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Makemakean Does Various Graphical Things!

In one of those completely insane facts about Japanese politics: Somewhere between 35-40% of Japanese MPs literally "inherited" the consistency. It is an old data, but Shūgiin (lower house) between 2003 and 2005 had 38.5% of such MPs, and in LDP, whopping 51.6% of MPs had inherited their seats.

To give an example, out of 10 PMs who were in charge of Japan last 20 years, 7 had a father who was MP as well.
 
In one of those completely insane facts about Japanese politics: Somewhere between 35-40% of Japanese MPs literally "inherited" the consistency. It is an old data, but Shūgiin (lower house) between 2003 and 2005 had 38.5% of such MPs, and in LDP, whopping 51.6% of MPs had inherited their seats.

To give an example, out of 10 PMs who were in charge of Japan last 20 years, 7 had a father who was MP as well.
Fucking hell.

Just to clarify on my earlier post, if any clarification is needed: I am not against other people using SVG, and think it often looks quite nice, I just haven't cultivated the skills to use it myself.
 
I think my attachment to pixel-based graphics is similar to my attachment to physical media--with vector-based graphics there's always this uneasiness that there's more interpretation by a programme involved and it could suddenly break for no reason and you could lose everything (regardless of whether that's realistic or not) whereas Paint is Paint.

The way I look at it, since I write the code myself, is that making a mistake when coding is conceptually not any different from making a mistake when trying to draw the picture by hand, you just have to go back and sort it out.

In one of those completely insane facts about Japanese politics: Somewhere between 35-40% of Japanese MPs literally "inherited" the consistency. It is an old data, but Shūgiin (lower house) between 2003 and 2005 had 38.5% of such MPs, and in LDP, whopping 51.6% of MPs had inherited their seats.

To give an example, out of 10 PMs who were in charge of Japan last 20 years, 7 had a father who was MP as well.

Used to be far worse back when they still had SNTV. One of my first questions when I chatted with Steven Reed was bluntly why it took Japan so long to change the voting system. I noted that Prime Minister Hatoyama Ichiro had tried to change to pure first-past-the-post in the 1950s, but after this failed to pass through the Diet (owing in no small part to Hatoyama drawing up an insanely gerrymandered district map that he attached to the bill), the LDP more or less abandoned the project for thirty years. I compared this with Ireland, where Fianna Fail twice made very concerted efforts to change the electoral system in the 50-60s, and right up until their fall from grace in the 00s were periodically still complaining about the electoral system and "really, we ought to fix it, you know". Since the LDP would be so well-served by FPTP, why not change it?

Prof. Reed explained it to me as follows: while the LDP as a political party certainly would be much better served by FPTP than SNTV, individual Diet members were all much better served by SNTV, as it gave them more room for maneuver and more personal power. After all, if the LDP cast you out of their parliamentary (dietary?) party, you could run as an independent and still have a much better chance of retaining your seat in SNTV than in FPTP. This meant that it was easier to make threats, grand-standings, vote against the party leadership, make a name for yourself as a maverick, and all sorts of things. The LDP having started out as a very fractured party, the amalgamation of various right-wing parties in the Diet in the 50s, this tendency was there from the very beginning, and as time wore on, the system ensured that this tendency was allowed to flourish, the power of the central party machinery was further undermined, and there was even less of an appetite among LDP Diet members to change the electoral system.

The ultimate outgrowth of this was the so-called Koenkai system, which still persist in a form to this day (although as Reed notes, it has been much undermined since the electoral reform in the early 90s). Diet members, and prospective Diet members, not relying on the central party machinery for funding, support, etc. would set up their own personal campaign apparatus, koenkais, which took care of all the things you needed to fight a campaign and win an election. They were the ones making the phone calls, knocking the doors, handing out the leaflets, etc. They often had no formal connections with the central party at all, and in many cases were staffed and run by individuals who weren't even party members. These little mini-machines all being private entities, and lacking any democratic oversight, often retiring Diet members would pass down control of them to their sons or nephews, as for all purposes, it was theirs to give away.

