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Nanwe's Maps and Graphics Thread

And some municipalities in southern Spain are just enormous (partly because after 1833 many integrated the former feudal señoríos) with many enclaves and exclaves leading to those ugly-ass boundaries.
Oh, Spain had Gutsbezirke? Doesn’t surprise me, really, though there is an interesting contrast with Prussia in how quickly they were abolished as soon as the liberals came to power.
The 1870 Electoral Law's Annex detailing which municipality goes where is horribly full of typos and the way it indicates the partidos judiciales is not consistent (some provinces have more, some less) with the ones that existed either in the 1867 or 1877 censuses, which makes it harder.
That’s often the case with 19th-century documents, yes. It’s not as bad as in earlier eras, because at least these people had a notion that “standardised spelling” was a thing, but they were still a bit foggy on how to apply it.
 
Oh, Spain had Gutsbezirke? Doesn’t surprise me, really, though there is an interesting contrast with Prussia in how quickly they were abolished as soon as the liberals came to power.

I'll need to check on the Prussian equivalent, but based off reading on the German wiki, I'm not sure they were the same.

The feudal institution of the señorío, where the aristocrat (or the military orders, or the Church, or the Crown, depending) was the "landowner" of the land as well as judge of the peace and other judicial function is eminently feudal. It was never regulated in a post-French Revolution legal system like it seemingly was in Prussia.

It was first abolished in 1812, restored under Fernando VII and eliminated at long last in 1837, although the former feudal lords kept most of the land as landowners.

In Andalucia, almost everything was a señorío, not so in the north.

Reinos_de_Andaluc%C3%ADa_Municipios_actuales.svg

In green, noble señoríos; in yellow, military order ones; in red, the Church's; in pink Crown-owned land; and in purple, the "New Settlements", lands colonised under Carlos III with Germans because they were previously considered to be havens for all bad things.

That’s often the case with 19th-century documents, yes. It’s not as bad as in earlier eras, because at least these people had a notion that “standardised spelling” was a thing, but they were still a bit foggy on how to apply it.

Oh, it’s not that. Spanish spelling has been fairly standardised since the early 18th century. There's been no major spelling reform since the 1780s or so (other than moving accents around). There are royally-approved grammar and orthography books from as early as 1492.

The typos are mostly because it seems, based on reading things, that someone misheard things while someone else recited city names. It’s not typos as in “b” instead of “v” but final -s missing, other stuff that can only be mixed if spoken out loud.
 
In green, noble señoríos; in yellow, military order ones; in red, the Church's; in pink Crown-owned land; and in purple, the "New Settlements", lands colonised under Carlos III with Germans because they were previously considered to be havens for all bad things.

Spain establishing formal colonies within her own boundaries feels somehow self-parodic.
 
Spain establishing formal colonies within her own boundaries feels somehow self-parodic.

Think of it as something similar to what Catherine the Great did with Volga Germans - have a large, sparsely populated (except for ruffians and highwaymen) area in a relatively important part of the country and your local population is not enough to fill it.

What do you do? Import good, hard-working (Catholic!) Germans/Flemings/Swiss to do it. In exchange, they get a special governing legal framework that simultaneously allows them to have more freedoms, gives them land (as well as 5 chickens, 5 goats, 5 sheep, 2 cows and a female pig) but also bans high-learning institutions from accepting them to make sure they do work the land.
 
I'll need to check on the Prussian equivalent, but based off reading on the German wiki, I'm not sure they were the same.

The feudal institution of the señorío, where the aristocrat (or the military orders, or the Church, or the Crown, depending) was the "landowner" of the land as well as judge of the peace and other judicial function is eminently feudal. It was never regulated in a post-French Revolution legal system like it seemingly was in Prussia.
That's fair, it sounds like the difference is that the Spanish just got rid of theirs rather than making them a formal part of the local government structure.
 
