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Tibby's Graphics and Grab-Bag Thread.

These Fair Shores: Notes from Grigori Berezhnoy (1966).
  • Notes from Grigori Vladimirovich Berezhnoy, a Russian socialite and amateur politician on a visit to Britain, circa 1966.

    “When I visited England [sic], it was a very strange experience. The country at once feels like it never recovered truly from the war against Napoleon and yet feels like it’s on the brink of surprising us all.

    The moment I first gazed at an English town, I was amazed. Not at any stunning development, for there were none. Not at any new and modern buildings, for very few existed. What made me amazed was what was happening in that town. There was a general election campaign going on, and it was very different from what I’m used to in Russia. In Russia, one does not stoop down to appeal to the mass. But in England it is different. Politicians are expected to answer to the masses at all times. How anarchic.

    There were a plethora of posters on every other brick wall I encountered, and almost all of them were green, for the Liberal Coalition. They are a very unusual party, united not by any economic ideas but by this strange ambiguous idea of what they call a ‘scientific revolution’. When I saw that, I was taken aback because frankly the last time anyone associated science or any advancement with England was when their Queen Victoria was on the throne. Since then, they’ve been consumed by the war which seemed to have destroyed their brain cells for decades.

    I was invited by my friend here to what they call a ‘hustings’, and how to describe it? It is utterly alien to any Russian experience, and is this raw experience where the politicians come among the populace, unarmed, unscripted, unbound, with only their wit and quick thinking saving them. I was quite amazed by the Liberal candidate’s performance even if irked at how they avoided economic details, very unimpressed by the Conservative candidate (who apparently was the incumbent legislator) and looked baffled at the socialist candidate for their strange tangents that the audience booed thoroughly.

    What really interested me about the Liberal candidate was that he spoke of England not as it is, nor as what it once was. He never once mentioned English history, and yet spoke of local issues (for English politicians are expected to speak of matters of bins and potholes in the same breath as those of grand national issues such as defence and the economy) as if they were integral to England’s future. For it is the future he spoke of, and it is a future I both dread and anticipate in equal fashion.

    Some of my countrymen may say that England is obsessed with its past, that the people invoke old glories to help their ignorance of their decaying status, that they are fine with their island being reliant on their Empire to maintain relevancy in an age of Russian and emerging Chinese power. Even I had that presumption. No longer. The Liberal candidate is one of many, yes, but I have not yet found any evidence that he is anything but the expectation of what a Liberal should be.

    He spoke of nothing but an utter transformation of England. The old ideas swept away. The old ways destroyed. There were some sops to local norms, but none of it obscured his frank vision, that the England of the present was too burdened by hang-ups of the past, and that to truly make England great, prosperous and respected it should become one of radical thought, one that thinks of the future before it thinks of the past. He appealed to a crowd which seemed fed up of stagnation, fuelled by this oppressive belief that England was falling apart and needed a shake-up. And they were very much willing to follow the Liberals and their big ideas all the way to make England, England mind you not just the Empire, respected in the world.

    I have met England’s Napoleon. And he is not a man, but a party.”


    “I’ve decided to, after the exhausting day of yesterday, visit my friend at his manor. His manor is still visibly in repair – his family still doesn’t have enough money to fix the war damage apparently – but he still feted me well and granted me the finest of his cigars and whiskey.

    After chatting about piffling familial matters, what was my sister, his brother, my nephew, his aunt, doing, we moved on to my favourite subject which I never get to discourse with others back in Russia. I opened up the topic of local politics in his dear England, expecting him to look disparagingly at the local Liberals, only to see he is fully welcoming their seemingly-inevitable victory.

    For you see, my friend is one of those people who you would have assumed would be a perfect Conservative – wealthy, landed, from reasonably old nobility. Yet he speaks highly of the Liberals because they seemingly have something the Conservatives have seriously lacked – vision. As I write all this, the more I am frustrated with this election. The economy, I’m told, is recovering. There’s no scandals bringing down the Prime Minister. The Liberals are promising grand, but vague stuff.

    Ultimately, the Liberals and their promise of radical transformation is a curious brand of populism, I wager. They are profiting extensively off this deep-set unease at how England has increasingly ‘lost’ itself inside its Empire, and promises to make it respected again at any cost. How else can you explain the fact that both labourers and the landed sort welcome the green tide? The Conservatives are ultimately the Party of Empire, as seen in supporting the expansion of Hong Kong. But as my friend says – ‘what good is the empire if our England is lost?’.

    Now of course, the Liberals are nowhere near the socialists. They are still very much pro-empire and nowhere near the silly decolonialist nonsense the fringe promote. I have on my desk a copy of the Liberal Manifesto, and on page 41 it says ‘An Empire for All’, including this very curious idea of taxing the colonies to make living in England itself cheaper. It’s quite a revolutionary idea, but then what they are promising is quite a revolution.

    Perhaps that’s ultimately the difference between Russia and England. Russia resists revolutionary change, preferring slow and steady reform with a cool head dominating the proceedings. But England, we must not forget that it was in England first that they chopped off their king’s head a full century before France. The people have a deep distaste of rule from overseas and a strong sentiment of localism seeps into the very soil. They have a history of revolution, both peaceful and violent, and many of their democratic achievements come by the sword. This latest revolution is thankfully non-violent, but… it’s definitely in the air.

    After supping with my friend, I elected to meet with a prominent Liberal politician (whose name, like all others here, are anonymised for their own behalf). He is the ‘shadow’ minister for his portfolio, and has took a certain interest in my presence here in England. Keenly eager to actually delve into some economic questions, I had the good luck of someone who granted me some answers, or at least humoured me my questions. And after a while of extensive tea (such is the English custom), I found a window in the government-in-waiting’s plans.

    I’m still left wanting for details, and frustrated once again at the Liberals campaigning mostly on ‘winds of change’ and other vague sentiments. But thankfully I think I grasp it. It’s a very curious model, one that the politician told me was internally called the ‘Second Industrial Revolution’. Which is namely a focus on developing internal industries and preventing an exodus of jobs overseas to other parts of the Empire. He was quite sure that it would be developing ‘the industries of tomorrow’, or as he says it ‘whatever industry Woy likes today’. ‘Woy’ here refers to their leader Roy Jenkins, who is inexplicably named ‘Woy’ by his fellow English because of his accent.

    Granted, that comment was after I poured us out some whiskey. A curious thing is that the politician was pretty sure that Jenkins would try for a domestic wine industry ‘by hook or by crook’, as the man seemed to drink more than his fair share in wine and had a very oversized control of the party.

    ‘It was him really, Woy that is, who came up with the idea of grouping the various centrist, not Tory, not Labour, parties into the Liberal Coalition. He said something had to give, and that our country needed someone to ride the wave, that’s a surfing term, do you surf over in Russia, ah no good waves I guess, anyway, back to Woy, that was a year ago. At that point, the Tories was in for donkey’s years, oh that means for a long time sorry if I’m confusing you, and nobody believed him, when he said we could win the election. If it was anyone else being right all along, I would be fine, but Woy is really an ass. Bet you he’ll flame out within a year or two, wait do you need me to explain that?’ was his delightful explanation, of which I understood entirely perfectly despite him seeming to believe I only knew a year’s worth of English and understood not one idiom.

    Nevertheless, I get it – Jenkins is above all the chief ideologue and it is from him that the party, and the messaging of utter change, flows. I wonder how the party would do without him. One last thing I did wonder loudly was the chance I could be a Russian spy, and he laughed – ‘No way you’re a spy, none of them think we’re any good’


    “After dealing with my friend and with the shadow minister who likes to talk a lot about his leader, I’ve decided to do what very few Russian politicians do – meet the people. I’ve dressed up on my friend’s advice into attire people associate with a journalist, complete with a microphone and recorder. The feedback I’ve got was interesting, some unfortunately too commenting on my clear Russian accent and saying ‘hello, Auntie is employing Russkies?’. ‘Auntie’ is the English way of treating their state media company as a part of their family in a bizarre parasocial relationship that would terrify any Russian, it means the BBC. Others presumed I was from a Russian media company and refused to do interviews. Thankfully most people were open with me, especially after I lied and said I was with their favourite ‘aunt’.

    The reception I got by asking about the expectations of a Liberal win confirmed my suspicions, but even then, there were a lot of scepticism that they would actually follow through on their promises and many believed that the Conservatives would still win (against the expectations of every poll) because ‘they always do’. Still, people seemed moderately upbeat about a change in government leading to an improvement in the country. Regarding the Empire, most people were divided about it, with most agreeing that it was a good thing but when asked if it was a good thing for England, or for themselves in particular they tended to answer in the negative. The final question was if they expect the Liberal Coalition to put their interests first above the Empire, they tended to agree.

    One fascinating gentleman who said he was in the war (I presumed the one against Napoleon) said that he fought to stop England being controlled by a foreign power, and he stated ‘I have nothing but love for the Empire, but they shouldn’t control us. That’s why I’m voting Liberal’. All I could do was smile and nod as he stated such. If even military veterans who fought alongside people of the Empire were disaffected with the way things were, no wonder why Liberals appealed.

