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Nanwe's Maps and Graphics Thread

Nanwe

The Troika always wins
Location
Lund, DK
#61
That's a horrifyingly messy map. However, I am now desperate to book my tickets to the bit of Estella where the Carlists topped the poll.
It gets easier to understand if yo put it next to this map:


Green areas are those where Basque is the main language of everyday communication and are thus officially bilingual. Yellow ones are those where Spanish is the primary language of everyday communication but there is significant Basque-speakign minority and/or it underwent the linguistic shift from Basque to Spanish in the 20th century. In grey, monolingually Spanish-speaking regions where either Basque has never been spoken (Tudela) or underwent the linguistic shift to Spanish before the 19th/20th centuries.
 
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Gorro Rubio

Tough on TIG, tough on the causes of TIG
#62
The 1979 election to the Parlamento Foral (Foral Parliament) of Navarra was held simultaneously with the local elections and the elections to the Juntas Generales of the three Basque provinces. This is the only instance in which the mediaeval administrative unit, the merindad, was used as an electoral constituency. Since 1982, the Navarrese Parliament has been elected from a single constituency. This is also the only election since 1936 in which a party espousing a Carlist ideology (even if it was Titoist Carlism) obtained a seat at a regional assembly.

Each merindad was assigned 5 seats regardless of its population, with the remaining seats distributed between merindad according to their demographic weight until having allocated all 70 seats. The city of Pamplona (Iruña in Basque) was separated from the rest of the merindad of Pamplona and acted as its own constituency for all purposes. Other than that, it was a typical Spanish election with closed lists, D'Hont quota and 3% threshold.

The Regional government, the Diputación Foral was elected simultaneously: Each constituency was assigned one member of the Diputación, with the exception of Tudela which was given two on account of its larger population (Pamplona was after all split into two constituencies). The party that obtained the most votes in the legislative election in each constituency was automatically given the merindad's seat in the Diputación. In the case of Tudela, the same procedure applied, but for the two largest parties.

The parties could be divided between Basque nationalists and non-Basque nationalists. And the non-Basque nationalist was further divided between those who favoured a more 'normal' position for Navarra within Spain (PSE-PSOE, UCD) and those who instead advocated for the continuity of its mediaeval privileges, the fueros. (UPN). There was also the left-right axis, although most Basque nationalist groupings were left-wing.

Herri Batasuna (HB) was the political arm of ETAm (ETA militar). It only ran its own list in the two Pamplona constituencies. Otherwise it ran within the Amaiur coalition.
Amaiur was a coalition of Herri Batasuna, Euskadiko Ezkerra (EE, the political branch of ETApm) and the Basque-nationalist communist EMK party, as well as some local independent groups, like AETE (Estella), Orhi Mendi (Sangüesa) and AEPM (Olite). It was also supported by the PNV-EAJ.
Nacionalistas Vascos (NV) was an electoral coalition that only ran in the two Pamplona constituencies formed by the PNV, Euskadiko Ezkerra and ESEI.
UNAI was an electoral coalition formed by the Maoist party ORT (Revolutionary Labour Organisation), that only ran in the Tudela constituency.
IFN was an independents' list formed by Jesús Ezponda Garaicoechea in the Sangüesa constituency. It has a Basque nationalist, foralista ideology.

May I ask about Olazagutía and Torres del Río (the villages where my paternal ancestors came from)?
 

Nanwe

The Troika always wins
Location
Lund, DK
#63
May I ask about Olazagutía and Torres del Río (the villages where my paternal ancestors came from)?
Olazti/Olazagutía (Pamplona/Iruña): HB: 28.33, PSE-PSOE: 23.33, PCE-EPK: 15.49%, UCD: 9.41%, NV: 8.24%, UPN: 7.06%, Carlist: 6.96%

Torres del Río (Estella): UCD: 53.18%, UPN: 26.59%, Amaiur: 8.09%, PSE-PSOE: 6.94%, Carlist: 3.47%, UNAI: 1.16%, PCE-EPK: 0.58%
 

Nanwe

The Troika always wins
Location
Lund, DK
#66
And some logos (and info):


The National Progressive Party, colloquially known as the Nats, is a right-of-centre national political party in Columbia. It was created in 1926 following the merger of the National Party and the Progressive Party. Through the National Party, it traces its origins to the country's independence from the United Kingdom in 1834 and to the Columbian Whig Party during the late colonial period. The party originally opposed the Federal Party and its successor, the People's Party, but since the rise of the labour movement in the late 19th century, the party became the main centre-right party in Columbia opposed to the centre-left Labor Party.