That's fair, it sounds like the difference is that the Spanish just got rid of theirs rather than making them a formal part of the local government structure.

So much of Spanish 19th century liberal political thought in theory and (theoretically) in practice worked something like this: "If the French have/do X, SO MUST WE". While also paying off the enormous national debt. Aristocratic families probably ended up owning more land after the end of the señorío than they controlled before, as they bought commons and religious properties.
 
Puerto Rico is now done. Following the Maura Decree of 27 December 1892 which granted Puerto Rico both a new electoral map and wider but no universal male suffrage, the Puerto Rican Autonomists decided to go ahead and abstain from taking part in the election of 1893, claiming that Puerto Ricans were treated as "third-class citizens", as both Cubans and peninsular Spaniards were subject to more generous suffrage conditions (universal in peninsular Spain's case).

In that sense, the reform carried out by the Maura Decree was a failure, as the Sagasta Government failed to keep the Autonomists in the 'game' of politics, which had been the intention of the reform. As a result, the Unconditionally Spanish Party, which dominated the island's Provincial institutions (Diputación provincial) won all the seats in the island except for the Utuado one, won narrowly by Francisco Martín Sánchez, who ran as an 'Unconditional Independent' against the party leaders' candidate.

The absolute control of the Unconditionally Spanish Party of the island's politics meant that even the island Governors could not intervene to favour government-preferred candidates like they would do in the Peninsula or in Cuba - to a lesser extent in the latter than the former. That is also why in an election organised by a Liberal government, the Conservative-affiliated Unconditionals won such a blowout. This would change somewhat following the verification of the election, when it became clear that some candidates were not eligible to run and were disqualified, forcing the re-run of elections. This resulted in three electoral wins in by-elections for the Autonomists.

Cuba is the only thing missing now.

cYzXv9k.png
 
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That seat division in the Canaries is quite something.

Yeah... The weird way in which the eastern islands are put together just makes me picture the map-drawers as thinking "how the fuck do we combine these".

FYI, the islands' electoral maps were redrawn twice, in 1902 and in 1910 again, in response to complaints from the islands. The complaints weren't really about why Lanzarote and Fuerteventura were so weirdly added, but why Gran Canaria didn't have 3 MPs as Tenerife did.

There's a big rivalry between the two islands, even to this day. Which is why ultimately in 1927 the islands were split into two provinces so both Santa Cruz de Tenerife and Las Palmas de Gran Canaria could be capitals. Or why the current autonomous region doesn't actually have a capital.

Also, I think the standard form in English is “Puerto Rican”, isn’t it?

Ahh you're right. Will correct that, thanks.
 
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Sorry for the long silence, but a number of things have happened in the last month including (1) getting promoted from trainee to junior; (2) moving to Brussels and as a result of (2), no longer having access to my desktop, which means my Mac and Inkscape work more slowly. Also, the current Cuban provinces and municipalities do not fit well with the old ones, so the process of drawing boundaries is both less accurate and more uncertain than I would like to be, which is rather demotivating.

The font is all messed up because my Mac has some issues with Garamond, so I will change it to 'Athelas' soon.

But this is the lastest WIP (some beautifying required still):


WIP_Cuba.png


 
I'm finally back to mapping, now with the second screen. Expect Cuba map in coming weeks.

In the meantime, I was trying to figure out some data for an upcoming mini map/project for a Central European Federation (or Churchill's weird dream), and I found pretty interesting information as to the electoral system used in Hungary in 1945.

So it was PR, but in a weird way, very much like that of other Central European countries.

Hungary was divided into 16 multi-member constituencies of varying size and then a single national one of 50 MPs. And they worked in parallel.

At the regional constituency, the party's votes are divided by 12,000 (as a seat was awarded by every 12,000 votes cast) and then rounded down to the full number.

Separately, 50 seats were distributed proportionally on the basis of the national vote share, but without the intention to distribute them in a compensatory fashion. Largest remainder method maybe. The electoral law is not very clear so I still need to reverse engineer it.