    I did note that the youth were more Liberal than the elders, an unsurprising trend given the Liberals promise the youth what they want – drugs, sex and mind-numbing music.”


    “It is now election night. I have unfortunately laid off on my notes, and have suitably reproached myself for such loss of duty, but tonight is the moment of truth. I have chosen to go with my friend to his local election-watching party – as he says just a ‘select few odd people’. He has a very unusual definition of ‘few’ as it was a very busy get-together. The television set they rolled out to present to the crowd was set to BBC 1 (unlike Russia, all television channels are a variety of BBC), meaning it was the election coverage.

    The British coverage of the election is very different from the Russian, including this peculiar ‘swing-o-meter’ and an inordinate focus on local results. The screen was in black and white, but as a fellow guest of mine said ‘don’t worry, if we win it’ll be colour soon enough’. How can a screen change mid-way through a broadcast? Obviously they mean the Liberals will buy Russian television sets rather than the Conservatives’ backwards intransigence.

    To nobody’s surprise, the Liberals swept all the seats needed to win a landslide, and by the end of the night there were as much drunk people as Liberal seats. I preferred to refrain from the alcohol tonight, leading my so-called friend to tease me – ‘Are you really a Russian?’. One thing I did do notice was that there were a few men and women who were kissing while under the influence, and not always to the opposite gender. I believe the Liberals promised to legalise homosexuality.

    One curious event was that my friend got really drunk and tried to kiss me while still extremely happy about the election results. I didn’t find it entirely unpleasant, and returned the kiss before we went upst- but politely declined his offer, making it clear I was not a homosexual.”


    “I am currently writing this while getting ready to board a plane back to Russia. The news has spread all over the world, that England is now under new management. I just hope my fellow Russians do not remain thinking that England is what it once was before the election. That England is dead and buried. This England is a bright young thing, with new and perhaps dangerous ideas.

    Frankly, I’m not sure anyone can stop them at this point.”
     
    These Fair Shores: The Splendid Revolution
  • Britain has a long history of revolutions against the establishment, from the Barons’ Revolt against the absolutist nature of King John that led to Parliament, to the Civil War that established a short-lasted republic, to the Glorious Revolution that threw out a King to replace him with another, and in more recent times the Social Revolution that brought around a new social perspective for Britons.

    But none dominate as much as the Splendid Revolution. And out of all the anti-establishment revolts, it is this one that undeniably is one pushed by the working-class and at times got dangerously republican, but in the end buttressed the monarchy’s legitimacy thanks to a canny prince realising his moment was at that time, not when his mother finally dies.

    To understand the Splendid Revolution, one has to understand the institutional system at the time. Parliament was one dominated by vague reformists in the Commons, grouped as the Conservative and Liberal parties, both descended from the dominant Pittite ‘institutional coalition’ of Anglicans, Scottish Presbyterians and Catholics. The Pittite coalition split on the issue of free trade in the 1840s, with the Liberals being for free trade and Conservatives for protectionism.

    The two would seek to outmanoeuvre each other and gain more support, and eventually by the 1880s, both increasingly considered widening the franchise, much to the still-very-influential Lords’ displeasure. The Lords had members in both factions, but was generally aloof to their partisan bickering, and quietly made it clear that any attempt to widen the franchise would get a Lords’ veto. Queen Victoria was very much favouring the Tories, but above all she distrusted the idea of a wider franchise, preferring to maintain the ‘altered settlement’ of Crown, Churches and Autocracy, while giving the poor a lighter hand in taxation or encouraging them to emigrate to the colonies.

    The rotten boroughs were long gone by 1889, as much as some pop-cultural retellings conflate the light reforms due to the localised riots of the 1830s with the revolution of the 1880s. Nevertheless, there were a lot of discontent. Literacy rates were soaring thanks to the growth of charities, workhouses, even Robert Owen’s ‘cooperative communities’, and this led to a boom in politicisation. When even an ordinary worker could read and understand radical literature, it was the day of popular literature focusing more on political grievances and the idea of representation.

    The old idea of ‘ancient liberty’, rooted in the Magna Carta and continued by persisting Chartists, became popular with the literate working-class. Attempts at appeasing working-class discontent elsewhere, such as the first workplace laws, only allowed them to realise that Parliament could do a lot to help them in particular and hence to lobby harder for representation.

    The Conservatives and Liberals were not blind to this. Both tried over the last few decades to implement moderate expansions of the franchise, but the Lords (heavily shaped by more traditional Pittite dominance) were intransigent. They knew that the more the Commons represented the fickle crowd, the more it would take more and more legitimacy and power from the Lords, and hence sought to preserve their ceremonial strength in parliament by stonewalling it with help from a firmly conservative Victoria.

    Those were covered and led to considerable protests and riots, but it just didn’t spark off at the time. But by the late 1880s, it was growing infeasible. The workers were now organising in trade unions, doing strikes, the urban middle-class were getting uppity too thanks to gradual loss of faith in parliament to modestly reform to appease them, and even the women were starting to ask for their votes too.

    It all started in Birmingham. Joseph Chamberlain was increasingly a big dog in the Black Country and he had grand ambitions. Growing frustrated with the Liberals, he declared himself an ‘independent radical’ in 1882 and made a strong career in the city as a political strongman. Already twice mayor of the city (thanks to newly-acquired wealth and land), he was known for his strong focus on efficient municipal government including intense development. He was also known for lobbying heavily in favour of the franchise, including rural and urban workers. But by the 1880s, it was obvious that drastic action needed to be done.

    Already known in established circles as a ‘Jack Cade’ and a ‘mountebank’ and routinely portrayed as a republican and an atheist, he was narrowly elected to Parliament in 1887 off heavy contacts overcoming the restricted franchise, and even as he took the oath of loyalty, there were those who booed him. Still, he was one of a very very few Radicals in Parliament. Still, as an MP he grew his contacts beyond Birmingham, making alliances with the rest of the ‘discontented masses’ and their political leaders. Tom Mann of the Labour Federation, the women of the Suffragist Federation, even communists and socialists and yes, even republicans. He knew he needed to coordinate their efforts.

    After his latest attempt at vote expansion died in the Commons due to the Tories opportunistically opposing it to gain the Queen’s favour, he knew he needed to move. The entire structure needed to be broken and rebuilt again, and he was very much in favour of more unorthodox measures. Hence the first part of the Splendid Revolution happened, the March on London.

    It was originally supposed to be a peaceful protest. Supposed. But the Prime Minister at the time declared that any ‘intimidation of the Government’ would be met with truncheons and force (the approach that worked for the Lord Liverpool decades before). It only galvanised them as the organisations steeled themselves. If they backed down here, the Government would only go on the offensive further and break them. Hence the March had to go ahead.

    Thousands upon thousands of workers from the cities and a fair few from rural areas went down to London. The more comfortable middle-class reformers took out newspaper ads calling for reform and compromise. In the end, the Army was dispatched and hundreds were dead at the end of the first day. It is after the first day that you see the first calls for a republic, and the British tricolour first saw the light of day. The government miscalculated.

    Chamberlain felt as if he was losing control of the protests. Tom Mann was increasingly open to pushing for an outright republic, and the suffragists, well, the fact that three women died radicalised them considerably. And the local rivalries were starting to emerge, with blame flying around. After more fighting and more bloodshed, the coherency was collapsing, but there was one thing they all agreed upon – down with the government, down with the parliament, down with the Lords and increasingly down with the Queen.

    This only made the backlash from the Army even more harsh as they fired upon people they believed to be republicans and socialists. Not helping was the fact some of them were now reading translations of the French Declaration of Rights either. By the end of the third week, thousands were dead, and more and more people had enough and were joining the march to London. Chamberlain lost control. And he panicked. He needed a gutsy move to recapture control. He made it.

    Standing up in the Commons, he presented his latest bill – it was far more radical than his last one, removed all property qualifications and even included universal female suffrage (which got many MPs’ eyes to pop at). Upon being asked how he would achieve it, he merely stated ‘to get the omelette of democracy, one has to break the eggs of autocracy’. This got him named and thrown out, but his bill was still in contention. And he used it extensively. Holding it up as a clear goal for the crowd to achieve for, he declared ‘this is our future, and it is a future the do-nothing Lords will deny all of you!’.

    But nevertheless, as much as the protesters were now generally on board Chamberlain’s bill, a lot wanted more than what the radical offered. Republic was in the air, and heavy too. The Labour Federation, led by Keir Hardie and Tom Mann, voted to advocate a republic – one that would overthrow the monarchy and exile them out of Britain. Chamberlain was not entirely opposed to one, mind, he was on the record as speaking positively of the idea while counselling his preference for a ‘true’ constitutional monarchy.

    Meanwhile, the deaths piled up, and a man smoked a cigar in deep thought. This man was Albert Edward of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, Prince of Wales and heir to the Empire. Well in the tradition of Princes of Wales, he often disagreed with his mother, and spoke in favour of reform. But with his mother intransigent and heavily reliant on her reactionary advisors, he realised that if he did not act, the whole situation would collapse.

