other two party’s of the Right to collapse.

The two year ‘Grand Coalition’ would lead to outrage, much like MacDonald, Phipps would see a splintering of his party as Sillars created a Populist Left Nationalist alliance with a fellow pork barreller John Marek. Meanwhile Labour would gain a new leader.

John Peck was the man that Labour built, forged from his experiences in the Second World War, Trade Unionist and perennial Labour PPC his successful run in local government had gained him good graces by the early 80s. Peck would become popular with the party’s rank and file, his combination of long time member and Trade Unionists whilst also being friendly and well acquainted with the social activist movements meant that he was considered the best choice, between the choices of John Prescott, Arthur Scargill and Bill Morris.

Peck would bring forth a positive message, committed more to addressing the issues of social problems in the UK, environmental causes, both major parties failure to support trade unions, disastrous increased centralisation and the poor state of social services.

As the Union imploded in on itself in 1988, Eden saw a chance to secure power for his party and withdrew from the ‘grand coalition’. Polls were seeing an utter Social Democratic collapse and Eden was secure in the knowledge that the British Public would never go with a Marxist Trade Unionist as a Prime Minister.

But rapidly this plan would hit a snag, Peck was popular with people who felt left behind and Eden’s background didn’t endear him to much of the general public. Additionally the Maxwell-Silk would discard there support to the imploding Social Democratic Party But would instead support there fair weather friend James Goldsmith over Eden.

As the Poll night got closer, it became apparent that it was a three horse race, Peck, Eden and Goldsmith all battling for control of Britain. In the end though the Left Vote was more united than the Right were in the end, as Goldsmith and Eden would dig into each other’s support allowing Peck to surprisingly slide his way into a 13 seat majority.

Peck had done it, he had done what many thought impossible. Labour had returned to No10, this time on a message of Radical Change and a Majority to support it...
 
Last edited:
The Return of The King
(...of Swing, The Sultan of Swat, The King of Crash, The Wali of Wallop, The Rajah of Rap, The Caliph of Clout, The Wazir of Wham, The Maharajah of Mash, and The Home Run King)

The Career of George H. "Babe" Ruth

1914: Player, Baltimore Orioles (International League)
1914-1919: Player, Boston Red Sox (American League)

World Series: 1915, 1916, 1918
1920-1933: Player, New York Yankees (American League)
World Series: 1923, 1927, 1928, 1932
American League Pennant: 1921, 1922, 1926
American League MVP: 1923
American League All-Star Team: 1933
1934-1935: Player-Manager later Manager, Newark Bears (International League)
Runner Up, Governor's Cup: 1934
Governor's Cup: 1935
Junior World Series: 1935
1936-1950: Manager, New York Yankees (American League)
World Series: 1936, 1937, 1939, 1940, 1942, 1943, 1949, 1950
American Leauge Pennant: 1938, 1944, 1945, 1947
Inaugural Class Induction Baseball Hall of Fame: 1936


By 1933 Babe Ruth, was possibly the most famous man in the world, and was clearly, past his prime. Staring down 40 with two decades of professional baseball and hedonistic living the end was coming. And yet in some ways, his genius could not be denied. He could not play doubleheaders any longer, he sat the bench on many in-season exhibition games, and the press discussed his decent towards Pinch Hitter-dom and his collapse in the outfield, and yet he increased his RBI, hit the first home-run in the inaugural All-Star Game and maintained statistics that for anyone else in the game would have been exceptional. And while the New York Yankees owners had cut his pay, offers were floated by the Detroit Tigers, the Cleveland Indians, the Boston Braves, the Brooklyn Dodgers, and the Cinncinatti Reds all seeing if they could buy him out and set himself up as a Player-Manager.

When the 1933 Season and post-season barnstorming tour were finished Yankees Owner Jacob Ruppert requested a meeting with The Babe, his Agent Christy Walsh and his wife, Claire. The Babe he said, knew he was at the end of his career. And that, for every agreement they had ever signed about self-denial and self-control, inevitably Ruth would find himself back on Booze, Parties, and Hot Dogs. And yet he had pitched the season-ending game, for the first time in years and won. He had hit a respectable, for a mortal, 34 home runs. The Yankees had not gone to the world series or won the pennant, but Ruppert believed Ruth could use his skills, and his knowledge and begin to transition to Management. Ruth had lobbied hard in the Yankees organization and in the press to get the top job that had gone to Joe McCarthy in 1930. But McCarthy had had experience and self-control and Ruth had not. And while Self-Control still seemed to elude The Babe, Ruppert was willing to offer a chance at building up the experience. And so he made his offer, for Ruth to become the Player-Manager of the Newark Bears, the Yankees leading farm team in the International League. Ruth's ego was bruised, and both Christie Walsh and Claire agreed, it was a demotion beyond what Ruth should be willing to hear. But Ruppert told them to keep thinking about it, and that the offer would remain on the table until Spring Training in a few months.

The wait is what proved decisive. Walsh and Claire Ruth would begin to turn almost as soon as the meeting was over, and The Babe himself both began to be pushed by and pull the two of them along. It didn't have to be a long deal. A season or three at most. He could enjoy playing a few more seasons, build up some attention, and when it was over, he could reach out to every team in the majors and have a better resume for the job. He'd prove the doubters wrong and with just a bit of luck, he might even make it back to the Majors in a year, with the dignity and title he really wanted. And so, shortly before Spring Training would have begun, the greatest sports story since the drama of his 1927 comeback season hit the Sporting Press. The Babe was out of the Majors and into a, if not the big seat.

Of course, The Babe's ego meant that he would actively try to be a Player-Manager. The results of which are apparent. 24 Home Runs and a .291 batting average were impressive for a man in his shape, at his age, in the minor leagues, and helped fill the seats across the International League. Sports Writers then and Baseball scholars now agree though that Ruth's focus on playing was a detriment to his developing coaching role. And yet in spite of that, The Babe learned fast, and the Bears have ensured a post-season slot, and making it through the first round of playoff games would give the Montreal Royals a run for their money in the Governor's Cup Championship, winning 3 games and requiring the series to go the full 7 games. In the final game of the Series Ruth would score 3 home runs before declaring to the press after the loss that he was pretty sure he was finished on the field. If the Bears would have him Ruth would only fix himself up as a manager from there on out. Jacob Ruppert looking at the ticket sales that his top AA team had earned was more than willing to give The Babe that chance.

