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Lists of Heads of Government and Heads of State

Inspired by UM's list, here is an antipodean party switcher in Britain taken to the logical extreme.



Electoral History of William "Billy" Hughes

1894-1901: Member of the New South Wales Legislative Assembly for Sydney-Lang (Labor Electoral League)
1894 def: John FitzGerald (Protectionist), John Taylor (Free Trade), John Butler (Independent Free Trade)
1895 def: John Taylor (Independent Free Trade), Henry Foran (Independent Free Trade) John Anderson (Independent Protectionist)
1898 def: Joseph Chuck (National Federal), John Strachan (Independent), David Fealy (Independent Federalist)

1901-1916: Member of the House of Representatives for West Sydney (Labor)
1901 def: James Beer (Protectionist) James Hanrahan (Independent Protectionist)
1903 def: Edward Warren (Free Trade)
1906 def: James Burns (Anti-Socialist)
1910 def: Stanley Cole (Liberal) Harry Holland (Socialist)
1913 def: John Sutton (Liberal)
1914 def: Walter Finch (Liberal)

1904: Minister for External Affairs
1908-1909, 1910-1913: Attorney General
1916-1917: Member of the House of Representatives for West Sydney (National Labor)
1917: Member of the House of Representatives for West Sydney (Nationalist)
1917-1920: Member of the House of Representatives for Bendigo (Nationalist)

1917 def: Alfred Hampson (Labor)
1919 def: Alfred Hampson (Labor)

1920: Member of the House of Representatives for Bendigo (Independent)
1920: Member of the House of Representatives for Bendigo (Australian)

1920 def by: Alfred Hampson (Labor) Edmund Jowett (Country)
1920 def by (Two Party pref): Edmund Jowett (Country)

1914-1920: Attorney General
1915-1920: Prime Minister of Australia
1920-1922: Private Citizen
1922-1923: Member of Parliament for Merioneth (National Liberal)

1922 def: Henry Hayden Jones (Liberal), John Jones Roberts (Labour)
1923-1931: Member of Parliament for Merioneth (Liberal)
1923 def: John Jones Roberts (Labour)
1924 def: John Jones Roberts (Labour), Robert Vaughan (Conservitive)
1929 def: John Jones Roberts (Labour), Charles Phibbs (Conservitive)

1931-1937: Member of Parliament for Merioneth (Liberal National)
1931 def: James Henry Howards (Labour), Charles Phibbs (Conservative)
1935 def: Thomas Jones (Labour), Charles Phibbs (Conservative)

1937-1939: Member of Parliament for Merioneth (Independent)
1939-1945: Member of Parliament for Merioneth (Independent National)
1939-1941: Minister for the Coordination of Defence
1941-1945: Prime Minister of the United Kingdom


Billy Hughes is one of the great enigmas of the 20th century. A man who was a thousand different things to a thousand different people, from a young labour organiser in New South Wales, to a member of one of the first Labor party governments in the world, to a man willing to sacrifice his own principles to try and win a war, To a man who sacrificed the success of the party he founded out of an ego that wouldn’t let himself go into government on anything but his own terms, to a backbench rabble-rouser in the parliament of his motherland to finally and most famously being the man who stood up to German tyranny and lead the free world through its darkest hour, Billy Hughes in his journey across the political spectrum will stand as a testament to the fact you could never count the “Little Digger” out.

The POD is that the Nationalists do worse at the 1919 election and the Country Party organises faster, leading to the rest of the Nationalists presenting Hughes with an ultimatum, either form a coalition with the Country party or get kicked out. Hughes chooses the latter and after trying to repeat the trick of founding a new party, he is defeated narrowly on preferences after this stance is not seen as principled but rather egocentric in Ballarat. At this point, he gets in touch with his old friend Lloyd George and decides that if Australia does not respect perhaps his homeland will. A combination of his celebrity, uncompromising pro-veteran stance, union bona fides and knowledge of Welsh, allows him to get elected in Wales. Through the 20’s and 30’s he gets battered around by the constantly changing situation of the Liberal party, eventually splitting over appeasement, a policy he is very strongly against being almost obsessive about a potential German threat. When war breaks out he formally rejoins the government, and given his experience is given Minister for Coordination of Defence. Thus when the Norway Crisis comes, despite his personal belligerence, he is an obvious choice to lead the War Government on account of his anti-appeasement stance, First World War experience, political moderation and potential to bring the Dominions together, at least as a stop-gap, given his age. And so of all men Billy Hughes is tapped to lead Britain in its hour of need.
 