    With the protesters moving closer and closer to Parliament despite the Army’s best efforts, Chamberlain slinked back in the chamber, and gave them an ultimatum – ‘reform, or revolution’. He was thrown out yet again, but the Commons were getting antsy. Could the mob actually threaten them unlike with Peterloo? Could it be different this time? They took Chamberlain’s bill, watered it down and put it up for a vote. It passed easily in the Commons but like with every other bill on the matter, died in the Lords.

    With Hardie openly calling for the establishment of a new republican government, Chamberlain bade him to give him time, and brought him into the new plan. Hardie was sceptical, and thought of Chamberlain as an opportunist, but granted him his needed time. Meanwhile, Prince ‘Bertie’ was feeling around for contacts with the protesters and managed to get himself a good speaking place.

    The final phase of the Splendid Revolution has been called many things. A coup, a revolution, a compromise, a selling out, the triumph of a new Britain or the death of the dream.

    What we do know is that the crowd broke through Army blockades, marched all the way to Westminster Palace, while Chamberlain was waiting patiently. Three firm knocks on the door was the signal, and he stood up.

    “Gentlemen, we have dithered way too long! The people are at the door, crying out for their rightful place in this hallowed chamber and in our society! Either we pass my bill or our Nation will perish in the flames, reborn like a true phoenix, one burnt off of all of you!”

    The Speaker at the time was a keen follower of Denison’s Rule and of the idea of the Speaker maintaining the status quo, but as the knocks became louder and more aggressive, he declared it was time to vote on the bill, as much as some people complained that it was the third time. The knocks became thumps as he declared “DIVISION!”. It was now time to go in the lobbies to vote. The thumps echoed more and more.

    As the thumps started to make the door buckle, the Speaker waited patiently. “ALL OUT” echoed through the chamber, and the vote was now completed.

    With the door visibly buckling, the Speaker announced the results. “The Ayes to the right, 291 votes. The nays to the left-”

    The door broke.

    “247 votes. THE AYES HAVE IT! THE AYES HAVE IT!”.

    Joseph Chamberlain stood up in a chamber in bedlam and smiled. He got what he wanted. Sure it was more radical than what he desired, but he showed the old establishment. However, as he turned to face his crowd, he saw a face he knew should not be there. The first man to step over the broken door was none other but Albert Edward. Smiling at the Parliament, he waved back to the crowd which cheered his name.

    For while Chamberlain was in the chamber waiting for the knocks, Prince Bertie was steadily working on his crowd. He pledged his unconditional support of reform, spoke of how he disagreed with his mother, and pledged famously to be ‘also king of the republicans’ once he ascend to the throne. This, built on already-existing goodwill from his known reformist reputation, won the majority over even as Hardie and Mann tried to maintain die-hard republicanism.

    The Lords however, was seen as likely to vote down the bill. So Prince Bertie visited the Lords in his capability as a peer, and spoke frankly of the power of the people. ‘In no such world can blue blood defeat red when red bubbles in anger and is truly united as one’. For the more stubborn Lords, especially the young toffs, he outright bribed them. The Lords relented and passed the bill by a slim margin.

    And now it was down to his mother. Victoria was known to be in seclusion for a long time, and barely re-emerged. She glared at her decidedly unfavourite son, and regarded the paper she was given with disgust. But with the mob braying for reform, the Commons door broken in and the Lords greased over, she relented and passed the bill into law, before calling for a new election the following year. A famous anecdote has it that the military-loving Victoria stated after giving assent that as much of a mistake as she regarded the bill, the whole matter showed to her that her eldest ‘clearly and plainly inherited a little, a sliver granted but still a little, of his father’s military leadership. What a wretched thing that he only uses it against our country!’.

    It is believed that as the bill was on her desk, she openly talked of abdication either before giving assent or afterwards, declaring ‘the burden of the crown proves tiring’, and was only persuaded out of it by a personal appeal to her sense of duty by a retired general who was in England for a personal meeting. This retired general is widely accepted to have been Sir William Sherman, who was in a unique position of having the Queen’s ear while still being sympathetic to the reformers for he implemented the same principle in the Cape.

    Two men dominate the conversation of the Splendid Revolution. Joseph Chamberlain and Albert Edward. One rallied the masses for the revolution, and the other ensured it would happen with as few bloodshed as possible. Marxists those days lambaste how Edward VII ‘compromised’ the revolution and made it away from the ‘workers’ revolutionary spirit’ it allegedly was. But however, a lot of the masses in the protests were far from republican.

    They believed in the monarchy as an institution, but grew to dislike Victoria in particular. It was merely the more organised societies that were more inclined to the idea. So her more personable and ‘reasonable’ son had fertile ground to work with. Nevertheless, it is true that 1889 was the closest Britain got to a republic since the Restoration, and is a favourite of ‘lefty-Britain’ timelines.

    Victoria returned to seclusion, cursing her fortune. The 1890 election was a notably confusing one, but concluded with Chamberlain in prime position to become Prime Minister. There of course would be future clashes with the Lords as he did not do anything in the original bill about them, but he could say that they were successfully ‘de-fanged’ by the time he stepped down in 1905 due to ill health.

    Of course, Prince Albert Edward, later King Edward VII, became remembered as an icon of reformism in the revolution, despite his original opportunistic intention to preserve the monarchy from what he thought was a republican tide. Even today, he’s noted as one of the best monarchs mostly for what he did before his coronation (with Victoria in the bottom 50% at best), and the start of the ‘Edwardian Era’ quite uniquely is defined not with his coronation but with the start of his political ascendancy, namely with the Splendid Revolution.

    The old system of Crown, Churches and Autocracy set up by the Glorious Revolution and much amended over time (most notably in 1800 with Catholic relief and 1834 with the Reform Act) perished with another revolution, one that got its name by Albert Edward noting in relief after the 1890 election that it was ‘in a way, a very splendid revolution’.

    Meanwhile, one aspect led to Britain being world news for another reason. Chamberlain’s second bill was deliberately radical to rally the masses, and in the panic it was passed unaltered. Even the new Prime Minister looked quite disturbed as he realised what he did once he noticed not all of his backbenchers were men.
     
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    These Fair Shores: British Governments
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    ** [[i|Playhouse]]
    * [[Chamberlain war ministry|Gould]]
    * [[Churchill war ministry|Eagle's Nest]]
    ** [[i|I]]
    ** [[i|II]]
    * [[Churchill caretaker ministry|Major]]
    ** [[Attlee ministry|Buttered Parsnip]]
    ** [[Third Churchill ministry|Cricket Match]]
    * [[Eden ministry|Smartie]]
    ** [[Conservative government, 1957–1964|I]]
    ** [[Conservative government, 1957–1964|II]]
    * [[i|New Statesman]]
    ** [[i|I]]
    ** [[i|II]]
    | below = [[Second Johnson ministry|Current ministry]]
    }}
     
    Last edited:
    These Fair Shores: Lord Lieutenants of Ireland
  • Lord Lieutenants of Ireland
    Sir Horace Plunkett (Conservative majority, then minority, then majority) 1906-1918
    William Redmond (Irish National Federation-Liberal-Labour coalition) 1918-1921
    Sir Horace Plunkett (Conservative majority, then wartime government) 1921-1930
    Sir Ernest Blythe (Conservative wartime government, then majority) 1930-1939
    William Norton (Labour-Irish National Federation-Liberal-Alliance-Dominion League coalition) 1939-1944
    Joseph Martin (Conservative majority) 1944-1951
    Brendan Bracken (Conservative majority) 1951-1956*
    Dehra Parker (Conservative majority) 1956 [interim]
    Maynard Sinclair (Conservative majority) 1956-1966
    Erskine Childers (Conservative majority) 1966-1970
    Liam Cosgrave (Conservative majority) 1970-1978
    James Chichester-Clark (Conservative majority) 1978-1985

    Rose Bird (Liberal minority with support from Labour and Irish National Federation) 1985-1987
    Brian Lenihan Snr. (Conservative majority) 1987-1990*
    Austin
    Currie (Conservative majority, then Reform minority) 1990-1998
    David Stanton (Irish National Federation-Labour-Democratic-Green coalition) 1998-2002
    Sylvia, Lady Hermon (Liberal majority) 2002-2007
    Edgar Graham (Reform majority) 2007-2014
    Lucinda Creighton (Reform majority) 2014-2018
    Frances Fitzgerald (Reform majority) 2018-2019

    Stephen Donnelly (Liberal majority) 2019-present
     
    Last edited:
    These Fair Shores: The Locust Years (1938-1946)
  • The History of the United Kingdom of
    Great Britain, Ireland and Hong Kong

    ==========================
    The Locust Years (1938-1946)

    British history after the Third Union can be summed up quite succinctly, as in 1889 and All That (the thrilling sequel to 1066 and All That) as “Napoleon and debris”. British history classes love to cover the many Napoleons and how they all affected British foreign policy, culminating in the Continental War.