1935 would see ticket sales drop, but it would see Ruth find his footing, he would be ejected from games, he would struggle to put into words the batting skills that had made him a living legend that was pure instinct, but he would also learn to work with his players, work with his coaches, juggle the challenges of the minors where your best talent would be nurtured and built by you and would prove themselves dependable, only to be sent across New York Harbor to the House that he had built, and all the rest of the mundane work of management. It was hard as the limelight faded and attention went down. But he was doing what he loved and found that he was more than decent at it. And then the Bears went into their second post-season under their tenure. They would win at 4 games to 1 the Governor's Cup, smashing the Rochester Red Wings. Victory in hand suddenly Ruth was back in the press as he took "His Kids" to the Junior World Series. There had been talk of canceling the inter-league championship in 1935 but with Ruth there the games were put back on to stunning results in sales. And in the end, with more of the sporting press present than had ever been at the minor-league championships, the Bears under Ruth's guidance would smash the Minneapolis Millers and be crowned the greatest minor-league team in The World/The United States and Canada.

Jacob Ruppert could pat himself on the back for his genius, and saw The Babe off from Yankee Stadium as Ruth and a mercenary team set off on his latest barnstorming tour, bound for the West Coast and then Hawaii, Manila and Japan where Ruth would continue his legend with another stint as a "player-manager." But he and Christy Walsh would spend the tour with much to talk about via coded telegrams. There were quite a few Yankees on the "Bustin' Babes", and they were setting out via train before the World Series was finished. Which was the problem, they weren't needed because yet again Yankees Manager Joe McCarthy had busted out. In the five seasons since taking over the team, McCarthy had produced a World Series win. In 1932. With Ruth on the team. But in 1931, 1933, and 1934 they had finished second in the American League, and while The Babe was off leading The Bears to Victory, 1935 had seen bad luck hit hard and McCarthy had led the team to an even more disappointing third-place finish. Ruppert didn't even have to begin talking to the press about his private thoughts before the Sporting Press had caught on. It was obvious. And in those empty months between seasons when there is nothing but gossip to fill the pages of baseball columns, the whole country could catch on too.

In February there were meetings over cocktails and fine dinners, in private offices and in vacation cottages. Joe McCarthy wasn't going to go down without a fight but The Babe could make a strong case, he had, after all, shown that even if Ruppert didn't think he could manage himself, that he could manage a team. And hell, there were other offers on the table. Sure the St. Louis Browns were a dumpster fire of a team but they were making the offer, and there were sounds that the Red Sox were thinking of doing the same. Ruppert, ever the businessman decided the answer by the end of the month. And a few weeks before the start of Spring Training made his call. At the very least, The Babe would fill seats. And so after pay cuts, and slander, and fading glory, The Babe came home.

The awkward peacemaking between The Babe and Lou Gerhig and the fights that followed would be the stuff of legend, before a final, real reconciliation as The Babe wept, while thoughtlessly but innocently leaning on Gerhig's shoulder as number 4 prepared to walk to the microphones and declare himself to be the Luckiest Man In the World. There would be insults and throwdowns and respect with the wunderkind: DiMaggio and then a few years later Williams. "Red", and "The Scooter", and Dickey and a dozen other grown men who The Babe would only ever call "The Kid" unless he really needed to show he did in fact, in spite of all appearances, know "The Kid's" actual name. And there would be the victories. Some will argue that Ruth could have sat comatose in the dugout and the Yankees with their new burst of talent couldn't have helped but win, and yet it was The Babe who made peace in the locker room stick. It was he who kept egos in check, and it was he who offered strategy and a sort of crass wisdom when needed.

The glory would follow season after season, as the wunderkind turned to elders, as World War II set the world aflame and took talent into the ranks, as new kids like some guys named Mantle and "Yogi" and "Whitey" would show up, and as the color barrier that Ruth had despised came down. (First with Satchel Paige winning the Dodger's a pennant and making Ruth smile all the same while he cursed his loss, and then with Josh Gibson leaving the Homestead Grays to sign with the Yankees in 1949 at Ruth's insistence.) Ruth would turn into an old man, and then to an elder statesman of the game. He didn't drink as much as he used to or eat as much, but he was still The Babe. In the end, ever the showman he would pick a high note to leave on announcing his final retirement after winning one last World Series against the Phillies. The Sunset as it was, was ridden into, where ghost-written books and television appearances, and great seats at any game he ever wanted would follow. All that smoking and processed food would catch up in the end, but Cancer would find Ruth an old man, content and vindicated. The Babe would pass away leaving a sport in mourning in 1959 at the age of 64.
 
Last edited:
Whensoever my Anxious Heart


Presidents of the Rada of the Belarusian Democratic Republic


1918 (Mar - May): Janka Sierada

1918 - 1919: Jazep Losik
1919: Rada moves from Hrodna to Kaunas

1919 - 1921: Piotra Krečeŭski
1921: Peace of Riga divides Belarusian Democratic Republic between Republic of Poland and Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic

Presidents of the Rada of the Belarusian Democratic Republic-in-exile

1921 - 1928: Piotra Krečeŭski
1923: Rada moves to Prague

1928 - 1943: Vasil Zacharka

1943* - 1970: Mikoła Abramčyk
1945 - 1948: Rada flees Prague ahead of Red Army; periodic meetings held in Western Germany during this period
1948: Rada moves to Paris, resumes formal activity

1970 - 1982: Dr. Vincent Žuk-Hryškievič
1970: Rada moves to Toronto
1983: Rada moves to Ottawa


1989 - 1996: Dr. Jazep Sažyč
1996: The Reconciliation; Rada (Ottawa) voluntarily dissolves, recognises authority of Rada (Minsk)

Presidents of the Belarusian Democratic Republic

1995 - 1999: Zianon Pazniak (Belarusian Popular Front - Renaissance)
1994 Belarus presidential election, first round: Vyacheslav Kebich (Independent), Zianon Pazniak (BPF-R), Vasil Novikau (Party of Belarusian Communists), Stanislac Shushkevich (Independent), Alaksandar Dubko (Belarusian Agrarian Party)
1994 Belarus presidential election, second round: Zianon Pazniak (BPF-R) def. Vyacheslav Kebich (Independent)
1995 constitution referendum: YES 65.2% NO 34.8%; Constitution of the Belarusian Republic adopted, Supreme Soviet replaced with bicameral Rada of the Belarusian Democratic Republic