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1948-1951: Östen Undén (Social Democrat leading Social Democratic-Communist Democratic Coalition)
1948: Social Democratic 94, Liberal 43, Communist 42, Agrarian 32, Conservative 19
1950 constitutional amendment referendums: Yes 86,4%, No 13,6%

1951-1957: Östen Undén (United Workers' Party leading Democratic Front)
1952: Democratic Front (UWP-Agrarian-Democratic-National Democratic) 230
1956: Democratic Front (UWP-Agrarian-Democratic-National Democratic) 230

1957-1969: Fritjof Lager (United Workers' Party leading Democratic Front)
1960: Democratic Front (UWP-Agrarian-Democratic-National Democratic) 230
1964: Democratic Front (UWP-Agrarian-Democratic-National Democratic) 230
1968:
Democratic Front (UWP-Agrarian-Democratic-National Democratic) 230
1969-1971: Hilding Hagberg (United Workers' Party leading Democratic Front)
1970 constitutional referendum: Yes 99,4%, No 0,6%
1971-1989: Hilding Hagberg (United Workers' Party leading National Front)
1972: National Front (UWP-Agrarian-Democratic-National Democratic) 278, independents 22
1976: National Front (UWP-Agrarian-Democratic-National Democratic) 281, independents 19
1980: National Front (UWP-Agrarian-Democratic-National Democratic) 288, independents 12
1984: National Front (UWP-Agrarian-Democratic-National Democratic) 285, independents 15
1988: National Front (UWP-Agrarian-Democratic-National Democratic) 283, independents 17

1989-1991: Thage G. Peterson (United Workers' Party leading National Front)
1990 constitutional referendum: Yes 76,9%, No 23,1%
1991-1991: Thage G. Peterson (Social Democracy majority)
1991-1993: Bengt Westerberg (Modern Democrat leading Modern Democrat-Agrarian-Change Alliance-Liberal-Democratic Alternative Freedom Alliance)
1991: Social Democracy 63, Modern Democrats 47, Agrarian League 42, Change Alliance 39, Liberal Platform 35, Moderates 28, Democratic Alternative 27, People's Coalition 16, Scania Party 3
1993-1994: Bengt Westerberg (Modern Democrat leading Modern Democrat-Change Alliance Freedom Alliance)
1994 public assets referendum: Yes 75,2%, No 24,8% (invalidated due to low turnout)
1994-1995: Olof Johansson (Agrarian minority)
1995-1998: Ian Wachtmeister (New Alternative leading New Alternative-Freedom-Moderate coalition)
1995: New Alternative 76, United Left 66, Freedom Alliance 48, Agrarian League 38, Moderates 29, Liberal Platform 21, People's Coalition 12, Democratic Alternative 10
1996 term limit referendum: Yes 46,3%, No 52,7%

1998-1999: Bengt Westerberg (Freedom minority)
1999-2003: Lars Ohly (United Left leading United Left-Agrarian coalition)
1999: United Left 121, Freedom Alliance 52, Agrarian League 36, Moderates 31, National Democrats 21, People's Coalition 14, New Alternative 12, Democratic Alternative 7, liberal.nu 6

The years after the fall of the Berlin Wall saw no government stay in power for more than a single term. With the communists having negotiated an end to their reign, and the country's economy being let loose and handed to foreign conglomerates and ex-apparatchiks at bargain prices, it seemed like Sweden's problems were too large for anyone to adequately resolve in four years. And so the wheel kept on spinning.

First came the Freedom Coalition, led by a charismatic paint seller's son from Södertälje who preached the gospel of the free market like no one else. Privatisation was modernisation and modernisation was privatisation, so said the public information slogan, and Westerberg pushed so hard that his broad coalition eventually gave way. The slimmed-down and rationalised Westerberg II cabinet turned to the people to implement their policies, as the new constitution let them do, but the people just weren't interested, and so they passed the baton to the most inoffensive interim leader anyone could find. The 1995 elections made a bonfire of the Freedomites, who barely held on to the result of Westerberg's pre-merger party.

Then came the (ig)noble count and his quixotic bunch of idealists, populists, demagogues, or whichever word you like. Wachtmeister came in from a different direction, and with wind in his back, he proceeded to give the country the new deodorant it needed after decades of communist stench. To him, the problem had been, and remained, the presence of the same people as before the Change in positions of power. The people surprisingly disagreed, and so did a number of his MPs - to them, the problem was first and foremost a basic lack of national pride. It was a backbench revolt that brought down Wachtmeister in the end, and another placeholder was found - a somewhat surprising choice, as Westerberg's rump party had been part of Wachtmeister's coalition.

In 1999, the Swedes once again decided a new tack needed to be taken - but this time, it looked, walked, talked and smelled quite a lot like a very old tack...
 
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Sweden-as-East Germany? Or just a Sweden-behind-the-Iron Curtain?

Either way, nicely done.
It's not really meant to be analogous to any individual Eastern Bloc country, but there's probably a fair amount of Poland in there (for which you can blame @Heat), and Wachtmeister's foray is meant as kind of a TOP 09 equivalent.
 