The National Progressive Party is considered one of the most historically-successful parties in the world. Since the National victory in the Federal Rebellion, the NPP held power almost consecutively between 1857 and 1939. In 1926, the party was founded after the right-wing National Party integrated the Progressive Party, the political vehicle of the early 20th century progressive movement. Since 1950, it has held office for nearly 44 years. The National Progressive Party held power continuously between 1962 and 1979 under the premiership of William W. Scranton (1962-1975) and William M. Milliken (1975-1979). Scranton's success and popularity re-defined the National Progressive Party, and he remains a historical and ideological cornerstone for the party today.

The successive premierships of Henry Chafee, Charles Baker and xx (2002-2014) represent the NPP's most recent stint in power. The NPP is broadly considered a "big tent" party, incorporating a broad variety of ideological perspectives. Although it is generally considered to be on the right of the political spectrum, the party de-emphasises major ideological issues, instead embracing Burkean pragmatic conservatism and Scrantonian managerial liberalism, focused on fiscal responsibility, support for economic growth through education and infrastructure investment and a timidly progressive social agenda.

***


The Laborers' Party, more commonly known as Labor, is a centre-left national political party in Columbia. Labor has been in power since 2014, with the current party leader, Sherrod Brown, serving as the current First Secretary.

Labor was founded in 1901 in Chicago as the merger of the Columbian Workers' Party and the Social Democratic Party. Labor traces back its origins to the first political associations of left-leaning workers in Columbia during the 1880s. Following its creation, the party grew rapidly, quickly becoming the country's main centre-left party, a position it retains to this day.

Labor became a social democratic party in 1925, after a series of splits of left-leaning members to form the Socialist Labor Party and the Columbian Communist Party in 1919 and 1921 respectively. Previously, the party has been in power between 1939 and 1950, 1954 to 1962 and again between 1982 and 1986, 1988 and 1994 and from 1998 to 2002. Labor has usually governed in coalition or with the support of the Farmers' Union, a western Columbian Christian-left political party. Labor First Secretaries like Gerhard Williams and Humbert Humphrey established the bases and later expanded the modern Columbian welfare state.

During the 1980s and 1970s, following the long spell in opposition, Labor remained deeply divided between the so-called moderniser wing, led by Michael Dukakis and the movement branch, led by First Secretaries like Mario Cuomo and Robert Rae. In this period, the party legalised abortion, granted further autonomy to the provinces and expanded social services. Unlike the NPP, which is closely associated with the Presbyterian, Episcopalian and Congregationalist churches, Labor is a secular party, drawing its support from ethnic-majority areas and from trade unions' members. The party advocates policies like a higher minimum wage, increased income taxes for high-income individuals and larger corporations, LGBT rights, expanded social services or reducing the country's poverty rates.
 
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Nanwe

The Troika always wins
Location
Lund, DK
#67
Decided to also map the 1979 Juntas Generales election, where modernity and mediaeval tradition mixed for the last time. Also, Vizcaya is so boringly jeltzale. Álava is going to be weird since the members of the Juntas Generales were not directly-elected (unlike in the other provinces, and Navarra) but indirectly chosen by the just-elected city councillors in 18 'hermandades'. In many instances, the hermandad just elected one single member of the Juntas Generales (procurador in the Alavese case), so I'm still thinking whether to show the municipal results or not.

Might change the colour of the EE little men, I now notice that it's too close to the PSE-PSOE red.


 

Nanwe

The Troika always wins
Location
Lund, DK
#68
As a quick distraction from thesis-writing, I made an electoral map for the Valencian election of 2019 under the electoral model I made back in 2016, with smaller constituencies and seat apportionment based solely on population, thus reducing Castellón/Castelló's overrepresentation. The constituency boundaries were based off the counties of the region and I tried to respect the Valencian-speaking vs Spanish-speaking lines in Valencia/València and Alicante/Alacant.

99 seats:

PSOE-PSPV: 23,87%, 25 seats
PP: 18,88%, 21 seats
Compromis: 16,45%, 18 seats
Ciudadanos: 17,45%, 17 seats
Vox: 10,44%, 11 seats
Podem-EUPV: 7,97%, 7 seats

The left maintains power, like OTL, although the margin is smaller than OTL, as their majority is one seat, 50 seats (down from 52 OTL) to the right's 49 (47 OTL).