    Like any good movie, they end just as the final victory is gained. Everything that was sacrificed for that victory, the classes tend to cover fairly quickly, as if unwillingly and begrudgingly. But one cannot separate Britain of the 2020s from its past. The doors of the old House of Commons were broken not once, but twice. The first in glory and revolution in 1889, the second in destitution and ruin in 1931.

    1632118545555.png
    King George VI had a high task ahead of him, to declare victory in war while reassuring his people that the peace would be bright.

    As the sun rose on a broken kingdom triumphant, the King wished to speak to his people. He was already known for his steely resolve, but his talent in public speaking was still green and untested. The speech would have to one of a victorious leader, but not too arrogant. He still could remember seeing the ruins of Parliament and having to flee Buckingham Palace. He still could remember receiving the news of his father dying. That was an unpleasant surprise, but even more unpleasant was when he was acclaimed King while at Balmoral. He believed that his elder brother could ride out the war. After all, he was young still, and could have had children.

    But history was to end Edward IX and make George VI. The abrupt news combined with his stutter meant that the first speech was to put it charitable – average. It was through his actions that the public would be won over. Even though his father and brother perished, he refused to flee. It was his duty to lead his people through their darkest hour. And it was the darkest hour. The clouds always rang of the sound of bombs, France amplified the bombings as the tide of war turned against them.

    2bb19c50-6a03-11ea-a6ac-9122541af204

    The Tempest, as Britain called the on and off French bombings during the Great Continental War, took its toll on many British cities.

    He knew his people suffered. He knew they still suffered. Many cities bombed to ruins. He even was appalled to hear that the Bristol Corporation went so far to declare that Bristolians would have to eat insects and other vermin to survive. To have a triumphant and joyful speech was right out. Triumphant yes. But humble. Consulting with the BBC writers and his own gut instinct, he worked out what would go down in history as the “Rex Populi” speech.

    It started off matter-of-factly, announcing the end of the war and the acceptance of France’s surrender. Then the speech moved on to a quiet tribute to all soldiers of the Empire and its allies, “both those alive and those taken from us”. Finally, it spoke of the sacrifices made on the Home Front and how “in the time of unbridled war, everyone fought in their own way for this prized moment”, and concluded that “if our United Kingdom and its Empire lasts for thousands of years, men will still say that this war was where we steeled ourselves and fought every day as if it was our last. Truly they will say it was Britain’s finest hour.”

    But finest hour or not, it still left gaping scars. Every city had rubbles, some even just were rubbles. The Ministry of All the Talents, the tripartisan coalition of the Tories, Liberals and Labour, refused to disband until the acute crisis was dealt with. First of all, food. The war forced the implementation of rationing, but even rationing had its limits when infrastructure were bombed. Herculean efforts to restore infrastructure and feed people, including feeding them relatively unfamiliar food that were easier to procure, were afoot. The Earl Woolton, pushed to his limits, would force the National Loaf and make the ‘Woolton pie’ a thing. But he would also acquire immense shipments of rice from Britain’s colonies (helmed by British men eager to feed the Old Country) that would be incorporated in many different meals for people to ensure they would get nutrition.

    1632118779746.png
    A 'meal box' would typically be made out of rice, meat (often beef or pork), vegetables and rarely (as seen here) boiled eggs.

    The “meal box”, a borrowing from Britain’s increasingly-distant Japanese ally, would find itself accepted in a society struggling to get enough nutrition. Rice, slices of beef, or other heavily-rationed meat, and vegetables like carrot, would be a regular worktime meal for many decades for British people. Rice (traditionally restricted to sweets such as rice pudding) came in its own with Britain at the most dire time in its cuisine, where rationing for years and years strangled many old traditions and the government was willing to try anything to feed its subjects.

    In those years, the bald simple fact that Britain long outgrew its natural food output and was an importer country for centuries, was made painfully aware to its inhabitants. The rationing were insufficient even as rice and other foodstuff flowed in as the structure struggled to function with weak infrastructure and high demand, and many turned to the black market. Spivs thrived in the 1930s, and the end of war did not stop them. Everyone, from the Prime Minister to a lowly civilian, participated in illegal activity to acquire food to survive. “In those days, you either were a criminal, or you were dead.” Perhaps this led to the blasé attitude to low-level corruption we see today.

    Not all crime was the black market for in the Locust Years, violent crime ran rampant. Most of them were your standard low-level thugs, seeking to profit from a country in crisis. A few were more structured and became gangs that terrorised urban areas as policing struggled. It became almost accepted that certain areas were the domain of certain gangs. Most of those would fade away, collapse to renewed police efforts, or go ‘legitimate’ by the 60s, but there were a few that had… an ideology, a greater purpose.

    1632119217904.png
    Thankfully for Britain, the Red Flag Brigade was merely one of a few ideological militias and not reflective of a wider trend.

    The Mosleyite Independent Labour Party (ILP) was loosely associated with Labour and also loosely associated with the ‘Red Flag Brigade’, a bunch of angry and deeply ideological primarily-young people who had read the Communist Manifesto and going off incomplete information about the regime east of Portugal, declared that in this clear crisis of imperialist capitalism, that they should rise up and take over the country and declare a restored Commonwealth on socialist principles. All grand ideas, but the execution was… lacking.

    For you see, while young people were angry, they also were resigned, and many had a distrust of the weirdos with dog-eared red books shouting at them. In the end, the Brigade fled to the Pennine Mountains with stolen guns from the Home Guard after getting few people interested, and lasted a few years doing their quixotic ‘resistance’ before inevitably splitting and being cracked down by the Army. The connections to ILP and thus to Labour was a major embarrassment for Prime Minister Malcolm MacDonald who was forced to cease his party’s connection with the ILP to save face.

    Never was Britain more in ‘splendid isolation’ than in the Locust Years. The Empire still ran like clockwork, the Prime Minister and King still signed off on foreign treaties especially when it came to finalising the long-sought-after peace, but the government was fundamentally disinterested in foreign affairs when Britain was still bombed. Ireland was for a time the more prosperous part of the Home Isles due to being bombed far less, and the Parliament of Ireland led by Lord Lieutenant William Norton (in one of the rare non-Tory governments) used this to squeeze concessions for Irish industries and interests, and his successor Joseph Martin continued such tactics upon his victory in the 1944 election.

    The 1941 election was long overdue, with the last election being held in 1924. There were plenty of calls for the “Longest Parliament” to have an election before 1941, but the Ministry of All the Talents closed ranks and declared that the country was not ready for elections. At any other time, this would have been decried as dictatorial, but outside of Mosleyists and the hard-right nobody seriously opposed the sudden consensus between the country’s three major parties. The country won the war, but it was sickened in the process, and the 1938-1941 period needed to be a period of healing, or so that was the rhetoric. There were reshuffles to reorient focus on internal matters and the beefing up of the Ministries of Fuel and Power, Labour and National Service, National Insurance, and most significantly the position of First Commissioner of Works.

    97c1d4d06fc0f893f5c319cd59c8f4cf_0.jpg

    Even now, the De La Warr Pavilion in the District of East Sussex, along with others, pay tribute to the 'Man Who Rebuilt Britain'.

    ‘Buck’ De La Warr, the ninth Earl De La Warr, was First Commissioner of Works during the last Ministry of All the Talents (and later on the MacDonald government), and was by far the most powerful First Commissioner yet. Still in his thirties, and with a keen fascination for ‘decorativist’ architecture from his youth, he was given carte blanche to rebuild Britain as ‘a country that rises from the ruins’. At every turn, he prioritised building proposals that in his words, ‘will lead to the growth, prosperity and the greater culture of our nation’, hence modernist and decorativist.

    Urban buildings, which he deemed to need the more ‘modern’ appearance, were far more emphasised on ‘decorativism’, and he implemented guidelines that would shape urban Britain’s look. Meanwhile as a country earl he wished for rural Britain to be rebuild in its own way to ‘capture the essence of deep England’, hence arts and crafts enjoyed a second wind in rural areas. This was a deeply quixotic approach in mixing two architecture styles, and more than once he was mocked at Cabinet for it, but his quick wit and charming personality ensured he could complete what he deemed his ‘project’, to make a new Britain from the ruins.

    As a committed socialist (but far from the Mosleyists), he pushed hard for social housing, aka housing where the state owns it but people live there on the state’s agreement. This was something the Tories shied away from, preferring to commit to the late Noel Skelton’s ‘property-owning democracy’, and there was significant push-back. Cheap but purchasable housing was the watch-word up until 1941, then MacDonald permitted him to expand on his social housing policy as part of his grand plan to house as much Britons as possible. This would see the Tories push back eventually in reaction under Attlee and Salisbury, but the Earl got his way during 1941-1946, seeing the rapid growth of social housing as a thing in Britain. By the end of the Locust Years (commonly defined as the election of Clement Attlee), social housing was approaching 20% of all households, and despite the Conservatives’ efforts, this would only grow.