Calvin Coolidge Republican
30. President of the United States
In office

August 2, 1923 – March 4, 1933 Vice President None (1923–1925)[a]


Charles G. Dawes (1925–1929) Vice President Charles Curtis(March 4.1929-1933



James Wolcott Wadsworth Jr. Republican
31 President of the United States In office.



( March 4.1933-March 4.1937 Vice President Joseph Irwin France( March 4.1933-1937)



Henry Agard Wallace Democratic
32. President of the United States In office.




( March 4.1937-November 18.1965(death)Vice President John Nance Garner (March 4.1937- March 4.1941 James Aloysius Farley ( March

4.1941-1953


Dwight D. Eisenhower ( 1951-1963) (Resigned for health reasons)

33.


John Fitzgerald Kennedy Democratic

1965-1969 Vice President

Hubert Horatio Humphrey

34.
Richard M. Nixon President of the United States In office. Republican
March 4.1969-1977 Vice President ( Gerald Ford 1969-1977)

35.

Barry Goldwater Republican President of the United States In office
March 4.1977-March 4.1981) Vice President Margret Chase Smith (1977-1981

36.

James Earl Carter Democratic President of the United States

March 4. 1981-1989 Vice President (Edmund Muskie 1981-1989



37. Eric Hillard Nelson
President of the United States In office.
1989-1997 Vice President ( Howard Baker 1989-1997


38. Collin Luther Powell Republican


1997-2001
President of the United States In office.

Vice President

Wally George (
1997-2001

39.Samantha Reed Smith Democratic
President of the United States
In office.

(2001-2009


Vice President Albert Gore Junior (2001-2009


1.Coolidge runs for another additional term great depression is not as bad a sit was in real life.

2.Wallace becomes Democratic nominee. Cooldige decides against third term.u.s. enters war earlier no pearl harbor. Wallace serves many terms no cold war. no division between east and west Berlin. dies in office.

3.j.f.k succeeds Wallace as president of the United States.former Nazi scientist now living in Vietnam drop atomic weapon for first time. u.s and Russia fight in Europe for brief time. u.s. goes into recession.defeated for 2nd term.
4. Nixon gets European alies to fight in Cuba .Cuba becomes u.s. nation, u.s. scientist developed atomic weapon try to keep it out of hand s of Russians still controlled by the mighty czars.

5.Goldwater gets into office on fears of american public as it looks like Russia may developed atomic bomb and invade eurpe while this may not happen Iranian crisis destroys Goldwater first term, defeated for reelection.

6.Carter makes sure Israel or any other middle east country gets the atomic weapon.also makes ties with the czars in Russia the granddaughter of Grand Duchess Anastasia Nikolaevna of Russia.who now controls the common wealth of Russia.

7.Popular actor .star of Ozzie and Harriet radio and t.v.show. also a singer performer as well in the 1950s
rebuild u.s. depleting military, immigration reform was also a issue in his term in office.

8.First Black president. general gulf war. only sought one term was president when the first man went into space. Russia and u.s. began a competitive space race each developing rockets to go into space.

9. First female president signed bill for environmental laws and signed trade deal with japan which has not been recognised a sovergn country since the end of world war 2.
 
There no pearl harbor.hiroshima.
war ends sooner.

1933-1945: Franklin D. Roosevelt (Democratic)
1932 (with John Nance Garner) def. Herbert Hoover (Republican)
1936 (with John Nance Garner) def. Alf Landon (Republican)
1940 (with Henry A. Wallace) def. Wendell Willkie (Republican)

1945-1949: Henry A. Wallace (Democratic)
1944 (with Paul V. McNutt) def. Thomas E. Dewey (Republican), Harry F. Byrd (Conservative)
1949-1957: Douglas MacArthur (Republican)
1948 (with Harold Stassen) def. Henry A. Wallace (Democratic)
1952 (with Harold Stassen) def. Claude Pepper (Democratic)


America gets into WW2 over some naval thing in the Atlantic - Japan doesn't really get directly involved in WW2 ITTL. The war in Europe is over by early 1944, and FDR decides to retire. Wallace is seen as one of the architects of the post-war peace in Europe, allowing him to win in 1944 despite doubts amongst conservatives within his own party. By 1948 however, a new Red Scare had put his work in Europe in a different light, and his attempts to impose harsher sanctions upon the Japanese Empire in the face of the increasingly Communist dominated insurgency in China led to Douglas MacArthur's victory on a platform of resisting Communism and turning Japan into an ally in that struggle in Asia, in the place of the ailing European empires.
 
ive been watching the mandalorian and its so good and i wanted to do a star wars list

a surprise to be sure, but a welcome one

'The Empire is America 10 years from now' v2

1961-1964: John F. Kennedy (Democratic)
1960 (with Lyndon B. Johnson) def. Richard Nixon (Republican)
1964 (with Stuart Symington) def. Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. (Republican), George Wallace (Independent)