For comparison, 2015:

PP: 26,99%, 32 seats
PSOE-PSPV: 20,87%, 23 seats
Compromis: 18,70%, 20 seats
Ciudadanos: 12,66%, 13 seats
Podem: 11,55%, 11 seats

Here, the left held 54 seats, so a 4 seat majority. This is compared to OTL's 55 seats.

 

Markus Meecham

Marxism-Ambedkarism-Anikulapo Thought
#71
As a quick distraction from thesis-writing, I made an electoral map for the Valencian election of 2019 under the electoral model I made back in 2016, with smaller constituencies and seat apportionment based solely on population, thus reducing Castellón/Castelló's overrepresentation. The constituency boundaries were based off the counties of the region and I tried to respect the Valencian-speaking vs Spanish-speaking lines in Valencia/València and Alicante/Alacant.

99 seats:

PSOE-PSPV: 23,87%, 25 seats
PP: 18,88%, 21 seats
Compromis: 16,45%, 18 seats
Ciudadanos: 17,45%, 17 seats
Vox: 10,44%, 11 seats
Podem-EUPV: 7,97%, 7 seats

The left maintains power, like OTL, although the margin is smaller than OTL, as their majority is one seat, 50 seats (down from 52 OTL) to the right's 49 (47 OTL).


For comparison, 2015:

PP: 26,99%, 32 seats
PSOE-PSPV: 20,87%, 23 seats
Compromis: 18,70%, 20 seats
Ciudadanos: 12,66%, 13 seats
Podem: 11,55%, 11 seats

Here, the left held 54 seats, so a 4 seat majority. This is compared to OTL's 55 seats.

If this is your idea of a quick distraction from academic work i should start pursuing my backup career as a hobo.
But seriously great job, spanish election maps are cool
 

Nanwe

The Troika always wins
Location
Lund, DK
#72
So these are the first two maps of the 1979-1980 Basque election maps. The Vizcaya and Guipuzcoa provincial assemblies' maps, with their odd executive which was reflective of the elected members in each constituency (so, forcibly multi-party). This was the only instance in which this system was used, starting with the 1983 election, the Juntas Generales would work as a regular parliamentary system, with an executive reflective of the parliamentary majority.

I'm separating the various provinces partly because they ran different elections but also because Álava has a completely different electoral system (people voting for local councillors, who in turn elect from among themselves the provincial assembly and the provincial executive). Álava will come later, and so will the 1980 regional election.

Provincial Assembly of Vizcaya (90 seats)
EAJ-PNV:
39.62%, 40 seats -
HB: 19.89%, 19 seats
PSE-PSOE: 15.41%, 14 seats
UCD: 11.18%, 10 seats
PCE-EPK: 5.54%, 3 seats
EE: 5.51%, 4 seats

Diputación Foral (30 seats)
EAJ-PNV: 15 seats
HB: 6 seats
PSE-PSOE: 5 seats
UCD: 4 seats



Provincial Assembly of Guipúzcoa (81 seats)
EAJ-PNV:
35.18%, 33 seats -
HB: 21.49%, 19 seats
PSE-PSOE: 15.21%, 12 seats
EE: 11.44%, 10 seats
CI: 5.51%, 4 seats
PCE-EPK: 3.21%, 0 seats
UCD: 2.95%, 3 seats

Diputación Foral (27 seats)
EAJ-PNV: 12 seats
HB: 6 seats
PSE-PSOE: 4 seats
EE: 4 seats
CI: 1 seat
 

Nanwe

The Troika always wins
Location
Lund, DK
#73
These are the last two maps of the Basque series, the Alavese 1979 election to its Junta General and the 1980 Basque Parliament election.

Álava's electoral system was - only in 1979 - completely different from that of the other Basque provinces. Instead of a direct election, it was indirect. The Alavese voters elected their local councillors. The local councillors chose from among themselves in 17 constituencies their representatives in the Juntas Generales. The exception was Vitoria were all local councillors were also members of the Juntas Generales. In turn, the 18 constituencies were grouped into 6 hermandades from which the Diputación Foral was appointed, respecting proportionality, like in the other Basque provinces.

Provincial Assembly of Álava (29/57)
EAJ-PNV:
26 seats
UCD: 14 seats
Independents: 10 seats
PSE-PSOE: 7 seats

Diputación Foral (16)
EAJ-PNV:
10 seats
UCD: 3 seats
Independents: 2 seats
PSE-PSOE: 2 seats


This is the map of the first Basque Parliamentary election done after the approval of the 1979 Estatuto, the 1980 election. Each Basque province is awarded an equal amount of seats (20 each in 1980) regardless of the disparity in population. This greatly benefits Álava as the smallest, by far, of all the provinces.