1999 - 2004: Aliaksandr Zimouski (Independent)
1999 Belarus presidential election, first round: Aliaksandr Zimouski, Sergei Gaidukevich (Liberal Democratic Party of Belarus), Uładzimir Hančaryk (BPF), Zianon Pazniak (Conservative Christian Party of the BPF), Siamion Domash (Independent)
1999 Belarus presidential election, second round: Aliaksandr Zimouski def. Sergei Gaidukevich (LDP)


2004 - 2008: Aliaksandr Zimouski (Belaya Rus)
2004 Belarus presidential election, first round: Aliaksandr Zimouski (BR), Siarhei Navumchyk (BPF), Siarhei Kalyakin (PCB), Sergei Gaidukevich (LDP),
2004 Belarus presidential election, second round [DISPUTED]: Aliaksandr Zimouski (BR) def. Siarhei Navumchyk (BPF)
2008: Denim Revolution; protests force abandonment of proposed constitutional amendments to allow President Karpiankou to run for re-election indefinitely


2008 - 2009 (interim): Speaker of the Supreme Rada Aliaksandar Milinkyevič (Belarusian Social-Democratic Assembly)

2009 - 2014: Siarhiej Navumčyk (Independent affiliated with United Democratic Forces of Belarus)
2009 Belarus presidential election, first round: Siarhiej Navumčyk (Independent), Aliaksandar Milinkyevič (Belarus - Yes!), Uładzimir Hančaryk ("Renewal" - Popular Front of Belarus), Sergey Kalyakin (Justice), Sergei Gaidukevich (LDP),
2009 Belarus presidential election, second round: Siarhiej Navumčyk (Independent) def. Aliaksandar Milinkyevič (BY!)



2014 Belarus presidential election, first round candidates (polling above 5%): Andrei Sannikov (Independent), Mikalai Ulakhovič (Democratic Party of Popular Accord), Sergey Kalyakin (Justice), Sergei Gaidukevich (LDP), Andrei Astapovich (Independent)


The Belarusian transition to democracy has followed a similar path to most post-Soviet states - shock therapy, post-Communist left-populism, possibly IMF-shenanigans-related bankruptcy, post-post-Communist Soviet-nostalgist left-populism, Colour Revolution, resumption of shaky democracy, deepening fracture between pro-Europe and pro-Russian factions and nascent ethnoseparatism - but that's not the really interesting part here. What sets Belarus apart is that it has - very technically and in a purely legal sense - treated this transition as a return of power to a legitimate (well, 'legitimate') government preceding the USSR and existing externally to it during the period of Soviet government.

The Rada of the Belarusian Democratic Republic-in-exile limped on as one of the less openly insane anti-Soviet governments-in-exile between 1918 and 1991, reforming itself into essentially a cultural association as the Cold War dragged on. Its refusal to align with the Nazis in World War Two earned it credit with the Western Allies that gained the Byelorussian SSR a seat at the UN; its organisation of aid and support for the old country from the Belarusian emigre community in the West after the Chernobyl disaster gained it some small degree of recognition from the people.

In the febrile atmosphere of the 1990s, the exilic Rada's support for the Belarusian Popular Front (and a boatload of Western cash) vaulted the Atlanticist faction into power, laying the groundwork for the Reconciliation of 1996. Although mostly a feel-good PR exercise in a country in desperate need of national pride, it did instil something of a sense of national pride, and got a few very old men all misty-eyed. Aww.

The less said about the Rada (Continuity) of the Belarusian Democratic Republic-in-exile (Regina), though, the better.

Back home, the last two decades have pretty much followed the standard post-Soviet script outlined above. The economic crash of 1998-99 and the dissolution of the Popular Front allowed the Russophilic Zimouski to win one election, and a liberal application of vote-rigging snagged him a second. An effort to steal a third term was slightly too much for a population intoxicated by the heady rhetoric of the American President's 'Yes We Can' attitude, and a somewhat delayed Colour Revolution unseated the Russophile in favour of a vaguely pro-Western former dissident. That former dissident has since seen the law of diminishing returns kick in in a big way as he finds governance is actually quite hard, and he is stepping down in favour of an anointed successor who is a little more crooked but will also definitely still win. Probably. Maybe. So long as the Russians don't get too involved. Hopefully.

But in this neighbourhood, that's all about par for the course.
 
Last edited:
1921 - 1928: Piotra Krečeŭski
1923: Rada moves to Prague

1928 - 1943: Vasil Zacharka

1943* - 1970: Mikoła Abramčyk
1945 - 1948: Rada flees Prague ahead of Red Army; periodic meetings held in Western Germany during this period
1948: Rada moves to Paris, resumes formal activity

Curious here. The Rada is described as being in Prague, but in the writeup you say they refused to align with the Nazi. How does that work with the occupation of the Czech republic?
 
Curious here. The Rada is described as being in Prague, but in the writeup you say they refused to align with the Nazi. How does that work with the occupation of the Czech republic?
My understanding (everything pre-1994 being more or less as-IOTL) is that they were too insignificant for the Nazis to really care about. Plus, the Germans formed their own puppet government in Belarus anyway, which attracted all the real headcases.
 
The Congress of Discord

Leaders of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics

1922-1924: Vladimir Lenin [as Chair of Sovnarkom]
1923-1925: Lev Kamenev / Joseph Stalin / Grigory Zinoviev [First Troika]
1925-1935: Joseph Stalin [as General Secretary of the CPSU]
1935-1937: Sergei Kirov [as Acting Chair of the Central Committee of the CPSU]
1936-1938: Leon Trotsky / Aleksandr Smirnov / Jan Sten [Second Troika]
1938-1942: Leon Trotsky [as Premier of the Soviet Union]
1942-1944: Mikhail Tukhachevsky [as Acting Premier of the Soviet Union]
1944-1946: Chen Duxiu [as Premier of the Soviet Union]
1946-0000: Karl Radek [as Premier of the Soviet Union]

By 1934, it seemed that the Left Opposition was a spent force. Trotsky had been forced into exile, Stalin was triumphant, having assumed sole leadership almost a decade before - the success of his Five Year Plan, was to be celebrated at the 17th Party Congress, the 'Congress of Victors'. But it wasn't to be. The Party Congress showed unusual independence, electing a number of former opponents of Stalin to the Central Committee and committed the crime of humiliating the General Secretary as his friend Sergei Kirov received a more resounding vote of support than himself. Stalin lashed out - the botched attempt on Kirov's life would plunge the Soviet Union into chaos.