1964-1965: Lyndon B. Johnson (Democratic)
1965-1966: disputed between Lyndon B. Johnson (Democratic) and Stuart Symington (Democratic)
1966-1974: Richard Nixon (Republican)
1965 (with Barry Goldwater) def. Lyndon B. Johnson (Democratic), George Wallace (Democratic), Stuart Symington (Democratic)
1969 (with John Connally) def. George Wallace (Democratic), Eugene McCarthy (Progressive)

1974-1975: John Connally (Republican)
1973 (with Jim Rhodes) def. George Wallace (Democratic), Pete McCloskey (Independent)
1975-1977: Jim Rhodes (Republican)
1977-1979: William Westmoreland (Military, backed by Republicans and Democrats)
1979-1987: Richard Nixon (National Union)
1978 (with Sam Yorty) def. John Rarick (Independent)
1982 (with Robert Byrd) def. John Rarick (Southern Union), Lowell Weicker (Independent)
1983: Congress is dissolved, wide discretionary powers are delegated to State Governors - at this point, all Governors are members of the National Union or the puppet party Southern Union


with this take, im aiming less for parallelism and more for what george lucas was getting at in the following initial draft

"Theme: Aquilae is a small independent country like North Vietnam threatened by a neighbor or provincial rebellion, instigated by gangsters aided by empire. Fight to get rightful planet back. Half of system has been lost to gangsters . . . The Empire is like America ten years from now, after gangsters assassinated the Emperor and were elevated to power in a rigged election . . . We are at a turning point: fascism or revolution".
 
I read Kirkpatrick Sale's Dwellers in the Land and tried to figure out how we would get a bioregional America by the book's publication date.

United States Directors of National Planning
1935-1940: Rexford Tugwell (Democratic)

(serving under Franklin D. Roosevelt)
1940-1947: David Lilienthal (Independent)
(serving under Franklin D. Roosevelt and William O. Douglas)
1947-1953: Lewis Mumford (Independent)
(serving under William O. Douglas)

United States Directors of National Development
1953: Robert Moses (Republican)

(serving under Robert Taft and Lucius D. Clay)
1953-1963: James Rouse (Democratic)
(serving under Lucius D. Clay and Richard Nixon)
1963-1965: Floyd Dominy (Republican)
(serving under Richard Nixon)

United States Directors of Regional Planning
1965-1969: Lewis Mumford (Independent)

(serving under William O. Douglas)
1969-1977: Floyd Dominy (Republican)
(serving under John J. Rhodes)
1977-1979: Jane Jacobs (Independent)
(serving under Joe Edwards)
1979-1985: Hector Macpherson, Jr. (Republican)
(serving under Joe Edwards)
1985-1989: Maynard Jackson (Democratic)
(serving under Cliff Finch)
1989-1991: Kirkpatrick Sale (The Movement)
(serving under LaDonna Harris)

Convenors of the United States Regional Assembly
1991-0000: Al Gore (nonpartisan)


The Greenbelt Towns, Rex Tugwell’s centrally planned and cooperatively owned suburbs, represented the height of the New Deal – but also its limits. Even Congressional liberals only begrudgingly funded the project, which smacked not merely of typical Rooseveltian populism but of the diktats of Gosplan in Bolshevik Russia. In some places, federal surveyors setting out the Towns faced hostility and violence from locals who feared the “red colonies” that were to come, with their rows of Art Deco apartment blocks. With uncharacteristic humility, Tugwell accepted help from an outside source: Lewis Mumford and the Regional Plan Association of America. The critic and his friends believed in careful development, permaculture, and the creation of communities which were based in, and acted as stewards of, their landscape. Mumford advised Tugwell’s National Planning Office to consult with locals and to plan democratically before drawing up a Greenbelt Town. Drawing on the work of sociologist Howard Odum, Mumford and Tugwell developed a list of several hundred distinct American regions. Each one’s distinct geographical and cultural features would be carefully taken into account during development. Only a few more Greenbelt Towns were built after the RPAA’s intervention, although these are some of the most iconic and well-loved suburban cities in the nation – all built to human scale and integrated into their natural environment. Instead, the Planning Office began to draw up projections for each region’s future growth. This was to be its most important legacy.

As war neared, Tugwell and his social engineering schemes were eased out of the picture. The Directorate’s stores of research were too useful to scrap, however, and they were passed to David Lilienthal, the head of the Tennessee Valley Authority. Lilienthal was instructed to use the regions as a blueprint for industrial mobilization across state lines, essentially taking the TVA model national. He simplified the web of small regions drawn up by Tugwell and Mumford. Their number was reduced to around forty, mostly mapped onto major watersheds, aquifers, and existing transportation and fuel distribution networks, and these were no mere lines on a map. Each was a government agency, run by an administrator who reported directly to Lilienthal. Like the TVA, these regions had their own police forces and housing bureaus for the legions of men and women hired to operate the power facilities which the government was busily purchasing or constructing. (The RPAA guidelines were largely disregarded during this wave of hasty wartime construction.)