Parlamento Vasco - Eusko Legebiltzarra (31/60)
EAJ-PNV:
38.10%, 25 seats
HB: 16.55%, 11 seats
PSE-PSOE: 14.21%, 9 seats
EE: 9.82%, 6 seats
UCD: 8.52%, 6 seats
AP: 4.77%, 2 seats
PCE-EPK: 4.02%, 1 seat

The resulting government was a minority PNV one, thanks to the abstention of Herri Batasuna in the second investiture vote, where there were 25 votes in favour of Garaikoetxea (the PNV's 25), 24 against (all the opposition parties minus HB) and 11 abstentions.


 

Nanwe

The Troika always wins
Location
Lund, DK
#74
These are some local elections' maps from the Second Republic.

So here's Madrid in 1931. These are the old city boundaries before the city tripled in size and doubled in population in the 50s by incorporating a good chunk of surrounding municipalities. The 1931 elections were held under the 1907 electoral law's system, which established a simple SNTV system where the 3-7 most-voted candidates, regardless of party affiliation were elected.

The law prescribed that electoral districts should elect ideally 4 members but the permitted range was from 3 to 7. In Madrid, the 50 members of the City Council were elected in 10 5-member constituencies that matched the city's districts at the time. Voters were could vote for several candidates depending on the size of the district. In the case of Madrid, voters could vote for up to 3 candidates out of the 5 seats.

As a result, in Madrid, the candidatures would only present 3 candidates, usually resulting in a 3:2 division between majority coalition and minority coalition. As is the case in Madrid. There were two coalitions, the anti-monarchist (Republican-Socialist Coalition) and the monarchist one.

The anti-monarchist was a broad coalition: Socialists, left-wing republicans from the PRRS and AR, centrist republicans from the PRR and right-wing republicans from DLR plus some independents.

The monarchist was as well: Ranging from old-school liberal monarchists (Romanonistas), conservative monarchists, ultra-conservative monarchists as well as some independent monarchists, one running as a 'democrat monarchist'.

The election was a great victory for the republicans, with the anti-monarchist bloc gaining 69% of the vote and 60% of the seats. The republicans were strongest in the south of the city, which was - and is - more left-wing. Instead, the monarchists were strongest in the then-district of Bellavista, which today corresponds roughly to the Salamanca and Retiro areas, where the right is near-hegemonic today.



In Barcelona, 50 members were also elected from 10 districts corresponding to the city's ten districts under the same system as in Madrid. But here district size varied more, from 3 to 6 members elected depending on the district. The support for the Lliga to this day corresponds well with the areas where the right does better, with the exception of Ciutat Vella, which is now more of a bohemian area, voting for the CUP in regional elections.

Also, unlike Madrid, Barcelona's city boundaries have roughly remained the same since the early 1920s.

In here, there were three blocs - a Republican-Socialist Coalition formed chiefly by the PRR (by far the strongest anti-Catalanist party in Catalonia) due to the weakness of the PSOE in the city and the flirtation with Catalanism of the republican left.

Then there was the Esquerra Catalana (Catalan Left) coalition, formed by ERC, the Catalanist socialists of the USC and some minor parties. At the time ERC was a broad home of people ranging from centre-right republican Catalanism to Marxists, but it was nationalist first and left-liberal second.

Lastly, the Lliga Regionalista (Regionalist League), that had been the strongest party in the city and in Catalonia since the early 1900s, was the main centre-right party. The Lliga was soft-monarchist (aka. didn't give a shit) but more conservative than Esquerra and pissed at no longer being the vehicle for Catalanism in Spanish politics.

Esquerra Catalana obtained 30.74% of the vote and 50% of the seats, the Lliga obtained 21.61% of the vote and 24% of the seats, and the PRR obtained 20.53% of the vote and 24% of the seats. The big losers were the centrists from ACR who obtained over 13% of the vote but no seats.


In most of Spain the 1931 ones were the only local elections held democratically until 1979. Not so in Catalonia where the powers over holding local elections were transferred by the Estatut of 1932. As a result, the Generalitat drafted a new electoral law and organised local elections in 1934. Unlike in 1931, Barcelona was now an at-large constituency.