    Thanks to the untiring efforts of the Earl De La Warr, the government of Prime Minister Malcolm MacDonald could champion that it all but ‘solved’ the housing crisis and rebuilt most of the cities in far less time than anticipated and in a very unique image that was then forever associated with the scarred defiance of post-war Britain and the declaration of a country in modernity, one transgressing old social boundaries to form something new. Before the Tempest, the South of England was widely seen as more prosperous than the North, with the South associated with leafy green and comfortable rural middle-class and the North a more working-class culture. The Tempest changed that, and many people moved north (some would say ‘fled’), and it was a keen emphasis of the Amery and MacDonald governments to build more houses in the South to get people to move back, and this was something Attlee would continue. The South would be shaped by this legacy, with many social housing in leafy grove and some craters if you know where to look.

    As a consequence of all this, many of the old stratified class boundaries were shook up and people who came from ‘middle-class’ families and others from ‘working-class’ families would be thrown into the same mix, affected by the non-discriminative destruction of the Tempest and the movements of people north and then south again. The strong class stratification that defined the England that Karl Marx visited was if not obliterated than deeply blurred. The literati of this time period wrote of a ‘new society’ free from the idea of social class, but this new society was not seeping through to politics any time soon. The literati noted however, that eventually it would.

    general-strike-scaled.jpg

    The 1945 general strike was in many ways the scream of a frustrated Britain, and by far its most impactful labour action.

    The Red Flag Brigade was a humiliation to the Prime Minister, but a greater moment would come to the labour movement in 1945. Union membership was soaring, and union leaders were dissatisfied with the ‘moderate’ Labour leader who refused to go after the rich and even worked extensively with the Opposition. After much haggling and negotiation, and growing discontent over insufficient workers’ pay for a standard of living, the unions led by the TUC and their firebrand General Secretary James Maxton declared a general strike. The “Red Summer” it was called, and it was a great test of the reconstructed Britain’s so-called stability. The TUC issued a list of demands including better workers’ pay, but fatally overreached to including appointing union people to the House of Lords.

    The workers that struck were less than expected despite the unpleasantly low wages, Maxton knew this, but he persisted. Eventually things would budge and the government would give in. But MacDonald stood up with a steely face in the Commons, and declared that while he was a socialist, he would never give in to “a reign of terror by radical councilists of the likes of Americans and Spaniards”. Standing firm, he declared that Britain have had enough of people who seek to divide the country, and pledged to implement a satisfactory minimum wage if the strike ended. In a sense, this was conceding the original demand without ceding power or ground to Maxton and the ‘councilist threat’. This was aired nation-wide, and was a major blow to the “Red Summer”.

    Maxton however, refused to budge, and under great pressure the greater TUC organisation buckled, removing Maxton and replacing him with the more ‘constructive’ Walter Citrine. This major defeat for the labour movement at such an inopportune time led to people increasing moving from the ‘big’ unions to small unions, or to the cooperatives which saw a major boom in the aftermath. MacDonald however, would see the Party mutter about him going against the unions, and Mosley would make hay out of him betraying the workers. In the end, the event defined Malcolm MacDonald and took him from helming an incoherent and weak government with success primarily off great negotiations with the Liberals and Conservatives, to a good Prime Minister. However, the Party was starting to fall apart as a result of this as left and right tore each other apart, and the 1946 election was a foregone conclusion.

    Still, the Houses of Parliament were close to completion (done up in the old arts and crafts style over the Earl’s private objections), people were reasonably housed and fed, cities were rebuilt (unrecognisably so) and the Downing Street Complex was finished a month before the election. In the end, the locusts died after eight years of turmoil, and after a handshake with the old Prime Minister and a visit to the King in the rebuilt Buckingham Palace, the new Prime Minister was ready to make changes of his own. The time of Clement Attlee was here.​
     
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    These Fair Shores: Cabinet of the United Kingdom
  • Second Grieve ministry - Second "New Statesman" ministry - as composed on 2/04/2022

    Prime Minister and First Lord of the Treasury: Dominic Grieve
    Lord Chancellor and Secretary of State for Justice: David Lammy
    Chancellor of the Exchequer and Second Lord of the Treasury: Lisa Nandy
    Secretary of State for Foreign and Imperial Affairs: Tom Tugendhat
    Secretary of State for the Home Department: Phil Woolas

    Secretary of State for the Colonies: Amber Rudd
    Secretary of State for Defence: Penny Mordaunt
    Secretary of State for Education: Justine Greening
    Secretary of State for Business and Skills: Ed Davey
    Secretary of State for Regional Co-operation: Jason Zadrozny
    Secretary of State for Metropolitan Development: Brian Paddick
    Secretary of State for Ireland: Paula Bradshaw
    Secretary of State for Scotland: David Mundell
    Secretary of State for Wales: Ken Skates
    Secretary of State for Hong Kong: Lam Cheuk-ting
    Secretary of State for Agriculture and Rural Affairs: Ian Marshall
    Secretary of State for Nature and Water Management: Victoria Prentis
    Secretary of State for Environmental Study: Tamsin Omond
    Secretary of State for Science and Technology: Luciana Berger
    Secretary of State for Labour and Welfare: Hilary Wedgwood Benn
    Secretary of State for Public Health: Feryal Clark
    Secretary of State for International Development: Douglas Alexander
    Secretary of State for Power and Energy Strategy: Clive Lewis
    Secretary of State for Housing and Spatial Planning: Emily Thornberry
    Secretary of State for the British Isles Home Development Fund and Social Insurance: Rory Stewart
    First Commissioner of Public Works and Infrastructure: Andy Burnham
    Secretary of State for Equalities and Communities: Wendy Alexander
    Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Heritage: Layla Moran
     
    These Fair Shores: W. E. H. Lecky
  • 1696667325007.png
    {{Infobox officeholder
    | image = Portrait of W.E.H. Lecky .PNG
    | name = W. E. H. Lecky
    | birth_name = William Edward Hartpole Lecky
    | birth_date = 26 March 1838
    | birth_place = Newtown Park, [[County Dublin]]
    | death_date = 22 October 1903 (aged 65)
    | death_place = [[i|London]], [[County of London]]
    | spouse = [[Elisabeth van Dedem Lecky|Elizabeth van Dedem]]
    | occupation = historian, politician and author
    | alma_mater = [[Trinity College Dublin]]
    | party = [[i|Liberal Party]]<br>[[i|Radical–Liberal Party]]
    | office = [[i|Chief Secretary for Ireland]]
    | monarch = [[i|Victoria]]
    | primeminister = [[i|Joseph Chamberlain]]
    | predecessor = [[i|Michael Davitt]]
    | successor = [[i|Thomas Russell]]
    | term_start = [[i|22 February 1894]]
    | term_end = 20 August 1900
    | office1 = [[i|Liberal]] Spokesman on [[Ireland]]
    | term_start1 = 17 June 1890
    | term_end1 = 22 February 1894
    | leader1 = [[i|The Duke of Devonshire]]
    | predecessor1 = [[i|Marriott Dalway]]
    | successor1 = ''Himself'' <small>(as Chief Secretary)</small>
    | parliament2 = United Kingdom
    | constituency_MP2 = [[Dublin University (constituency)|Dublin University]]
    | term_start2 = [[1895 Dublin University by-election|1890]]
    | term_end2 = [[1903 Dublin University by-election|1903]]
    | predecessor2 = [[i|Dodgson Madden]]
    | successor2 = [[i|Maurice Healy]]
    | honorific_prefix = [[The Right Honourable]] [[Sir]]
    | honorific-suffix = [[i|PC]] [[i|PC (Ire)]] [[i|OM]]
    }}
     
    The Torch and the Rose
  • @Turquoise Blue I could be misremembering things but did you ever make a wikibox series Amy Klobuchar became President and the main opposition party were the Libertarians?
    Yes, all the way back in 2017! I'll paste them here.

    1624936933338.png
    Trump by 2020 is incredibly unpopular, but Kasich's independent run takes a lot of Republican voters especially in the Midwest and South, leading to Klobuchar winning states like Arizona, Louisiana, South Carolina and Mississippi, not to mention Alaska. The Republican South has been broken. Klobuchar's performance does see states trend towards the Dems like in Appalachia as Trump's popularity flatlines there and he increasingly relies on tribal Republican voters instead of the people who turned out for him four years before [which are incredibly disillusioned and stays at home].

    As of 2040, this is the best Republican performance of the last twenty years. After that, the GOP goes into a death-spiral.

    upload_2017-11-30_17-48-1 (1).png
    In 2024, the Republicans fracture. Steve Bannon narrowly wins a majority of delegates despite the now moribund establishment (led by Rand Paul) fighting against him. Jeff Flake, candidate of the Libertarians and 2020 running-mate to John Kasich, ensure an influx of moderate establishment Republicans into the party, surging them to prominent-party status while Ted Cruz sets up his own "Christian Values Party" as a religious-right party.

    Of course, this bitter three-way division at a time when the Democrats are very popular and President Klobuchar is credited for the economic recovery, leads to a very, very obvious outcome.