After V-J Day, it was widely assumed that the “War Regions” would be abolished as part of demobilization. Their usurpation of powers traditionally reserved to the states had been extremely unpopular among the political class. (The classic noir In the Long Run [1948], with John Garfield as the young Eastern-born planner whose reputation is systematically destroyed by a crooked California state senator, is required viewing for those interested in the era.) However, the new President was even more enamored with radical experiments than Roosevelt had been, and Bill Douglas thought that planning deserved another hearing. With Tugwell now disqualified by his flirtation with the Communist Party, Douglas skipped the middleman and gave the regions directly to Lewis Mumford.

Their remit was smaller – it was widely understood that dam construction, for instance, had to go back to its traditional home at Reclamation (or was that the Army Corps of Engineers?) – but the regions now mustered their wartime experience and professional staff to create dense, collaboratively designed suburban communities.

However, the delicate process took time, and by 1952, only thirty of a projected 250 projects had been completed. There was talk of a housing crisis for young veterans and their families – a much-exaggerated issue but one with emotional heft. The Republicans pledged to fire Mumford and to either abolish the regions or to use them solely to facilitate rapid private-sector housebuilding. The charge that Douglas was keeping GIs homeless ranks up there with his push for desegregation in explaining Robert Taft’s upset victory in 1952.

Robert Moses, the celebrated planner who had effectively controlled several War Regions during the late conflict, was recruited to direct Taft’s “Homes for Heroes” effort. However, his vision of verdant automobile suburbs accessed by immense superparkways would have no time to spread beyond the New York metro area. Bob Taft’s cancer was diagnosed even before he had even been sworn in as President, and his term lasted only months. His successor, a political newcomer, was initially willing to keep Moses on, but the builder fell afoul of the freshly appointed Vice President Nixon, a middle-class conservative wary of technocrats (and suspicious of Jews). Nixon arranged for Moses’s alleged corruption to be exposed, and he retreated to New York to guard his fiefdoms, a diminished force.

President Clay’s replacement, James Rouse, a business Democrat and a real estate developer himself, was no less shady than Moses but was uninterested in megalithic construction projects. As with most political issues of the day, the Clay administration would just let the private sector sort it out – helped along with generous tax breaks, regulatory exemptions, and eye-wateringly generous grants. The regions shed staff and became a limp, invisible layer of government as sprawl spread across the landscape. Like many other members of the Clay and Nixon administrations, Rouse used his long tenure to enrich himself. The revelations about his consulting relationship with crooked Maryland business mogul Spiro Agnew were part of the explosive cocktail of corruption, labor unrest, and war fatigue that shattered the old two-party system in the mid-1960s. Nixon replaced Rouse with Floyd Dominy, the dam-happy, pro-development chief of the Bureau of Reclamation, reviving Lilienthalism as part of his attempts to grant the Republican Party populist appeal. Unfortunately for Nixon, all the pork-barrel spending in the world couldn’t assuage the radiation-poisoned veterans of the China War or their outraged families.

Douglas picked up right back where he’d left off, reappointing Lewis Mumford to the rebranded Office of Regional Planning. This time, however, the two were radicalized, unfettered by partisan politics, and held a position of command over a fractured Congress. With the help of allies outside Washington – many of them ex-Republicans such as Tom McCall and Harold LeVander – Mumford stripped power from his own office, transforming the regions into elected bodies that both democratized the physical landscape and provided the President’s independent bloc with a new base of power. They shrank and multiplied, until there were several hundred in the continental United States, each developing a constituency of middle-class radicals who saw them as the key to halting development in their backyards.

By the time Rhodes and Dominy came roaring back under the banner of spendy Nixonism, it was too late. The Dominator would never build a dam again, and even housebuilding would be tough ask. The new libertarian coalition of young radicals, upwardly mobile professionals, rural conservatives, and black nationalists was formalized with the ascension of Colorado’s biker-attorney governor to the Presidency. Swingeing cuts to federal spending were accompanied by a swelling of the regions’ responsibilities as they took the lead on transportation and education. The Movement was still shaky, of course. Jane Jacobs, formerly a hero for her role in bringing down the Moses machine that ran the New York Harbor, Hudson Valley, and Peconic Watershed Regions, fell afoul of the left for her alleged promotion of gentrification and the right for her urbanite ethos which clashed with the back-to-the-land mood music.

The crawl towards microfederalism had become centripetal by this point. Even when the centralist and relatively pro-growth Democrats returned to power, their point man on planning was a Jacobsean urbanist who had led Atlanta’s freeway revolts, and whose only substantial criticism of the hollowing of the federal government was that it could enable segregationists. Maynard Jackson’s concerns were mulled over by the Harris-Jontz administration, and anti-discrimination laws were some of the few vestiges of existing federal law to survive the Constitutional Renovation process. (The existence of any federation-level law enforcement troubled some on the Movement’s libertarian wing, including the Planning Director, but he was too excited by the impending abolition of his own office to protest much.)