In the weird, typically Second Republic-style electoral system, the most-voted list of candidates obtained 66% of the seats, the second-most voted, the 66% of the remaining seats and so on. Barcelona's city council was reduced from 50 to 40 members, of which 26 were members of the 'Coalició d'Esquerres' coalition between ERC, USC, the ACR (centrist Catalanists) and the PNRE, a party that broke off from the ERC because it thought the party was too moderate by acquiescing to autonomy.

The main opposition was the 'Lliga Catalana' (the new name of the Llega) which also included a Carlist (Comunión Tradicionalista) among its elected members.

The PRR also obtained four seats.

The Left Coalition obtained 50.2% of the vote and 65% of the seats, the Llega obtained 41.3% of the vote and 25% of the seats, whereas the PRR got 6.5% of the vote but 10% of the seats. The next party, the right-communist BOC obtained less than 1% of the vote.


 

Nanwe

The Troika always wins
Location
Lund, DK
#76
Some more local elections, now after the end of the dictatorship. For now just Madrid. The electoral system here is very straightforward: Closed-list PR with a single constituency, 5% threshold.

You will also be able to tell just how much bigger Madrid was. Most of the old city boundaries fit in the UCD-won areas of the city centre.



The following one (with 57 instead of 59 council members). Tierno Galván would die mid-legislature being replaced by the deputy mayor, Juan Antonio Barranco.



1987 represented, until 2015, the last local election in Madrid won by the left. Indeed, the entrance of the centrist CDS complicated matters for the mayor, Barranco, who would lose a no-confidence motion in 1989. He would be replaced by Agustín Rodríguez Sahagún, from the CDS thanks to the votes of Alianza Popular.


 

Nanwe

The Troika always wins
Location
Lund, DK
#78
Belgian federal election results, 2019
N-VA: 16.03% (-4.23 pp.), 25 seats (-8)
VB: 11.95% (+8.28 pp.), 18 seats (+15)
PS: 9.46% (-2.21 pp.), 20 seats (-3)
CD&V: 8.89% (-2.72 pp.), 12 seats (-6)
PvdA+/PTB: 8.62% (+4.90 pp.), 12 seats (+10)
Open Vld: 8.54% (-1.24 pp.), 12 seats (-2)
MR: 7.56% (-2.08 pp.), 14 seats (-6)
sp.a: 6.71% (-2.12 pp.), 9 seats (-4)
ECOLO: 6.14% (+2.84 pp.), 13 seats (+7)
Groen: 6.10% (+0.78 pp.), 8 seats (+2)
cdH: 3.70% (-1.28 pp.), 5 seats (-4)
DéFI: 2.22% (+0.42 pp.), 2 seats (=)

This time around it will prove hard to form a government in Belgium. The traditional three*2 party coalition does not have a majority, and as such the likelier options are a purple coalition (PS+Liberals+Greens+CD&V), that would have a working parliamentary majority but no majority in Flanders. The other likely option is a Burgundian coalition, like the one in Antwerp (N-VA, PS, sp.a and Liberals), which would have a federal majority, a majority in Flanders and almost a majority in Wallonia. This seems harder to accomplish due to the crossed vetoes between PS and N-VA.


 

Nanwe

The Troika always wins
Location
Lund, DK
#79
There's some crazy dual voting going on in West-Vlaanderen. Also Flanders, the land where the four largest parties are all varying shades of right-wing.

N-VA: 24.83% (-7.06 pp.), 35 seats (-8)
VB: 18.50% (+12.58 pp.), 23 seats (+17)
CD&V: 15.40% (-5.08 pp.), 19 seats (-8)
Open Vld: 13.13% (-1.01 pp.), 16 seats (-3)
sp.a: 10.35% (-3.64 pp.), 13 seats (-5)
Groen: 10.11% (+1.41 pp.), 14 seats (+4)
PvdA: 5.32% (+2.80 pp.), 4 seats (+4)
UF: 0.68% (-0.15 pp.), 0 seats (-1)

 

Nanwe

The Troika always wins
Location
Lund, DK
#80
PS: 26.17% (-4.73 pp.), 23 seats (-7)
MR: 21.42% (-5.26 pp.), 20 seats (-5)
Ecolo: 14.48% (+5.86 pp.), 12 seats (+8)
PTB: 13.68% (+7.92 pp.), 10 seats (+8)
cdH: 11.00% (-4.17 pp.), 10 seats (-3)

So far, both cdH and PTB have ruled out being in government. PS and Ecolo are currently talking to try and form a government, excluding the liberals. But they wouldn't have a majority combined, so the end result might be a minority coalition government reliant on support from other parties to pass legislation.