It being the strongest koenkais that won candidates their elections, winning elections allowed you to deliver more pork for your constituents, increasing the strength of your koenkai, etc., it became a self-perpetuating circle.

Just to clarify on my earlier post, if any clarification is needed: I am not against other people using SVG, and think it often looks quite nice, I just haven't cultivated the skills to use it myself.

While I appreciate your concern for my feelings, mate, I assure you I took no offense. ;)
 
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The ultimate outgrowth of this was the so-called Koenkai system, which still persist in a form to this day (although as Reed notes, it has been much undermined since the electoral reform in the early 90s). Diet members, and prospective Diet members, not relying on the central party machinery for funding, support, etc. would set up their own personal campaign apparatus, koenkais, which took care of all the things you needed to fight a campaign and win an election. They were the ones making the phone calls, knocking the doors, handing out the leaflets, etc. They often had no formal connections with the central party at all, and in many cases were staffed and run by individuals who weren't even party members. These little mini-machines all being private entities, and lacking any democratic oversight, often retiring Diet members would pass down control of them to their sons or nephews, as for all purposes, it was theirs to give away.
Absolutely haram.
 
Absolutely haram.

Yes, it says something that when electoral reform was debated in the late 80s and early 90s, "this will give more power to the central party machine and dilute the power of individual representatives" was actually used as an argument for reform. Clearly too candidate-centric electoral systems can have its downsides.

Of course, the worst aspect, in my opinion, when it comes to SNTV is the same as the problem @Thande has with STV, though in the case of SNTV, the problem is amplified: it actively discourages parties from running more candidates than they think can actually win a seat as otherwise they will have to worry about internal vote splitting, making fielding anything near a full slate of candidates pure electoral suicide.

This lead to the truly horrifying fact that from at least the 1970s onwards, the Japan Socialist Party never nominated anywhere near enough candidates for them to even have a theoretical chance of winning a majority, even if all their candidates won. And they were the main opposition to the LDP, they were the supposed government-in-waiting.
 
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The LDP has always been very much more a loose confederation of warring tribes than a political party. The reason they lost in 1993 was because, whereas they'd previously only been opposed by the JSP and JCP, in 1993 some of the faction leaders within the LDP actually broke off and took their campaign machines with them.
 
I'm not sure these two things are actually the same in anything that isn't a Westminster system.

True, JSP’s electoral strategy -at least up until early 90s under Takako Doi, I believe- was not based on the idea that they’ll be able to govern alone. The priority was getting a 1/3 seats in the parliament to preserve the constitution -sounds familiar?- and governing was almost an unthinkable prospect. Hence a one-and-a-half party system that has been in existence since 1955.

It’s an utterly horrifying situation and is a small wonder that these setup managed to sustain itself until LDP’s explosion in early ‘90s.
 
The LDP has always been very much more a loose confederation of warring tribes than a political party. The reason they lost in 1993 was because, whereas they'd previously only been opposed by the JSP and JCP, in 1993 some of the faction leaders within the LDP actually broke off and took their campaign machines with them.

They lost in 1993 because Ozawa Ichiro masterfully engineered their downfall.

They lost in 2009 because Ozawa Ichiro masterfully engineered their downfall again.

The man adamantly refuses to retire, and is still a member of the House of Representatives for his Iwate district. Though arguably the most hated politician in country now, deeply distrusted by all sides and every political party, he is yet the only man in Japan who can rightly claim that he brought down an LDP government. And he did it twice.
 
Are you going to be using the original name order consistently?

I assume that I eventually will slip up, but I try to, on the grounds that, "Well, I would never call them Jinping Xi or Jong-un Kim, now would I? So if we can handle it when it comes to Chinese and Koreans, we should be able to handle it for the Japanese as well."
 
I assume that I eventually will slip up, but I try to, on the grounds that, "Well, I would never call them Jinping Xi or Jong-un Kim, now would I? So if we can handle it when it comes to Chinese and Koreans, we should be able to handle it for the Japanese as well."
You have a point, but I think you might run afoul of Wikipedia's style guide.
 