The opponents of Stalin emerged from hiding, rescinding their capitulation to his authority, with Kirov at their head. Stalin was arrested for the attempted assassination, and would spend the rest of his life rotting in the prisons he had begun his revolutionary life and had sent many of his comrades to their deaths in. But Kirov could not hold back the 'Second Revolution' bubbling up from the Party Congress, the Central Committee and the streets themselves. As he attempted to make himself into a 'little Stalin', he was also forced to roll back the frontiers of authoritarianism. The exiles returned home, the political prisoners walked the streets. From underneath him, a troika of opposition figures emerged. Led by the prodigal son, Leon Trotsky.

By 1937, the Soviet Union had a new constitution. The following year, they had elections ending the one party state, as parties bound to anti-capitalism fielded candidates against the Communist Party. An opposition of mostly Independent candidates emerged, but healthy contingents of 'Green' peasant deputies and Church backed religious candidates also entered the new Supreme Soviet. And the leadership position in the Soviet Union ceased to be one associated solely with leadership of the Communist Party, but with commanding the confidence of a majority in the Supreme Soviet.

Trotsky had little time to implement many of the social changes he was committed to. Later that year, his support of the revolution in Spain saw a rapid escalation in tensions with Nazi Germany. By the start of 1939, the two countries were at war. Many of the civil liberties that Trotsky wanted to see restored were instead clamped down upon as the Soviet Union entered a state of total war. Initial setbacks were however reversed as the full power of Soviet industry was finally unleashed. The war might have been over by the time of Trotsky's fatal brain haemorrhage, if it hadn't been for his commitment to permanent international revolution. The Soviet war machine was forced to fight on two fronts as they went to war in China and at the end of Trotsky's life, they held an uncomfortable stalemate on both the Western and Eastern Fronts. In his place, the Supreme Soviet hastily appointed a military figure to lead them through the crisis.

Tukhachevsky was a less daunting figure, ironically, for many in the West. Within a few short months of his acclamation, the British entered the war. The following year, the Germans unwittingly brought in the Americans as one too many cargo vessels were sunk by U-boat torpedoes. And with a second front opened up in Western Europe with Francois de la Roque finally turning against Berlin, the newly mechanised Red Army finally surged out of gridlock in Europe to crush the fascists beneath their treads. The campaign in China was less successful - the Americans ended the Japanese threat with their atom bombs, and an uneasy truce was constructed with the Nationalist regime in Nanjing.

Nevertheless, a host of new SSRs acceded to the Union at the war's end - which was marked by Chen's election to lead the Party and then the Supreme Soviet. Chen's leadership was more symbolic than anything, signalling that the war in China was not a total failure. The years of imprisonment had not done him any good, and he passed away after only a short period in office. And then it was the turn of another international revolutionary, a man who had capitulated himself to Stalin and then rehabilitated himself in the furnace of the Congress of Victors, and finally emerged triumphant during the Great Anti-Fascist War.
 
Last edited:
The opponents of Stalin emerged from hiding, rescinding their capitulation to his authority, with Kirov at their head. Stalin was arrested for the attempted assassination, and would spend the rest of his life rotting in the prisons he had begun his revolutionary life and had sent many of his comrades to their deaths in.
Whilst Trotsky’s great return is based and all that, I have to say, a surviving Kirov becoming leader is also a fascinating scenario that I’m surprised hasn’t occurred in a HoI mod yet.
 
Leaders of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics

1922-1924: Vladimir Lenin [as Chair of Sovnarkom]
1923-1925: Lev Kamenev / Joseph Stalin / Grigory Zinoviev [First Troika]
1925-1935: Joseph Stalin [as General Secretary of the CPSU]
1935-1937: Sergei Kirov [as Acting Chair of the Central Committee of the CPSU]
1936-1938: Leon Trotsky / Aleksandr Smirnov / Jan Sten [Second Troika]
1938-1942: Leon Trotsky [as Premier of the Soviet Union]
1942-1944: Mikhail Tukhachevsky [as Acting Premier of the Soviet Union]
1944-1946: Chen Duxiu [as Premier of the Soviet Union]
1946-0000: Karl Radek [as Premier of the Soviet Union]

By 1934, it seemed that the Left Opposition was a spent force. Trotsky had been forced into exile, Stalin was triumphant, having assumed sole leadership almost a decade before - the success of his Five Year Plan, was to be celebrated at the 17th Party Congress, the 'Congress of Victors'. But it wasn't to be. The Party Congress showed unusual independence, electing a number of former opponents of Stalin to the Central Committee and committed the crime of humiliating the General Secretary as his friend Sergei Kirov received a more resounding vote of support than himself. Stalin lashed out - the botched attempt on Kirov's life would plunge the Soviet Union into chaos.

The opponents of Stalin emerged from hiding, rescinding their capitulation to his authority, with Kirov at their head. Stalin was arrested for the attempted assassination, and would spend the rest of his life rotting in the prisons he had begun his revolutionary life and had sent many of his comrades to their deaths in. But Kirov could not hold back the 'Second Revolution' bubbling up from the Party Congress, the Central Committee and the streets themselves. As he attempted to make himself into a 'little Stalin', he was also forced to roll back the frontiers of authoritarianism. The exiles returned home, the political prisoners walked the streets. From underneath him, a troika of opposition figures emerged. Led by the prodigal son, Leon Trotsky.

By 1937, the Soviet Union had a new constitution. The following year, they had elections ending the one party state, as parties bound to anti-capitalism fielded candidates against the Communist Party. An opposition of mostly Independent candidates emerged, but healthy contingents of 'Green' peasant deputies and Church backed religious candidates also entered the new Supreme Soviet. And the leadership position in the Soviet Union ceased to be one associated solely with leadership of the Communist Party, but with commanding the confidence of a majority in the Supreme Soviet.

Trotsky had little time to implement many of the social changes he was committed to. Later that year, his support of the revolution in Spain saw a rapid escalation in tensions with Nazi Germany. By the start of 1939, the two countries were at war. Many of the civil liberties that Trotsky wanted to see restored were instead clamped down upon as the Soviet Union entered a state of total war. Initial setbacks were however reversed as the full power of Soviet industry was finally unleashed. The war might have been over by the time of Trotsky's fatal brain haemorrhage, if it hadn't been for his commitment to permanent international revolution. The Soviet war machine was forced to fight on two fronts as they went to war in China and at the end of Trotsky's life, they held an uncomfortable stalemate on both the Western and Eastern Fronts. In his place, the Supreme Soviet hastily appointed a military figure to lead them through the crisis.