Al Gore, the sworn representative of the communities and ecosystems of the Cumberland River, was surrendered the Senate gavel in 1991 upon the dissolution of the fifty-four states. As he hoisted the hammer to inaugurate the new bioregional upper house, he remarked on the historical poetry of the moment – after all, he was from the Tennessee Valley…
 
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I read Kirkpatrick Sale's Dwellers in the Land and tried to figure out how we would get a bioregional America by the book's publication date.

This is one of the best and most interesting lists I've read in a while.

Great work. Who exactly is Joe Edwards? The closest figure I can find is this businessman from St Louis.
 
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This is one of the best and most interesting lists I've read in a while.

Thanks. You can consider this list a cousin of States of Excitement; I'm mulling some similar themes with the aim of eventually writing something that both a) explores what I feel to be a better possible world but b) explores the limits of utopia. Bioregionalism as described in Dwellers in the Land (which I might summarize in the book thread at some point) seems to me like the way the world should work, but it has a lot of the same implementation problems as anarchism does. Problems which are neatly exemplified by the fact that Sale had no problem inviting a group of neo-Confederates to one of his conferences on breaking up the United States...

Who exactly is Joe Edwards? The closest figure I can find is this businessman from St Louis.

No wiki page, but IOTL he was the Freak Power candidate for Mayor of Aspen; unlike Thompson he stayed in electoral politics after they lost and eventually became a county commissioner. Same localist, anti-development platform, but a little more visibly serious. Definitely a Hipster President Or PM choice but whatever, Dick Lamm is kind of a cliche.

Presumably here he either wins that mayoral election or has a path to power through the elected regions.
 
No wiki page, but IOTL he was the Freak Power candidate for Mayor of Aspen; unlike Thompson he stayed in electoral politics after they lost and eventually became a county commissioner. Same localist, anti-development platform, but a little more visibly serious. Definitely a Hipster President Or PM choice but whatever, Dick Lamm is kind of a cliche.

Presumably here he either wins that mayoral election or has a path to power through the elected regions.
I always wondered how far Edwards and Thompson could've gone in electoral politics.
 
I always wondered how far Edwards and Thompson could've gone in electoral politics.

Probably topping out at the local level, since preserving Aspen from real estate development was the raison d'etre of their movement and that's a local government responsibility. Going statewide is a fun idea (not knocking NSS for it) but I just can't see Thompson being interested, nor it appealing to enough people. Don't know enough about Edwards but it's worth noting that when he won office later it wasn't under a joke label like Freak Power.
 
Bit of a silly list I made elsewhere. Don't take it seriously. FDR here basically gets more memetic and less like the real one by the end.

James M. Cox/Franklin D. Roosevelt (Democratic) 1921*
1920: def. Warren G. Harding/Calvin Coolidge (Republican)
Franklin D. Roosevelt/vacant (Democratic) 1921-1925
Franklin D. Roosevelt/Carter Glass (Democratic) 1925-1933
1924: def. Herbert Hoover/Irvine L. Lenroot (Republican)
1928: def. Calvin Coolidge/J. Will Taylor (Republican)

Franklin D. Roosevelt/Burton K. Wheeler (Democratic) 1933-1941
1932: def. Smedley Butler/Charles Curtis (Republican)
1936: def. Theodore Roosevelt Jr./Frank Knox (Republican)

Franklin D. Roosevelt/Bennett Champ Clark (Democratic) 1941-1945
1940: def. Wendell Willkie/Thomas Dewey (Republican)
Franklin D. Roosevelt/Wendell Willkie (National Union) 1945-1946*
1944: def. scattered opposition
Franklin D. Roosevelt/vacant (Liberal) 1946-1949
Franklin D. Roosevelt/Upton Sinclair (Liberal) 1949*
1948: def. Earl Warren/Frank Lausche (Anti-Socialist Liberal), Bennett Champ Clark/Strom Thurmond (Democratic) and Harold Stassen/Thomas Werdel (Republican)
 
The Worst, Best Case of the War or, The Second Revolution That Wasn't And the Third