You have a point, but I think you might run afoul of Wikipedia's style guide.

Possibly. But, if anyone were to complain, it would be an easy matter to adjust my graphics.

I did deliberately break with Wikipedia's styleguide when it came to Komeito, as their English language articles have them all in yellow, but I've been unable to find any indication that that in any sense is their official party colour. Their official website has a blue-and-white theme, and the Japanese articles all use magenta. As I've found Komeito election literature that also uses magenta, I decided to go with that, since any excuse not to use yellow in an election graphic is a good one.

A bit of a shame though that I could find no Komeito election material that used orange. Would otherwise have been my first choice for a party that is essentially the political arm of a religious organization.

A religious organization that oddly enough Orlando Bloom is a member of.
 
I did deliberately break with Wikipedia's styleguide when it came to Komeito, as their English language articles have them all in yellow, but I've been unable to find any indication that that in any sense is their official party colour. Their official website has a blue-and-white theme, and the Japanese articles all use magenta. As I've found Komeito election literature that also uses magenta, I decided to go with that, since any excuse not to use yellow in an election graphic is a good one.
I think their logo was traditionally a sun.
 
The way I look at it, since I write the code myself, is that making a mistake when coding is conceptually not any different from making a mistake when trying to draw the picture by hand, you just have to go back and sort it out.
No, I meant you could build up a lovely library of nice maps and then some twonk in California could decide to write a software update and suddenly they all become red Xs.
 
they use norton antivirus

Can definitely sympathise with your pain as regards the profusion of yellow/orange parties - they're almost as bad as the various reds in some countries.

I am also a bit annoyed that none of the parties seem to be into using cherry blossom pink as their official colour, which you'd kind of expect at least some Japanese party to do, but no, it's mainly shades of green and blue.

They don't seem to take these colours particularly seriously, though. Asahi (from which place I scraped the data) plots the LDP in red and the opposition in different shades of blue.
 
So, as I'm fine-tuning the very last things before I launch Decisive Greenness next week is how to do the party-strength graphics, and I could need some input here. I was originally going to do it with continuous spectrums of the different parties, but @Ares96 advised me against that, on the grounds that it is difficult for a viewer to tell one shade from another, an advise I felt was very good. For the same reason, even a discretized scale must cover a limited number of intervals to be useful for any reader. 4-5 is clear enough, but from my own experience, I reckon that once you exceed 6, you kind of are pushing it for the viewer's eyes.

Still, one thing that continues to bother me with discretized scales is that they come with a level of arbitrariness to them, and sometimes can be misleading. If you wish to cover the five intervals (say), 0-10%,10-20%,20-30%,30-40%, and 40-50%, you end up with stuff like 19.7% and 20.1% falling in different shades, while 20.1% and 29.6% ends up with the same, which I feel is misleading the viewer into assuming the former two values to be further away from one another than they are.

My best idea for a solution hitherto has been that one possibly based on percentiles with reference to the value of what it is that one is measuring. While this is a good compromise if you are only plotting the strength of a single party as it makes the cutoffs less arbitrary than just being integer multiples of the base which we humans have elected to count numbers in, you cannot apply it if you wish to plot the strengths of say, all the winning parties in an FPTP election in the same graph. Naturally, you could of course take the median and percentiles of the winning party vote in each constituency and map it out as such, but at this point, I begin to fear I'm walking into the same trap as every time I try to explain the idea behind the algorithms for d'Hondt or Sainte-Laguë, and completely lose the reader/viewer's comprehension of what is going on...

Any suggestions?
 
To be honest that's just one of the effects of a discrete system- any way you set the values it's going to mean you've got figures which appear more dissimilar from eachother than they are and figures which appear more similar than they are.

It's a simple case of pros and cons, with this being the negative matter whereas greater ease of comprehension is the positive one.

So there's not really a reason not to pick the 'arbitrary figures based on cardinal numbers' rather than 'arbitrary numbers based on min/max figures'.
 
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