Tukhachevsky was a less daunting figure, ironically, for many in the West. Within a few short months of his acclamation, the British entered the war. The following year, the Germans unwittingly brought in the Americans as one too many cargo vessels were sunk by U-boat torpedoes. And with a second front opened up in Western Europe with Francois de la Roque finally turning against Berlin, the newly mechanised Red Army finally surged out of gridlock in Europe to crush the fascists beneath their treads. The campaign in China was less successful - the Americans ended the Japanese threat with their atom bombs, and an uneasy truce was constructed with the Nationalist regime in Nanjing.

Nevertheless, a host of new SSRs acceded to the Union at the war's end - which was marked by Chen's election to lead the Party and then the Supreme Soviet. Chen's leadership was more symbolic than anything, signalling that the war in China was not a total failure. The years of imprisonment had not done him any good, and he passed away after only a short period in office. And then it was the turn of another international revolutionary, a man who had capitulated himself to Stalin and then rehabilitated himself in the furnace of the Congress of Victors, and finally emerged triumphant during the Great Anti-Fascist War.

Nice work. I think Tukh might be the most unlikely part of it, actually. The Soviet Union was incredibly leery of military figures in top political offices. I guess Trotsky not turning to be a Napoleon may have broken them of that though.
 

The Other Other Brother
2010-2016: David Cameron (Conservative)
def 2010: (Coalition with Liberal Democrats) Gordon Brown (Labour), Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrats)
Labour Leadership Election, 2010: David Miliband, Ed Miliband, Ed Balls, John McDonnell, Andy Burnham
def 2015: (Majority) David Miliband (Labour), Nicola Sturgeon (SNP), Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrats)
Labour Leadership Election, 2015: Andy Burnham, Yvette Cooper, Dianne Abbott, Dan Jarvis

2016-2017: Theresa May (Conservative)
Conservative Leadership Election, 2016: Theresa May, Michael Gove, Boris Johnson, Liam Fox, Mark Francois, Theresa Villiers, Sajid Javid
2017-2020: Theresa May (Conservative leading Deal Government)
def 2017: (Deal Government formed with Pro-Deal elements of Labour) Andy Burnham (Labour), Michael Gove ("Hard Brexit" Conservative Faction), Chuka Umunna ("Hard Remain" Labour Faction), Jo Swinson (Liberal Democrats), Dominic Grieve ("Hard Remain" Conservative Faction), Nicola Sturgeon (SNP)
Labour Leadership Election, 2019: Ed Miliband, Andy Burnham, Katy Clark, Chuka Umunna

2020-xxxx: Ed Miliband (Labour)
def 2020: (Majority) Theresa May (Conservative), Nigel Farage (Free Britain), Jo Swinson (Liberals: The Democratic Movement), Nicola Sturgeon (SNP), Kenny MacAskill (Scots Wha Hae)

David sipped his G&T, and wondered where it had all gone wrong.

He helped write the manifesto that led to a landslide. A rising star, from the policy unit to DEFRA to the youngest Great Office holder since Owen. His career was such an obvious upward trajectory, there were whispers about him as early as 2008. There was no way he could have lost the leadership contest, the PLP was behind him, and sure it came a little close but in the end he'd snatched enough of Burnham's third preferences to clinch it. Who cared what the dinosaurs in the unions thought? He had the future of the party. Cameron was weak, relying on Clegg to prop him up. They'd break up in a year over voting reform--no way would the Tories want that--and then he, David, the golden boy, would lead Labour back to its rightful home.

And yet. When the time came for an election, all the knives went out. Smears on his father, digging up that stupid comment about terrorism, the banana photo--why had he agreed to that? Sure, let's eat a banana to "neutralise" the old photo from 2008, tah very much Iain now there's two photos of me looking stupid with a banana for the papers to run! It could have been worse, only 18 seats lost and most of them were to the Scots rather than the opposition...but he'd still failed. Too plastic, too out-of-touch, too tied to the unions, whatever it was, he failed. So much for the chosen one.

Things, as they often did, got worse. Cameron's deal with the devil over Europe ended with the devil--by a 2% margin--taking the last trick, and after his successor clambered out of a car-crash of Brexiteers and people who had always been Brexiteers since five minutes ago, she decided to go to the country. The Tories once again sailed out as the largest party, but this time in name only--Burnham's votes were more reliable on the Deal than half the people still nominally under the Conservative whip. If only the de facto leadership of the sensible portion of the party wasn't bloody Chuka, they might have gotten somewhere with that leadership challenge, but instead Brexit sailed over the line with Labour votes.

They wanted him to come back for that challenge, David recalled. At least Tom did, for whatever reason, and one of those Guardian op-ed writers. God only knows why. He'd cocked it up before, why would a second heave help? Of course, he probably could have done better than Chuka...maybe beaten out the loony left, shown that there was still a place in Labour for Rejoin, at least not fucked off immediately afterwards to the Yellow Peril. Too late now to dwell. Besides, it wasn't as if he disliked the result.

The whispers about "the wrong brother" probably started midway through 2011, when Ed was off looking nice on telly teaching kids history and he was having to look less nice shaking his head at what the hoodies did to Brixton. They got louder when he lost, louder still when Ed spent the referendum making himself visible, louder still when Burnham proved willing to capitulate to the Conservatives on more than just Europe. If only it had been Ed, the whispers went, we'd have an authentic leader not a fake pretty-boy, someone who cared about the workers and the environment, a leader who'd sort out the internal divides--did you see his white paper on the leadership election? If only it was OMOV last time, the extremists would get watered down, and us, the party's sensible yet radical middle, would come out top.

The Milifandom (David vaguely remembered Iain using a phrase like that to describe people who liked him, but certainly not as many people) ranged from thirsty Twitterers--god, Ed had gone bright rosette-red when he'd talked about that over lunch--to journalists salivating over policy minutiae. Fair play to them, Ed always knew his stuff, but he liked to think he was his equal and there weren't any glowing reviews about his white papers. Besides, it was not doing policy that saved Ed's veggie bacon in the leadership contest. Keeping to same vague "People's Deal for some, tiny Euro flags for others" rhetoric as Andy meant that the second round could just be a straight popularity contest rather than a factional one, and if there was one thing Ed had right now, it was popularity.