1861-1865: Abraham Lincoln / Hannibal Hamlin (Republican)
1860: John C. Breckinridge / Joseph Lane (Constitutional “Southern” Democratic), John Bell / Edward Everett (Constitutional “Southern” Unionist), Stephen A. Douglas / Herschel V. Johnson (National “Northern” Democratic)
1865-1873: George B. McClellan / Andrew Johnson (Democratic)
1864: Abraham Lincoln / Henry J. Raymond (“Liberal” Republican), Ulysses S. Grant / Benjamin F. Butler (Radical Democratic)
1868: James R. Doolittle / John P. Hale (Republican)
1873-1877: David D. Porter / Thomas W. Ferry (Republican)
1872: Clement L. Vallandigham / Joseph B. Elam, Jr. (Democratic)
1877-1885: George B. McClellan / Henry B. Payne (Democratic)
1876: David D. Porter / B. Gratz Brown (Republican)
1880: James Speed / Amos T. Akerman (Republican)
1885-1889: John Sherman / James S. Rollins (Republican)
1884: George B. McClellan / Wade Hampton III (Democratic)

--------- ---------
1912-1913: David B. Hill / William J. Goebel (Democratic)
1912: Charles W. Fairbanks / James S. Sherman (Republican), William J. Bryan / William D. Haywood (Socialist Front)
1913-1917: William J. Goebel / vacant (Democratic)
1917-1921: Wolfgang Kapp / Benjamin R. “Pitchfork” Tillman (Law and Order Coupon --- Republican / Democratic)

1916: William R. Hearst / Bernard D. Raymond (Independence), William J. Bryan / Voltairine de Cleyre (Socialist Front)
1921-1925: J. Calvin Coolidge / Oscar Underwood (Law and Order Coupon --- Official Republican / Democratic)
1920: William E. Borah / Robert Reyes-Spindola (Independent Republican), William R. Hearst / Wade Hampton IV (Independence), Robert M. LaFollette / C. Richard Flores (Socialist Front)
1925-1930: Benjamin R. Tucker / Francis I. Madero (Radical “Chicago” Republican Endorsed by the Socialist Front)
1924: Theodore Roosevelt II / Frank O. Lowden (Liberal “New York” Republican), William M. Sulzer / Thomas R. Marshall (National “New York” Democratic), William R. Hearst / Hiram W. Johnson (“Vera Cruz” Independence), Henry Ford / James B. “Champ” Clark (Popular “Denver” Democratic), William G. McAdoo / William J. Gaynor (Progressive “New Orleans” Democratic)
1928: Smedley D. Butler / Henrik Shipstead (Socialist “Bread and Roses” Labor), Henry S. Breckinridge / Felix Diaz (League and Covenant / Democratic)
10.1925: Smedley D. Butler (Popular Proclamationite) [Self Proclaimed]
5.-7.1927: Tomas C. Garrison ("Green Shirts" American Union of Vitalists) [Self Proclaimed]
1928-1930: Adolf F. de la Huerta (Independence) [Self Proclaimed]
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1925-1930: Miriam A. Ferguson / William J. Howey (Progressive Democrat / Independence)
1926: Joseph T. Robinson / William J. Simmons (Anti-Administration)