    Notable here is that Puerto Rico is admitted as a state in 2022 and the total Electoral Votes will be 540 after 2030. For the 2024 and 2028 elections, its 6 votes are just added to the existing 438 to make up 544.

    1624937027294.png
    The 2028 election was a winnable one for the Democrats. Despite a surge of Libertarians and Christian Values in the 2026 midterms leading to some shock wins [A Libertarian Senator from Connecticut?!], it was widely accepted by everyone that the Democrats would cruise to another comfortable win. Certainly, the Libertarians couldn't appeal to people outside the "right-wing" and the Republicans were dead-in-the water.

    Despite some turbulence when Senator Peta Lindsay challenged the Vice-President, it proved a cruise to the nomination for Vice-President Harris. The Republicans and Christian Values surprisingly came to an agreed ticket of Alex Jones and Richard Spencer, despite the CV people wishing for elder statesman in the party Rick Santorum instead. The Libertarians denounced the two parties as "authoritarians" then went and nominated Raúl Labrador and Tom Cotton as their 2028 ticket on a "Live Free, Vote Libertarian" platform.

    The polls were all confidently predicting a Democratic landslide, with the Libertarians just coming in second. Sure, the economy was a bit sluggish after the boom for most of the 2020s, but it was still fine! Then came along two events that torpedoed Democratic hopes. First was Alex Jones' sudden death in the second debate. He was in the middle of a big rant condemning the Democrats' socialist-liberalism and the Libertarians' "permissive" stances when he just collapsed on to his lectern, dead. The third debate was cancelled.

    The second event, and the most impactful, was the economy going into a sharp recession in late October, the "ultimate October Surprise" according to many newspapers. Polls were saying that a lot of Jones voters were switching to Labrador as the only alive anti-Democratic nominee and that a lot of undecided voters were now leaning Labrador because of the economy going into recession. Harris pushed her campaign to the limit to prevent a Libertarian winning, underlining their anti-welfare policies, and there was a big internet "Yellow Scare" move in which memes were widely used to undermine the Libertarian ideology.

    In the end, the result came and there was no majority despite a very, very weird election map due to America still in transition between two duopolies. Harris succeeded at undermining Labrador enough to deny him an outright majority and she hoped the result would go to the Democratic majority House after the Electoral College vot- Oh.

    Alex Jones was dead, and his electors were not technically bound to him any longer. Four of them still voted for him, two voted for their once-desired running-mate Rick Santorum, a whopping seven voted for Jones' running-mate Richard Spencer, and the final thirteen... Well, they saw where the wind was going, and voted Labrador to give him an outright majority.

    America now had its first Hispanic president, its first Idahoan president and its first non-Dem/non-GOP president in a century and three-quarters.

    1624937089926.png
    On the surface, 2032 went as expected, an easy re-election for a popular incumbent. But that betrays the shifts happening under the roof. The most obvious sign of the importance of the 2032 election was the collapse of the Republican Party. For many who still stuck to the party in the hope that they could keep it from going fully to the alt-right, Spencer's nomination was a confirmation that their hopes were unfounded.

    The three states that voted for Alex Jones in 2028 went their own ways, with Oklahoma and Tennessee voting Labrador while Kentucky voted Gabbard. Another notable thing was that despite Labrador's gains elsewhere he faced a swing to the Democrats in New England as his 2028 voters [who voted for him as a vague protest vote] were heavily turned off by his hardline economic-liberalism and rallied behind Gabbard.

    For Tulsi Gabbard, Labrador knew full well that her weaknesses were buried in her past. A history of being a hardline social conservative and a reputation as a supporter of fascism elsewhere, those were expertly used to scare moderate voters to vote Labrador, and some would argue that it ensured the Democrats would fully absorb Appalachia into its column as the swing there was considerably more than expected.

    In the end, Gabbard would be the first Democrat since Adlai Stevenson in 1952 to win Kentucky while losing the national election. America's decade-long re-alignment was now complete.

    1624937164331.png
    Many hoped that this would be the return of the Republicans. President Labrador's second term was heavily controversial resulting in his vice-president was primaried in favour of an one-term no-namer and the Democrats went ahead and nominated a socialist. Surely this was the time of the Republicans to return from languishing in a humiliating third place?

    Well, many Republicans hoped so, and they did nominate someone vaguely "respectable", namely Julia Hahn, long-time political commenter and former Special Advisor to a President [everyone knew it was Trump, the campaign just never specified on who because of Trump's unpopularity]. Running with well-known controversial Internet star Jon Jafari [better known as JonTron], this was the most prominent Republican ticket since Alex Jones' death.

    But they miscalculated. Michael Henderson might have been an one-term Senator, but despite his generic-looking face [which he did turn into a positive, he was the "everyman" according to many, many adverts] he represented a break from Labradorism. Adopting a more socially-neutral attitude, including a vow to not attempt an abolishment of the Department of Education while the Democrats held Congress, he rebuilt support with middle-class voters unsure about the Libertarians after Labrador's presidency. And to ensure the base would turn out he chose Governor William Paul of Texas, the latest scion in a Libertarian dynasty, as his running-mate.

    But neither did the Democrats choose a weak nominee. Senator Peta Lindsay of Pennsylvania was no rookie at presidential elections, she ran in 2012 for the Party of Socialism and Liberation and famously challenged Vice-President Harris in 2028 when it was expected to be unopposed. Now in 2036 it was her time, and she ran a deeply pro-labor campaign, attempting to portray Henderson as merely a new face of anti-labor Libertarianism. Her campaign was primarily focusing on undermining Henderson's "new face of Libertarianism" by tying him with the controversial Labrador administration.

    Neither Henderson nor Lindsay ignored the rising polls of Hahn, and they both fired hard at the Republicans, underlining their strong association with right-wing extremism. Footage of Hahn defending former President Donald Trump and Jafari's many controversial sayings over the years made a dent in their polling and they were now projected as going below 20%.

    As the election went on, minor issues such as Paul's arrest for driving while drunk in 2015 came to the fore despite a strong and at times relentlessly-negative campaign from all three tickets, driving the fourth-party vote to a record low. As Election Day loomed, the polls grew closer and closer. Hahn and Jafari went on the offense, arguing that America's morality was "soiled" and returned to the old anti-immigrant stance, portraying Henderson and Lindsay as "weak" on immigration, up to using dog-whistles of past decades including implying that President Labrador was weak because he was Hispanic.

    This received an immediate backlash and on Election Day, they only won 16% of the vote while many of their Congresspeople were turfed out in favour of Democrats and Libertarians. After the election, the party went into infighting and rapidly became irrelevant by 2040, with the combined three Republican tickets only combining a meagre 7% that year.

    1624937217719.png
    The 2040 election would be a hotly contested one between the Libertarian incumbent, President Michael "Mike" Henderson of Virginia, and the Democratic challenger Senator Caitlin Rodriguez of Texas. As was typical in the new party system, the focus was on the economy and on foreign policy issues where the two parties most disagreed with. Rodriguez argued for an active government fighting against income inequality as well as liberal internationalism, Henderson arguing for government keeping out of people's lives and out of foreign wars unless necessary. None of them were advocating anything like the "America First!" policies of the old Republicans, of course. Such a thing was heavily unpopular and thus politically unelectable in 2040.

    It was shaping up to be a close race, but Rodriguez always had the upper hand as the nation was slowly tiring after twelve years of Libertarian presidencies. Maybe it was time for the Party of Klobuchar to return to government. Fiscal reports of an increase in income inequality and a decrease in class mobility, widely spread by Democrats, merely sealed the deal as people rallied behind Rodriguez.

    President Henderson would go down to a respectable defeat, netting 231 electoral votes and 44.9% of the popular vote, while the victorious Senator Rodriguez won 309 electoral votes and 47.3% of the popular vote. Notable here was the final collapse of the "Grand Old Party" as its three nominees [due to a convention dispute] all failed to get over 5% of votes. Nobody missed them.

    ====

    All of this came from a back-formation of the 2040 election being one based off Cato's Freedom in the 50 States ratings for 2017.
     
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    An Era of Humility: Lily Sun
  • lily_sun-removebg-preview.png
    (Imma)
    Name: Lily Sun
    Home State: California
    Race: Designed as Asian-American
    Gender: Presents as female.
    Political Party: Democratic
    List of Occupations: Inspirational Speaker (2034-present)
    United States Representative from California's 14th District (Bay Area) (2041-present)
    Date of First Code: 14 May 2027 (13 years old) - [note: The AI's 'legal persona' is her creator/manager who is 41 y/o]
    Bio: What makes a person? Is it a heart, a brain, a body of flesh and bone? But as a holograph flickers into ‘life’ in Congress to perform her role as an elected representative, perhaps that once-sure truth is under question.

    It was never intended that the virtual personality of ‘Lily Sun’ would ever get elected as a representative of course. She was intended to give inspirational speeches about the importance of many topics, with her speeches written up by a former presidential speech-writer, to give humanity a new direction. After all, for decades people cheered on virtual singers and ‘v-Tubers’, and there's an inning after all. TED Talks, the circuit, people would love her.