The people banking on a chosen one had got lucky the second time, David smiled. Farage managed to peel more off of the Tories than he did from them, the Scots fell apart after Salmond became the world's least convincing political prisoner, and May? Even without a party falling to bits under her, she wasn't the greatest campaigner. The Conservatives were tired, had little to point to after ten years that couldn't be undermined by some other party, and most of the party's great performers were angling to succeed May more than they were trying to win. Even though Ed got dealt a good hand, he certainly played it well. That thing with the Climate Crisis Stone was a bit funny, but it certainly got people talking. Everywhere he was charming, but never too charming--always a little awkward and geeky, unpolished and real in a way more people liked than he thought.

David hadn't stood for re-election. It'd be too awkward sticking around in a party run by his brother. He'd seen how aggressive the media had been to Ed about it, always trying to get him to play out some sick family drama. Emma would make a decent MP, and he had a few good offers lined up, even if some of his mates were calling him "Captain Tracy" now. Watching the exit poll seemed like a fine way to end his tenure in Parliament.

As Dimbleby read out the total--Labour majority, breakthrough for Free Britain, Johnson decapitated by the LibDems--David grinned and lifted his G&T to the screen in a toast. The country was in good hands.

To family.
 
Incidentally @Mumby, would you mind putting a title on your list? It makes the poll easier.

Great work, BTW--I've seen a lot of "what if everything was an SSR", but never one where it affects the leadership. The weird mirror-universe Molotov-Ribbentrop with Croix de Feu saving the Soviets is another fun one.
 
Woy's Wollercoaster
David Owen Is Also Here

1979-1983: Margaret Thatcher (Conservative)
1979 (Majority) def: James Callaghan (Labour), David Steel (Liberal), Harry West (Ulster Unionist), Ian Paisley (Democratic Unionist), Gwynfor Evans (Plaid Cymru), William Wolfe (Scottish National)
1983-1984: William Whitelaw (Conservative)
1984-1991: Roy Jenkins (Social Democratic)
1984 (Coalition with Liberal, confidence and supply from Scottish National and Plaid Cymru) def: William Whitelaw (Conservative), Michael Foot (Labour), David Steel (Liberal), James Molyneaux (Ulster Unionist), Gordon Wilson (Scottish National), Ian Paisley (Democratic Unionist), Dafydd Wigley (Plaid Cymru)
1988 (Coalition with Liberal) def: Tony Benn (Labour), Michael Heseltine (Conservative), David Steel (Liberal), James Molyneaux (Ulster Unionist), Paul Ekins & Jean Lambert (Green), Gordon Wilson (Scottish National), John Hume (SDLP), Dafydd Elis-Thomas (Plaid Cymru), Ian Paisley (Democratic Unionist)

1991-1992: David Owen (Social Democratic)
1992-2000: Kenneth Clarke (Conservative)
1992 (Minority, confidence and supply from Green and Ulster Unionist) def: David Owen (Social Democratic), Ken Livingstone (Labour), David Steel (Liberal), Jean Lambert & Richard Lawson (Green), James Molyneaux (Ulster Unionist), John Hume (SDLP), Alex Salmond (Scottish National), Dafydd Wigley (Plaid Cymru), Ian Paisley (Democratic Unionist)
1996 (Coalition with Liberal, confidence and supply from Ulster Unionist) def: Gordon Brown (Labour), Alan Beith (Liberal), James Goldsmith (Referendum), Robin Harper & Margaret Wright (Green), David Owen (Social Democratic), Alex Salmond (Scottish National), David Trimble (Ulster Unionist), John Hume (SDLP), Dafydd Wigley (Plaid Cymru), Ian Paisley (Democratic Unionist)

2000-2009: Gordon Brown (Labour)
2000 (Minority, confidence and supply from Social Democrats, Green and Scottish National) def: Kenneth Clarke (Conservative), George Gardiner (Referendum), Paddy Ashdown (Social Democratic), Robin Harper & Caroline Lucas (Green), Menzies Campbell (Liberal), Alex Salmond (Scottish National), David Trimble (Ulster Unionist), John Hume (SDLP), Ieuan Wyn Jones (Plaid Cymru), Ian Paisley (Democratic Unionist), Gerry Adams (Sinn Féin)
2004 (Coalition with Social Democrats and Referendum) def: Nicholas Soames (Conservative), Paddy Ashdown (Social Democratic), Alan Sked (Referendum), Nick Clegg (Liberal), Robin Harper & Caroline Lucas (Green), Alex Salmond (Scottish National), David Trimble (Ulster Unionist), Ian Paisley (Democratic Unionist), Mark Dukran (SDLP), Ieuan Wyn Jones (Plaid Cymru), Gerry Adams (Sinn Féin)
2006 First European Union Membership Referendum: Yes 56.4%, No 43.6%
2006 (Coalition with Social Democrats and Green) def: Nicholas Soames (Conservative), Alan Sked (Referendum), Nick Clegg (Liberal), David Owen (Social Democratic), Caroline Lucas & Derek Wall (Green), John Swinney (Scottish National), Ian Paisley (Democratic Unionist), Gerry Adams (Sinn Féin), David Trimble (Ulster Unionist), Ieuan Wyn Jones (Plaid Cymru)

2009-2010: David Owen (Social Democratic)
2010-2016: Justine Greening (Conservative)
2010 (Coalition with Liberal and Referendum) def: Tom Watson (Labour), Ed Davey (Liberal), Robert Kilroy-Silk (Referendum), Caroline Lucas & Keith Taylor (Green), Vince Cable (Social Democratic), John Swinney (Scottish National), Peter Robinson (Democratic Unionist), Gerry Adams (Sinn Féin), Ieuan Wyn Jones (Plaid Cymru), Robin Swann (Ulster Unionist)
2012 Second European Union Membership Referendum: Yes 51.8%, No 48.2%
2012 (Coalition with Liberal) def: Yvette Cooper (Labour), Ed Davey (Liberal), George Monbiot & Natalie Bennett (Green), Robert Kilroy-Silk (Referendum), Vince Cable (Social Democratic), Alex Salmond (Scottish National), Peter Robinson (Democratic Unionist), Ieuan Wyn Jones (Plaid Cymru), Gerry Adams (Sinn Féin)