The battle, like so many in the War of the Southern Rebellion had different names depending on what side one was on. Seven Pines or Fair Oaks though it was a bloody, pointless affair. Counterfactualists, a strange bunch would always enjoy citing the fact that the Confederate Commander Joe Johnson had a horse shot out from under him but with the exception of a broken ankle he was able to walk --- hobble --- away from the battle well enough and remain in command. But Johnson always an overly cautious man would take two whole weeks before he would try another strike, this time on the Army of the Potomac's left flank at White's Tavern. It took another ten days to try again at Mechanicsville on the right. But by then the Confederate Army of the Virginia was doomed. At the start of July Phil Kearny and Joe Hooker took their divisions and pushed to capture Chaffin's Bluff on the James River and the Siege of Richmond finally began. Johnson was relieved of command and the Agressive minded Robert E. Lee assumed command of the Confederate forces in Virginia. Jeb Stuart was sent to raid around the Union army, only to be captured at Glendale. Stonewall Jackson, north in the Valley was ordered to push across the Potomac, winning startling victories at Harper's Ferry, Sharpsburg, Monocacy and eventually threatened Washington City itself. While reenforcement was diverted from across the Union to support the new Army of Virginia and Maryland which forced Stonewall back after the battle of Cabin John Creek the only diversion of troops from the Army of the Potomac was that of the AVM's commander, Phil Kearney and his Staff. With his own forces Lee would be even more reckless. Magruder would die at the command of his Corps attempting to break the Union siege lines on the James. James Longstreet would take desperately needed men on a fool's errand to threaten Norfolk and the Union garrisons in the Carolina's. and G.W. Smith's division would be obliterated in a single foolish charge at Gaine's Mill. All of this was before September and while Confederate fortunes failed elsewhere, the situation was more then grim. Jefferson Davis put on a good face to the public while also preparing to remove the government to Atlanta. But even Davis, a man forever defined by his obsessive defense of his friends could not defend Lee forever. As the siege lines closed and the Petersburg rail line grew increasingly tenuous he was forced to bring Gustav Beauregard to the Confederate capital to once again attempt to salvage the situation. The Creole General headed to the capital once more with great plans of uniting forces and pushing into Pennsylvania and Ohio, already writing orders to divert the best units that the Army of the Tennessee and other Confederate forces could spare to Virginia. One tour of the lines with Lee put an end to that. Within two weeks of assuming command the President left to "Tour the Confederacy" and as quietly as possible efforts were launched to begin to evacuate the government from the city. It was then that McClellan and Kearny finally decide to strike. In early October John Pope and Joe Hooker were across the James River and behind Richmond and the collapse came. On October 12th the combined Union Armies struck at Five Forks and it was over. Though the battle played no part, the next day the Confederate government of Tennessee announced it was leaving the Confederacy. This was technically not much of an event, being as nearly the whole state was under Union occupation but it was the death knell of the Confederacy. Davis could never even stop in Atlanta, the armies disintegrated around him and with them the state governments. On New Years Day Lincoln was able to issue a Proclamation of Thanksgiving. And on July 4th he was able to proclaim the war finished.​
The Lincoln administration was too light on the Confederacy for the Radicals but they could only fight a holding action, especially as the victories of 1862 saw far more moderate voices join the Republican Party. Southern Democrats were soon after the Independence Day Amnesty able to retake their seats. Confederate Vice President Alexander Stephens sat for Georgia, officially a Republican but hardly a repentant figure. Jefferson Davis almost alone was not present as he kicked his heels in Rio. In such a climate the American government sought to settle the issues of Contraband Slaves (Financial Compensation) and Slavery (The defeat of the Abolition Amendment in 1863) and moved on to new ideas like Homesteading and Land Grant Colleges. In 1864 such things were too much for the more passionate Republicans and their split helped assure the triumph of the man of the Hour. Hard money solutions to the chaotic finances, the National Slave Code and Bill of Rights, and Union Armies under the command of Fitz John Porter, Don Carlos Buell and Stonewall Jackson heading to fight the French despot in Mexico, Indian Wars and unprecedented graft would follow. An attempt at retirement would see the Democrats suffer in the face of "Liberal" Republicanism and a final return to oversee a Cabinet of Experts. Whispers of Dictatorship were always in the wind but McClellan would never, quite, go all in on such things but would ensure a faint wiff of something more then just "Scientific Governance" in the historical record.​
...​
The bloody victory over Washington's Rebellion would see the Republicans swept out of office in 1912 in their largest defeat in a generation and see the dawn of the "Progressive Era" in US Politics. But for many the changes meant only more tension. Across the nation the question of what Democracy would remain was no longer the preserve of radicals in Santo Domingo and the Yucatan. When "American" Voters in Utah were able to proclaim the new state a Slave State that year it saw a bloody, low scale civil war break out between Northern and Southern Gentiles with Mormon radicals sowing their own Blood Atonement in between, with the war spreading out into the surrounding states. Along side the usual troubles among the Peons of Old and New Mexico and the continued paranoia due to the rise of Anarchism and in both the North and South and Hearstism in the West and amid the Anglophile populations of Old Mexico, the Democrats and Republicans began to work in concert, creating a rickety platform that could only be compared with those of Metternich and the Old Unionists of the 1850's who refused to so much as whisper of the issues tearing the nation apart. This was all par for the course for most Democrats these days but it seems almost surprising how many Republicans were willing to go along with Law and Order. Or maybe it isn't. In fact the truly shocking part may simply be that enough of them were able to refuse such ventures and more and more return to their parties original roots: Freedom and Democracy. In 1920 they were just a shocking upset. In 1924 they were an unstoppable force that put on too much pressure even for the Slavers and their Patron and Boss allies to stay united against.​
It was a long war. May expected that it would be similar to the last, but instead it was a war of Partisans on Horseback, of Mass Armies of Militia crashing into mass army of militia, of airstrikes and gas and fighting to keep supply corridors open. The unprofessionalism of the armies was the same, but little else was and so decisive marches devolved in the face of machine guns. And fronts slowly splintered in the face of night riders. Unions and parties raised regiments as well as cities and counties. The United States Government suffered three coup attempts during the war but managed to survive each time and in two cases actually manage them into being short affairs rather then bleeding ulcers. But in spite of all that. And the Defeats at Monterrey, at Tabasco, and Havana. At Manassas, and Covington, and Kansas City, and Houston and Eire Courthouse. And the horrible costs of victory at places like Island Number 10 and Tampa, The reclaimed defenders of Liberty and Equality pushed on. And in 1927 President Tucker was able to issue the Emancipation Proclamation, forever abolishing Bonded Labor across the United States. It freed no slaves or peons at the time though, and the fight would have to go on. But in the end the armies of the Second Confederacy would be defeated and Ma Ferguson, alongside de la Huerta and and her commanding General, Robert Bullard would all hang together, after the Dry Tortuga trials in 1930 and the United States would be able to look out again at the world with her head standing tall, rather then shamefully looking down at her shoes.​
 
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