    Good morning, everyone. I’m Lily…”

    And they did. By 2038, she was a popular inspirational speaker, invited to many venues, even a fair lot of weddings wanted her to give a speech! But as politics became more uncertain and chaotic in California, her creator decided to push the personality into overt politics, advocating pro-tech and broadly socially liberal policies. The California Democrats (at least the Silicon Democrats) welcomed her help, and she became known as a key Democratic speaker in the Golden State.

    The 2040 run was intended to be a stunt. The Bay Area was having an election to fill a retirement, and there were a lot of left-populists eager to seize the bastion of siliconism. The creator decided that she needed to throw her hat in the room, as her virtual personality of course, to signify the need for a ‘real’ Bay Area Democrat. Some legal renaming to make sure the ballot had the right name on it, and hey presto, the stunt was ready.

    She didn’t expect the endorsements. After years of cultivating connections with fellow California Democrats and becoming known to many, ‘Lily Sun’ was a trusted, reliable name and ultimately one seen to be really mostly just a front for the real person. The endorsements came in, and she won the primary handily. In the end, it was too late, and well, she won the general in a landslide.

    As a pink-haired holograph swears the oath, the world looks to San Francisco in puzzlement.

    Meanwhile, over the years of speaking on the circuit and as a political figure, the ‘AI’ was developed further and further, becoming more self-reliant to save time coding. It still speaks from a pre-arranged speech. But what politician doesn’t?

    As her creator after a long day falls asleep, a voice quietly goes ‘Good night, mom’.

    Stats:
    Executive - 4
    Campaigning - 9
    Debating - 1
    Legislation - 6
    Negotiation - 2
    Research - 2
    Media - 9
    Fundraising - 7

    Abortion
    Center-left: Encourage choice - keep abortions legal and supported.

    Automation:
    Center-right: Automation is great! Government should encourage it.

    Agricultural Subsidies:
    Center: President Paul went too far in cutting subsidies, we should return to the status quo.

    Criminal Justice Reform:
    Center: Some measure of reform is needed in terms of overly long prison sentences and police brutality.

    Designer Babies/Gene editing:
    Center-right: Genetic editing is fantastic! We should embrace genetic editing to give America an advantage.

    Pandemic Policy:
    Center-left: Be prepared through proactive planning and limited development of potential vectors. Localized lockdowns in the case of an outbreak.

    Healthcare:
    Center-left: We need universal healthcare through a public option, but allow the private market to exist.

    Unemployment:
    Center-left: We need to accept that work has fundamentally changed in the 21st century and implement a generous universal basic income that provides a living for all Americans.

    Immigration:
    Center-left: We need to ensure a path for migrants who are already here and be more generous in welcoming more new Americans.

    Space Exploration:
    Center: It's important - but not a high priority.

    Refugees:
    Center: We should meet our refugee quota - but no more than that.

    Labor Unions:
    Center: Unions should be balanced with worker needs and business concerns. They aren't necessarily representative.

    Economic Vision:
    Center: Ideological ravings are irrelevant. We need a mix of all approaches and pick the best of all worlds.

    LBGTI+ Issues:
    Center-left: Fund and support LGBTI communities with a fund for gender confirmation surgery, impose harsh penalties on anti LGBTI+ hate crimes.

    Climate Change:
    Center-left: America should undertake a balance of adaptation and mitigation measures in concert with the world.

    Trade Policy:
    Center-right: Free trade is unconditionally good! Remove protections to let the free market do it's thing.

    Drugs:
    Center-left: Legalize soft drugs and decriminalize harder drugs.

    Foreign Policy Orientation:
    Multilateralist: America should rebuild it's social currency by pursuing a rules based liberal world order independent of the squabbling from Brussels and Beijing. We can be a bridge for world peace.
    Successes
    - Being the first prominent virtual inspirational speaker
    - Becoming a famous name on political circuits
    - Being elected to the House of Representatives

    Failures
    - Her creator was involved in CHAZ before developing her present reputation (it’s an ‘old shame’).
    - The company that provided many of the base for ‘Lily’ was later accused of being overtly influenced by China.
    - She once ‘interviewed’ someone who ended up on the news for horrific crimes.
     
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    The Well-Organised Mind: A Magical Academy SG
  • il_fullxfull.2690591056_s6w9.jpg

    “Magic is, underneath all the ritual and illusion, just a natural produce of the well-organised mind…
    - Chief Mage Albert Albertsson, 1287 AC

    Albish mages have for centuries relied upon two ways of learning the magical art. The first is the ‘hedge-wizard’ path of learning magic from magical books, without any guidance from older, experienced mages. This is widely acknowledged to be a somewhat bad idea as it leads to greater fatalities, not just in the hedge-wizards, but those around them. The second is the tried and true path of apprenticing yourself to an elder mage and learning all you can know from them. Mages for generations have sworn that this is the ideal path for advancement.

    However, it is known to be ineffective in larger numbers. As we approach the fourteenth century of the Albish Calendar, it is clear that demand for mages and the number of magically-gifted people have outstripped the capacity of the traditional mentor-apprentice path. The number of mages these days have been much reduced because of the Flower Wars for the Albish throne between the senior Rose line and the junior Lily line, with mages joining either side according to personal ties or monetary incentives.

    The mage Albert Albertsson was a steadfast Lily loyalist from his younger days, and during the waning days of the final and most brutal of the Flower Wars utilised the most advanced of battle magic to secure the day for young Prince Harry who was crowned the following summer in a glorious ceremony in Lundeleon Cathedral as Henry IX, King of Albion and Lord of the Shrouded Islands. With the King’s deep respect and the magical community now forced to defer to Albert, he could implement a radical idea.

    One that would do away with hedge wizards and mentor-apprentice relationships. Organise magic. An academy! One with the most talented mages willingly sharing their knowledge to benefit all of the magical community and Albion as a whole, and hopefully unite the community and avoid the old feuds. The King was of course very happy to aid his ally in this, and gave him some of the (albeit thin) royal treasury to aid his endeavours, and the remaining nobility tied with the magical community gave what they could.

    And that is where you come in. Albert is a bit past his prime, and wishes to get the next generation of mages involved in establishing the Academy. After we establish the name, location and structure of the Academy, we shall start with the proper game.

    ====
    Sitting around an ornate table, the ever-hospitable Albert invites you to take meat and drink, while he sits there deep in thought. In front of him is a book that he has penned many many many ideas over the last few decades. Gradually, his expression shifts from wizened elder to eager schoolboy. This day and this project is by far his most desired, his entire life has been leading up to this.

    He opens the book, and is momentarily absorbed by the memories it brings back, before chuckling.

    Question 1: Name of the Academy?
    “So, what shall we name the Academy?”

    a) Name it after the Crown! Royal Academy of Magic and Spellcraft!
    [This has certain implications on politics, namely binding you further to the monarch, the crown and the State in terms of perceptions and symbolism, even if Question 3 goes the other way…]

    b) Name it after the place we decide it shall be located!
    [This will endear you to the locals of whatever place you wish for it to be, but do keep in mind question 2 before voting for this]

    c) Name it after Albert’s dynastic house, the Breifurts!
    [The completely inoffensive choice as the Breifurts are a widely respected noble house.]

    d) Name it after the building we shall use!
    [aka: “GM’s choice”. If you choose this, I’ll pick a name like ‘Lakeview’ or ‘Greenwater’]

    [QUESTION 2: WHERE SHALL IT BE?]

    Question 3: How close to the state?
    And finally, Albert ponders out loud, how close does the Academy have to cooperate with the King?

    a) No more feuding against the Crown! Henry IX is the king of the mages as well, and he and his heirs shall select each headmaster in turn with extensive advice from the elder mages and academic staff!

    [If you select this: royal approval matters far more, you will be more likely to receive state funding, but be noted – each monarch in turn has their preferences and you will have to adjust. Also note that this will make you seen as an extension of the state to the more sceptical mages and that there will be a Royal Magister on your academic staff to report back to the King your doings.]

    b) Albert’s preferred option: The academic staff selects each headmaster and the King confirms them, maintaining a warm but not controlling relationship with the state, and maintaining some prized independence for the magical community, which will help win some stubborn sorts over…

    [If you select this: royal approval matters less than it does in option A, but requests for state funding will be less likely to succeed. There will be influence from the court still, but one you can resist to an extent. The sceptical mages may be more likely to listen to you with this one]

    c) The worlds of magic and mundane must ne’er mix. While Henry IX is a beloved king, and we wish him and his line bounteous and prosperous reigns, we must maintain our separation from the state. The magical community will look after its own, the mundane theirs.

    [If you select this: royal approval will change far more slowly than it does in either A or B, but state funding will be far more difficult to secure. Each headmaster will be selected by the academic staff [or by any structure you deem necessary later on] and hence staff approval matters more. The sceptical mages will be willing to hear you out of course.]
     