2016-pres: Hilary Benn (Labour)
2016 (Coalition with Liberal and Green) def: George Osborne (Conservative), Christine Jardine (Liberal), Molly Scott Cato & Jonathan Bartley (Green), Kate Hoey (Referendum), John Swinney (Scottish National), Norman Lamb (Social Democratic), Nigel Dodds (Democratic Unionist), Gerry Adams (Sinn Féin), Leanne Wood (Plaid Cymru), Mike Nesbitt (Ulster Unionist), Colum Eastwood (SDLP)
2020 (Coalition with Green, Liberal and Social Democratic) def: Alistair Jack (Conservative), Molly Scott Cato & Magid Magid (Green), Tom Brake (Liberal), Mhairi Black (Scottish National), George Galloway (Referendum), Norman Lamb (Social Democratic), Mary Lou McDonald (Sinn Féin), Ian Paisley Jr (Democratic Unionist), Doug Beattie (Ulster Unionist), Leanne Wood (Plaid Cymru), Colum Eastwood (SDLP)


When the Gang of Four broke away from the Labour Party, it is said that not even the splitters themselves thought that in three years they would be at the helm of Her Majesty's Government; but a week is a long time in politics, and the times they were a-changing. Even as the economy entered something of a recovery, Thatcher's fumbles over the Falklands and the humiliating UN-mandated peace with Argentina had tainted her government. Her casting as sacrificial lamb for Willie Whitelaw, following a brutal leadership challenge that pit true believer against true believer, only served to further entrench the view in the public eye that the Conservatives had fallen to infighting, having failed to protect British soil. Michael Foot, in turn, fumbled his opportunity to benefit from the Tory malaise, with his support for UN mediation fatally wounding the Labour Party's chances.

And so it happened that the prince across the water Roy Jenkins returned from his tenure as President of the European Commission to lead the Alliance of Social Democrats and Liberals to victory. The 1983 election saw the former Home Security come out far ahead of Whitelaw and Foot as preferred prime minister, and his coalition ended election night with a combined 40% of the vote and a clear plurality of seats. Securing the backing of the Celtic nationalists, the Jenkins ministry brokered far-reaching reforms across British society; implementing proportional representation through the Additional Member System, granting devolution to Scotland and Wales, instituting a minimum wage and reviving the National Economic Development Council as part of a move toward a social market economy. The government was returned in 1988, continuing the coalition with the Liberals but refusing a formal merger. Jenkins' health had, however, begun to deteriorate, and it was not long before his deputy David Owen succeeded him; much to the consternation of the Liberals, who had expected David Steel to instead take the position of prime minister.

The first Alliance government ended in 1992, as Ken Clarke led a somewhat reformed Conservative party back to Number 10, working with the emergent Green Party and the Ulster Unionists. He was in turn succeeded by Brown, who oversaw the first of two European Union membership referendums, and then by David Owen, a second time. Greening followed, as then did Benn junior. Neither member party of the Alliance ever again led a government as the largest party, but even as the Social Democratic Party became the personal project of David Owen, the mark that the Alliance's daliance with power left on the British political system is clear; they forced the two titans, Labour and the Conservatives, to share power with their smaller relatives.
 
GORDON'S ALIVE!: "The Rise, Fall and Further Rise of Gordon Brown"

Career of Gordon Brown


1976-1980: Politics Lecuturer, Glasgow College of Technology
1979: Labour Candidate as Member of Parliament for Edinburgh South
defeated by Conservative Candidate Michael Ancram
1980-1983: Current Affair Editor/Producer for STV
1983-2005: Labour Member of Parliament for Dumfermline East
1987-1989: Shadow Chief Secretary to the Treasury
Shadowing John Major
1989-1992: Shadow Secretary of State for Trade and Industry and Shadow President of the Board of Trade
Shadowing Nicholas Ridley, Peter Liley and Michael Heseltine
1992-1997: Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer
Shadowing Norman Lamont and Kenneth Clarke
1997-2002: Chancellor of the Exchequer
2002-2009: Backbencher MP
2005-2009: Member of Compass, left-wing think tank/pressure group
2005-Present: Labour Member of Parliament for Kirkcaldy and Cowdenbeath
2009: Candidate for 2009 Labour Leadership Confrence
defeated John McDonnell, Alan Johnson, and John Reid
2009-2013: Leader of Her Majesty's Loyal Opposition
2013-Present: Prime Minister of the United Kingdom

Prime Minister of the United Kingdom

1997-2006: Tony Blair (Labour)
1997 (Majority) def. John Major (Conservative), Paddy Ashdown (Liberal Democrat)
2001 (Majority) def. William Hague (Conservative), Charles Kennedy (Liberal Democrat)
2005 (Minority) def. Michael Howard (Conservative), Charles Kennedy (Liberal Democrat)

2006-2008: David Milliband (Labour)
2008-2013: David Cameron (Conservative)
2008 (Majority) def. David Milliband (Labour), Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrat)
2012 Referendum on Scottish Independence: 65% NO, 35% YES

2013-Present: Gordon Brown (Labour)
2013 (Majority) def. David Cameron (Conservative), Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrat)
2017 (Majority) def. Liam Fox (Conservative), Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrat)
2021 (Majority) def. Andrea Leadsome (Conservative),
Alistair Carmichael (Liberal Democrat)

As far a political miscalculations go, Tony Blair's sacking of Gordon Brown in 2002 marks as perhaps the greatest of modern times, though not for lack of competition. From the moment Brown left No. 11 Downing Street, Blair had immediately put a timer on his leadership, sowing the seeds for his eventual fall after having done what he expected to ensure its longevity by removing his only major rivalry. Effectively, what Blair had done (though it would take several years to be apparent for most) was decapitated the most important part of the New Labour partnership - its economic chief mandarin. While Blair's position at the top would go unchallenged for the next 5 years, he would never have another Chancellor to match Brown, managing to shuffle his way through another 3 before he left office, none of whom managed the economy or Prime Minister's demands on it as successfully. Once more, the Treasury was managing the Chancellor, rather than vice versa, and it would fall back on trusted Thatcherite methods more and more, contributing to the frustration of many with the Blair years as a failure to move on from the Great Handbag.