Note that the size of the Nagy-Budapest is suspect because I could find the voters for old Budapest as well as the municipalities that would later join Greater Budapest in 1950 but not another 12 municipalities that are in the Pest-Pilis-Solt-Kiskun County, so those results are not trustworthy. Also, vote numbers are an estimate as all I had have were percentages (only rounded to the first digit after the comma, so not very precise). So it's more of a guess-estimate, but it still comes close to OTL's numbers.

Might make a map.


Captura de pantalla 2021-03-13 a las 10.56.29.png
 
tyHAhl1.png

Hungary was divided into 16 multi-member constituencies, each grouping one or more counties as well as county-level independent cities. On top of that, there was a national non-compensatory list of 50 MPs. 12 MPs were elected by co-option into Parliament from distinguished academics.

At the constituency level, a seat was given to a party for every 12,000 votes received, always rounded down. No largest remainder, no averages, just the 12,000 quota. Ultimately this resulted in 360 MPs being elected this way.

Constituency size ranged from 68 in Great Budapest (Nagy Budapest) to 9 in Veszprém. Nagy-Budapest was formed of the towns and cities that would end up forming Greater Budapest after the 1949 administrative reform.

The broad-tent anti-communist but official agrarian Independent Smallholders' Party (FKGP) won the 1945 election by a landslide, gaining 57% of the vote and 245 seats out of 422. It came first in every constituency and in all but one of the counties and county-level independent cities. The party's strength was however concentrated in the west. The party won a majority of the vote in all but three constituencies (Nagy-Budapest, Békés and Hajdú-Bihar).
 
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In other news, last night I found a monographic book from the Czech Statistical Agency on the Czechoslovak 1928 provincial election. So time to map it.

For the record, I haven't given up on mapping the 1920 general election but it's hard to find the motivation to do so - the Slovak constituencies cut across district lines on purpose in what's essentially a case of gerrymandering Hungarian-majority areas and the electoral law, so I have managed to find a municipal map for 1920 but it's messy as well as time- and energy-consuming.
 
The Provincial Assembly was formed by 18 members, 12 of which were elected in an at-large constituency and one third was appointed by the central government in Prague.

The electoral system was simple on the face of it. The entire province acted as a single multi-member constituency elected via proportional representation through the largest remainder system (Hagenbach-Bischoff, I believe). However, parties could - and did - form 'alliances' whereby all their votes were treated as those of a single party for the purpose of allocation of seats.

In Ruthenia, all the parties that contested the election minus the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSČ) had such alliance agreements.

The alliances were as follows:
(1) The "Coalition of the Hungarian National Party and the Provincial Christian Socialist Party" (MNP-OKSzP) and the Autonomous Agrarian Union (AZS).

The MNP and (especially) the OKSzP were the main political vehicles for the Hungarian minority in Czechoslovakia. Although not quite a so-called 'activist' party, the OKSzP was the more moderate of the two. The AZS instead was a Ruthenian nationalist and agrarian party that was widely seen as pro-Budapest, partly as a result of the pro-Hungarian tendencies of the Greek Catholic Church. Budapest financed all three parties.

(2) The "Coalition of the Russian National Union and the Czechoslovak National Democracy" (RNS-ČsND), the Carpatho-Russian Labour Party (KST), the Republican Party of Farmers and Peasants (RSZML), the Czechoslovaks' Traders Party (ČZOSS), the Christian People's Party (KNS) and the Jewish Republican Party (ZRS).

The Czechoslovak National Democracy was the party founded by former Young Czechs and represented the most right-wing Czechoslovak party, a mix of national liberals, conservatives and proto-fascists and was widely seen as the party of big business. The party ran as part of a joint list with the Russian National Union. I don't have much information on them.