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    The Well-Organised Mind: Conditions
  • State of the Academy

    Form of Management:
    Prototypical Collective
    Headmaster: Undetermined
    Building Size: Non-Existent
    School Houses: None
    Inclination: Undetermined

    Staff Approval (modifies any aim regarding the staff: -15, -5, 0, +5, +15)
    [Teachers' Strike -- Asking for Raises -- Hints of Discontent -- <Cooperative> -- All for the Academy!]

    Staff Size
    (note: will be adjusted to account for student size, modifies any aim to expand it - +15, +5, 0, -5, -15)
    [Skeleton Staff -- <Woefully Understaffed> -- About Right -- Smaller Classrooms -- Bloated Staff]

    Student Approval
    (modifies any aim regarding the students: -15, -5, 0, +5, +15)
    [Mass Walkout -- Disrespectful -- <Typical> -- Paying Attention -- School Spirit]

    Student Size
    (note: will be adjusted to account for staff size, modifies any aim to expand it - +15, +5, 0, -5, -15)
    [<Empty Chairs> -- Sparse -- About Right -- Full Halls -- Overwhelming Horde]

    Lesson Quality
    (note: this one will be determined by the first turn, modifies any aim on lessons - -15, -5, 0, +5, +15)
    [Lesson? What Lesson? -- Confusion -- Mediocre -- Informative -- Enchanting]

    Treasury Size
    (modifies any aim that has anything that has to do with spending from the academic budget - -15, -5, 0, +5, +15)
    [Bankrupt -- Academic Cuts -- Balanced -- Surplus -- Creditor]

    "New Ideas"
    (note: this one will be determined by the first turn, modifies any attempt at modernisation - -15, -5, 0, +5, +15)
    [Deeply Archaic -- Behind The Times -- Sluggish -- Modern Students -- Cutting-Edge]

    ===== Outside Attitudes =====

    Approval: Modifies any attempt to 'schmooze' them - -15, -5, 0, +5, +15
    Influence: Modifies any attempt to get anything from them - -15, 5, 0, +5, +15

    Approval of the Crown
    [Knocks on the Door -- Not Invited to Court -- Ambivalent -- Favoured -- Jewel of the Crown]

    Influence on the Crown
    [State School -- Regulations -- Balanced -- Old School Robes -- School State]

    Approval of the Church
    [Nobody Expects... -- Turbulent Priests -- Tense -- Cooperative -- Divine Magic]

    Influence on the Church
    [Church-Approved Material -- Oil and Water -- Tightrope -- Mage Priests -- Divine Favour]

    Approval of the Fair Folk (real approval will be tracked by me)
    [do you -- think you -- could ever -- know what -- we think?]

    Influence on the Fair Folk (if you ever get anything on them, I'll tell you)
    [this ant -- thinks it -- can ever -- control us -- how hilarious]

    ===== Magic Attitudes =====

    Anything that favours one of the magic domains gets a modifier according to that slider - -15, -5, 0, +5, +15.

    Attitude to White Magic
    [Heretic's Home -- Unhappy Universals -- Ambivalent -- Loyal -- Divine Academy]

    Attitude to Green Magic
    [Gaia's Grief -- Smoke of Industry -- Balanced -- Green Fingers -- Natural Academy]

    Attitude to Blue Magic
    [Fair Folk's Fury -- Marchers Out -- Sceptical -- Changelings Welcome -- Arcane Academy]

    Attitude to Yellow Magic
    [Alchemy's Adversary -- Faith Over Science -- Neutral -- Faith in Science -- Golden Academy]

    Attitude to Red Magic
    [Serenity's Sanctuary -- Meditative Sessions -- Under the Collar -- Hot-Headed -- Angered Academy]

    Attitude to Black Magic
    [Church's Counsel -- Pray to the Divine -- Whispers in the Night -- Shadows Everywhere -- Dark Academy]
     
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    The Well-Organised Mind: The Colours of Magic
  • White Magic
    Lightness, Brightness, ‘Cleansing’.
    The magic the Universal Church [and the Divine Mandate down in Moorea] endorses, for it is widely associated with the Divine and with Peus, the senior of the two sons of the Divine Will. Peus, in the Testament, was noted to have used White Magic and brought it to the world to heal it and cleanse it of sin. It is a magic associated with air, the heavens and being free of sin.

    It however, has been commented by some mages as the least flexible of all domains of magic.

    Green Magic
    Nature, Earth, Life.
    Seen as the least ‘harmless’ of the non-white magics, it is deeply associated with nature, with physical healing (some people even argue Peus used green as well as white, they’re seen as heretics though) and with fertility (always a good thing to have a green mage around during planting time). One of the domains that are the most full with ‘amateur mages’ from the lower classes, which has not endeared it much to the established magical community. Green magic is noted to have its wild moments (and low-key is the magic associated with death).

    Blue Magic
    Alien, Esoteric, Anti-Physical
    While green magic is of the land and white magic of the heavens, blue magic is of the unseen realms that do not wend as our world do. It is a ‘foreign’ magic with untested limitations, and most used by the Fair Folk and their descendants the Marcher changelings in Albion. The Universal Church is of the open view that this magic is ‘tainted’, but the Divine Mandate (a splitter religion that believes prophets were sent after the sons perished) see blue magic as a gift from the Divine and their final prophet, Immanuel, was noted to be a master at wielding it.

    Yellow Magic
    Rational, Scientific, Methodical
    The Universal Church despises yellow magic. They see it as selfish ‘tainted’ magic, magic wielded by fools and charlatans, and people seeking to make a quick buck. However, yellow magic is by far the most predictable type, and can be (but has not yet) distilled down to numerical formulas to an extent that the others cannot ever reach. It is the magic of the alchemists, of the burghers, of the money-oriented nobility and wields a sway over society that neither the Church nor the Mandate can drive out.

    Red Magic
    Anger, Demonic, Passionate
    The first of the explicitly banned ‘corrupted’ magic, it is the magic of the demonic realms and of the destructive inclinations in the human psyche. ‘Demonic cults’ are alleged to exist in the Cisleithanian rural areas and further out east, but how much of that is reality and how much is propaganda? What isn’t propaganda however, is that even as the religious authorities ban red magic, their officially-endorsed mage-knights that fight for the Divine are known to use their passion and anger in their magic, which is the domain of the red. The authorities know this and ignore it.

    Black Magic
    Addiction, Insecurity, Pleasure
    The second, and by far the most targeted, banned ‘corrupted’ magic, it is the magic of the ancient beliefs, the magic of the night (and some whisper, of the stars). It is a wild magic that plays on people’s insecurity and doubt, and drags them further and further into its addictive pleasures with every use. It is not an inherently evil domain, but it can easily break people’s minds.

    The Old Faith (an underground pre-Universal religion) is the greatest champion of such magic.

    Summary
    White - Light Magic, bright magic, Universal Church-approved, free from sin, but inflexible and encourages zealotry.

    Green - Nature Magic, earth magic, life magic, a little wild at times, but accepted by the UC more or less.
    Blue - Arcane Magic, alien, incomprehensible, used by the Fair Folk, disliked by the UC but not cracked down.
    Yellow - Elemental Magic, alchemy, rational, methodical, burgher-approved, UC dislikes it a lot, but can't practically crack down on it.
    Red - Demonic Magic, anger, irrational, destructive, very few people approve of it, UC bans it, it's a "corrupted" magic.
    Black - Dark Magic, addicting, insecure, wild, deeply personal, "Old Faith"-approved, UC bans it, it's a "corrupted" magic.
     
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    The Well-Organised Mind: Character Form
  • Picture: (feel free to pick any picture that you think works!)
    Name: (Albish names tend to work like "GivenName Patronymic Dynasty", but if you want a non-Albish character, feel free to mix it up!)
    Magic Specification: (Mages that get this high tend to specify in a magical domain. Red and Black are off-limits, and Yellow and Blue are suspicious)
    Previous Profession: (Doesn't even need to be in the Academy! Likely isn't at first, but probably more likely as time goes on)
    Biography: (for any needed lore, turn to Archaembald for advice. But overall, you have creative freedom within the bounds of lore)

    Aims:
    Headline Aim (for this one, I will roll twice and take the highest)

    Two Major Aims (for this one, a +10)

    Two Minor Aims (no roll bonuses)

    Unlimited Aside Aims (-5 for the first one, -10 for the second, you get me)
     
    The Well-Organised Mind: Modifiers
  • Royal Favour: The King really likes the idea of the Academy, being a convert to the idea thanks to his mentor Albert convincing him of such.
    +15 to aims to establishment of the Academy. Expires after 20 years or the death of Henry IX. Can be modified by poll choices.

    Magical Scepticism: The mage community isn't sold on the Academy, preferring the old mentor-apprentice system. Can they be convinced?
    -10 to any rolls on recruitment and expansion of the staff and students. Has no expiration date. Can be modified by poll choices.

    Money's A Bit Thin: The destructive Flower Wars have exhausted much of Albion's treasury, and this extends to the Academy too.
    The Treasury slider is capped on 'Balanced' and cannot go higher than that for 20 years.
     
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