Brown himself, despite the initial 'Brown Out!' explosion in the press after the sacking, went relatively quietly (excluding private outbursts to friends and close confidents about Blair especially) and preferred to devote his main focus on plotting his political comeback, waiting for the subject on which to pounce. He had less than a year to wait. The Iraq War in 2003 is perhaps the only event more than the sacking itself that is named as responsible for the downfall of Blair, not least because it gave Brown the subject and space to mount his comeback and raise his popularity and profile. Not that Brown was entirely at ease with Iraq as he agreed with the necessity to remove Saddam and for a Labour Prime Minister to be seen to working well with a Republican President, and had to be talked into it by his close acolyte Ed Miliband. Even still, Brown remained quiet and moderate in his criticism in the run-up to war, however when the promised UN resolution authorizing the Invasion failed to materialise and Blair carried on preparations, he became more vocal still - ultimately going on to share a stage with Robin Cook, Tony Benn and Charles Kennedy at an anti-War rally that gave him his highest platform since his removal. Given the Conservative Party's happiness to support the war, Brown was suddenly being spoken about quite seriously as the real Leader of the Opposition.

Although there was plenty of talk in the press about it, there would be no split of the Labour Party like the 1980s, with the Brownites and Hard Left of the Party decamping to join the Lib Dems - Brown had spent too much of his career learning and living with the mistakes of Labour's past. But what was apparent by 2005 was that Blair was living on borrowed time. His failure to achieve a third majority by one MP was a severe blow, and even the Blairites knew it. Although the PM had promised during the election that he would not see out the Parliaments full term, it was too vague and too long await for the Labour Party - the post-election reshuffle had warranted the inclusion of record number of Brownites in the Cabinet was Blair's attempt to hold off any challenge in the immediate future, in fact it just lined up a greater number of knife's for his back. Slowly the screws were applied to the PM, with the killer blow coming from Brown himself during the 2006 Party conference, where at one of the rare fringe meetings of the New Labour Era, the former Chancellor gave a talk that was scathing of his successors (and by association, Blair) to shift away from Thatcherite orthodoxies and support for Public Services beyond the NHS that got wide coverage in the news. Fed up, Blair announced his resignation.

The decision of Blair to go as soon as Brown put the first boot in, rather than wait for others to pile in, at least gave Blair the satisfaction of tainting Brown's chance for the immediate leadership contest. Realising that the blood was still fresh on his hands, Brown realised that he would suffer the same trouble that Heseltine had faced for his part in the downfall of Thatcher in 1990. Brown declined enter the leadership contest on these grounds, which he would cite privately in his 2007 memoir which signalled to many that his star was once more on the wane, however no one was able to factor in the Recession was to have on Britain and the Miliband and Cameron governments that dealt with it.

It was this crisis in the country and his Part that gave Brown the space to renter the top of British politics, as Miliband failed to compensate for the gap left by Blair, and the space left vacant by Brown became obvious to everyone as Conservative and Labour plans for handling the recession were indistinguishable in 2008 and boiled down to Red or Blue austerity. Blue won, and Labour was left groping for a new way that it found with Brown and his Keynesianism for the 21st Century. 2009 was an energetic leadership contest, as with Blairism in full retreat to the Conservatives, the only real competition for Brown came from the Left, as John McDonnell was the perhaps the only person in Labour who had put as much thought into economic policy alternatives for the Party, but Brown's experience as Chancellor and nostalgia for his time proved essential and gave him a wide margin that secured his position as leader beyond doubt - to this date no one has challenged Brown for the leadership since 2009. Unlike Cameron, Brown was one of the great political teachers of his generation: as former advisors and aides, like Ed Balls, Ed Miliband and that had been around him in the 90's and early 2000's had now matured into MPs and Shadow Ministers in their own rights, not mention the elder Brownites like Harriet Harman and Alistair Darling who had stayed in the background since Brown was out of the Cabinet. This gave a loyal, ideologically confident group around Brown who idolized him and all held ranks in front of the opposition.

Brown's virtues that shone in the competition for leader, also to shone through in the competition for the premiership. Compared to Cameron, the Opposition Leader had buckets of experience, clarity of his positions on everything from the EU to expenses reform and no claims about being "the heir to Blair" as Cameron was boasting to be, which made him increasingly popular with the electorate. Luck was also on his side, as first the expenses crisis blew up, which damaged the government for failing to prevent it, even though there wasn't any political party untouched by it. The Prime Minister would also then make the horrible miscalculation of holding the referendum on Scottish Independence with almost contemptuous attitude to the SNP and their place in Scotland itself - only venturing to campaign North of the border when the correlation between opinions polls on Brown and continued Union became unmistakable, but by then it was far too late for the PM to place himself as a true leader in the NO campaign. As well as giving Brown the opening to appear even more of a national leader, IndyRef also allowed Labour to deal a blow to its SNP rivals at a time when it seemed the latter might overtake the former: the No Vote and resignation of Alex Salmond led to a collapse in SNP fortunes that it has yet to recover from.

The end result of this was little surprise to many when Brown won a substantial, though not landslide, majority a year later. It was not the same as '97, but then again the circumstances were not the same - with the economy in the doldrums, public services severely underfunded, and government departments having suffered under some 6 years of budget cuts and austerity. Brown and his Chancellor Ed Balls record on the British economy needs no further praise here as it can be found tenfold elsewhere. The stimulus packages of the 2014 and 2016 budgets refired the UK economy, rejuvenating the traditional areas of the economy like North Sea oil, Welsh and Teesside Steel and a reluctant nationalisation of Rail followed by serious investments in public transport, all were fortified by the 'Green Deal' and serious banking reform that Brown unabashedly borrowed from his jovial rival and Local Government Minister, John McDonnell. Britain's economic security under Brown has also shielded it from the worst of the populism and extremism sweeping politics that has swept the US and Europe - as a result the image of Brown in the eyes of the nation from the dynamic, reforming, solid social democratic Chancellor of the 90's, to a dissident with a higher loyalty to his Party and movement than the Prime Minister of the day, to the Father of the Nation holding it together, stronger, fairer and building on an establish record that had been built up long before he assumed the mantel of leadership.

Earlier this year, Brown was declared the third Labour Prime Minister to win 3 general elections, its first to 3 majorities - a feat that shocked many after the controversies of the COVID-19 Pandemic. It's no secret that the Prime Minister is still relishing the triumph of one upping his former friend's record and its widely expected, despite a declaration that he would not run in a fourth election, that Brown will stay on beat Blair's length as PM and possibly even Thatcher's. As a result, it is with sadness and slight trepidation that Labour and the nation begin to look to the future...
 
Back
Top