The Carpatho-Russian Labour Party was a Narodnik centre-left agrarian party, Russophile and advocating for agrarian socialism. The party was strongly favourable to Eastern Orthodoxy and opposed to the Greek Catholic Church, and as a result, was favourable to Czechoslovakia.

The Republican Party of Farmers and Peasants (RSZML) was the largest party of the republic - which is not saying much. It was centre-to-centre right. A typical agrarian party of the interwar period, although one where large landowners did not have much of an influence. It was the party of land reform, agricultural tariffs, social welfare for the countryside and it stood at the centre of a dense network of rural world associations.

The Czechoslovak Traders' Party was a small centre-right party, a very close ally of the agrarian - they sat as part of the same parliamentary group - and was seen as the voice of the small and medium urban business-owners.

The Christian People's Party was a Ruthenian nationalist, Ukrainophile, agrarian party led by Avgustyn Voloshyn (President of an independent Carpatho-Ukraine for 3 days in 1938).

Lastly, the Jewish Republican Party was a right-wing Jewish minority party led by Orthodox Jewish leaders from Slovakia and Ruthenia opposed to the Zionist agenda of the Jewish Party.

(3) The Social Democratic Party in Subcarpathian Ruthenia (SDP), the Czechoslovak Social Democratic Party (ČSDS), the Czechoslovak National-Socialist Party (ČSNS) and the Jewish Party in Subcarpathian Ruthenia (ZS).

The Social Democratic Party in Subcarpathian Ruthenia was a Ruthenian autonomist social democratic party with close relations to the Czechoslovak social democrats. The two parties merged in 1930.

The Czechoslovak Social Democratic Party had been originally the largest party in the republic but the party suffered very significantly from the split of its most left-leaning members to the Communist Party. By 1928, the party had recovered somewhat and had again become the largest party of the left, albeit narrowly. In 1928, it was in opposition.

The Czechoslovak National-Socialist Party was not, despite the name, not a Nazi party. Instead, the party represented a sort of non-Marxist socialism that appealed to liberal professionals and other urban centre-left middle-class people. The party was markedly urban and had at one point contained very nationalistic elements. It was the party of Beneš and was reportedly the closest party too to the Hrad, the 'Castle', or President Masaryk's circle of advisors.

Lastly, the Jewish Party, which was, the largest political party for Jewish people in Czechoslovakia. The party's Zionist agenda reflected better the preferences of the well-off, rather urban Jewish people in Bohemia and Moravia-Silesia than those of the very rural, often Haredi Jews from Slovakia and (especially) Ruthenia.

The election results gave the RSZML 4 seats with 23.11% of the vote, the KSČ came second with 2 seats and 20.10% of the vote, then the coalition of the MNP and the OKSzP came third with 2 seats and 13.50% of the vote, followed by the AZS (10.62%), ZRS (5.89%), ČZOSS (4.72%) and SDP (4.15%) each with one seat.



Ruthenia_provincial_election_1928.png
 
The Slovak election is the only one for which I have the numbers of the appointed members.

Question though, is the colour difference between HSL'S and RSZML sufficient in your view? Thing is, I want to reserve the 'blue' hue for the ČSL as I would ideally like to finish this off with a map of all Czechoslovakia at once, but I don't know how clear it is.

Interestingly, the areas of north-western Slovakia where HSL'S did extremely well (70% of the vote in places) remain the stronghold of Slovak nationalism to this day, also in its nastiest forms, it is there for instance, that in the 1990 and 1992 Czechoslovak elections, the far-right Slovak nationalists of SNS got most of their support.

FJyHELM.png


Results here:

Captura de pantalla 2021-04-02 a las 14.08.41.png

Alliances:
ČSL and SNS (Czechoslovak People's Party and Slovak National Party)
ČSDSD and ČSNS (Czechoslovak Social Democratic Workers' Party and Czechoslovak National Socialist Party)
ZSMZD and ZS-ZHS (Provincial Hungarian Party of Smallholders, Entrepreneurs and Workers and a coalition of the Jewish Party and the Jewish Economic Party*)
OKSzP and MNP-ZDP-MNMP (Provincial Christian Socialist Party and a coalition of the Hungarian National Party, the Zipser German Party and the Hungarian National Workers' Party)
RSZML, ČZOSS, ČsND-RNS (Republican Party of Farmers and Peasants, Czechoslovak Traders' Party and a coalition of the Czechoslovak National Democracy and the Russian National Party)

* Right-wing, Orthodox Jewish party.
 
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How did the appointment process work exactly? I get the sense the Slovak ones were fairly proportional (except no communists or Hungarians), so were they elected by the Prague parliament, did the appointments just take party balance into account, or was there some other process?
 
How did the appointment process work exactly? I get the sense the Slovak ones were fairly proportional (except no communists or Hungarians), so were they elected by the Prague parliament, did the appointments just take party balance into account, or was there some other process?

The Prague government appointed whomever they pleased from experts “taking into account economic, cultural, national and social circumstances”. Informally, they tended to exclude non-governmental parties or non-mainstream ones (HSLS was a coalition party in 1928).
 
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Next up, the Provincial Assembly of Moravia and Silesia (Zemské zastupitelstvo v zemi Moravskolezské). The population size of Moravia-Silesia was no much bigger than that of Slovakia, and as a result, the territory elected 40 members, plus 20 appointed by the government (no data here).

Of the historical lands of the Bohemian Crown, Moravia was the more rural, conservative and Catholic of the two, reflected in the fact that for both of the major ethnic communities - the Czech and the German - their respective Catholic parties came on top. The Czechoslovak People's Party (ČSL) and the German Christian Social People's Party (DCVP). As with other political parties in Czechoslovakia, both parties stood at the heart of dense networks of civil society organisations, journalists, cooperatives and other economic enterprises.

In particular, Czech Catholics promoted the Orel ('Eagle') association, a large-scale youth, gymnastics and sports organisation that stood in opposition to the secular, liberal and more nationalistic Sokol ('Falcon') association. These organisations were nothing to laugh at. Sokol was estimated to have over half a million members in the mid-1930s and their festivals ('slets') and many key politicians were members.

Many other communities - and especially Germans - developed similar organisations, the main one being the Deutscher Turnverband, which soon became the gymnastics and sports' wing of the most extreme German nationalist parties, the German Nationalist Party (DNP) and the German National Socialist Worker's Party (DNSAP).

Anyway, the results were as follows:
Czechoslovak People's Party (ČSL): 18.65%, 8 seats
Czechoslovak Social Democratic Worker's Party (ČSDSD): 12.60%, 6 seats
Republican Party of Farmers and Peasants (RSZML): 12.40%, 5 seats
Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSČ): 9.82%, 4 seats
Czechoslovak National Socialist Party (ČSNS): 8.59%, 3 seats
German Christian Social People's Party (DCVP): 6.12%, 3 seats
German Social Democratic Worker's Party (DSAP): 5.78%, 2 seats
German People's Union (DVV): 4.21%, 2 seats
Czechoslovak Traders' Party (ČZOSS): 4.19%, 2 seats
Farmers' League (BdL): 4.03%, 2 seats
Czechoslovak National Democracy (ČsND): 3.54%, 1 seat
German National Socialist Workers' Party (DNSAP): 3.08%, 1 seat
German Business Party (DGP): 1.95%, 1 seat
Others: 5.04%, 0 seats

Many of the parties ran in associations. These were (1) RSZML-ČZOSS-ČsND (Czechoslovak centre-right); (2) DNSAP-DVV (German far-right); (3) ČSDSD-DSAP-PSPR (Czechoslovak, German and Polish centre-left) and (3) DCVP-BdL-DGP-DAWG (German centre-right).

Moravia_Silesia_election_1928.png
 
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